The New York Herald Newspaper, July 20, 1852, Page 3

consols which closed yesterday at Seow 100%¢ and 10034. nea tee’ cian atuestion eos 36 fore! market pa i Panis Bourse, July 5—Half- 3 o’clock.—The mar- Ket opoued at 6 tips advanoe on the closing quota tions of Sat: z ‘was well maintained it the day, For peat, Four-and a-half per Cents have ved 5c.; Threes, 25c., the latter closing at 102f. 80c., and she latter at 7if, 650. For cash, Four-and- 2 Cents are l5c., and Threes, 25c. higher—the ing 102f. 65c. and Tlf. 45c. Foreign securities we not been much dealt in. but former priees have been weil maintained. The share market has been also ‘firm, and some few of the lines show a further im- provement. Mancurster State or Trave, July 6 —Although the to-day, ness interru| interest eaciled the approac! . Tn sell, and 46 inel steady; 60 to 64 reeds may. in some instances, be Pought 3d. per piece below the extreme rates of ‘last month, The Li ie LIVERPOOL BOROUGH ELECTION FOR PARLIAMENT. ‘The candidates were nominated on Tuesday, and vthe following are their flags:— Mackenzie and Turner—Our Protestant religion, ships, colonies and commerce, town and trade of Liverpool. Opposed by Cardwell and Ewart—Free trade. Polling commenced on Wednesday, and at noon Mackenzie and Turner were 1,000 ahead. THE MARKETS. Liverroot Conn Manxet, Wednosday, 7th, noon.—(By h to Southampton).—The Baltic’s news, just to had no effect on cotton. Our grain market is ‘The Mass Meetings of the Whigs and Democrats. Rr WASHINGTON’S HEADQUARTERS. ARs THE BATTLE OF LUNDY’S LANE. ‘The Democrats. GRAND MASS MEETING AT WASHINGTON’S HEAD- QUARTERS, NEWBURG, JULY 26TH. PIERCE, KING, AND VICTORY. “OUR FLAG I8 STILL THERE "—THE DEMOCRACY ALWAYS TRIUMPHANT WHEN UNITED, Tho democratic republican electors of the river counties, Long Island, and the city of New York, are requested to attend the grand mass meeting, to be heldat Washington’s Hoadquuarters, on Moni ay july 26, to respond to the nomination of Franklin Pierce, of New Hampshire, for President, and Wm. R. King, of Alabama, for Vice Prosident. Many of the most distinguished speakers of the Union will acerone the peeing. By order of the Committeo of nts. At a meeting of the Committee of ae ae for the mass moeting, to be held-at Washing- ton’s Headquarters, Newburg, on the 26th inst., held at Tam: Hall, July 12th, 1852, it was Resolved, That Senatorial districts, clubs, &., that intend to participate in the meeting, be requested to com- lete their arrangements as soon as possible, and report pertioulars to the sub-committee at Newburg. Resolved, That we recommend the clubs and associa- tions of the city of New York and Long Island to leave the North river at 7 o'clock, A. M.,and proceed up the iver in a squadron, 80 as to arrive at Newburg at the fame hour. The general committees of the river counties are rerpeefliy requested to send their Tete and arran; its to convey our fellow-democrats to the uarters, aud send report to the chair- man. A ed to meet at Newburg at 9 o’clock on the mol of the 26th inst. By order, ATG A. M. SHERMAN, Chairman. . T. GALLAGHER, ji Micnazt Haurix,’ i Secretaries. The Whigs. BATTLE OF NIAGARA. Tho Committee of Arrangements for the oclobra- tion of the coming anniversary of the battle of Lun- dy’s Lane, at Niagara Falls, on the 27th and 23th ol July instant, met at Niagara Falls on the 15th instant, for the purpose of Peete with their duties—George W. Holley, Hsq., in the chair; A. M. Clapp was appointed Secretary. On motion, the committee resident at Niagara Falls were authorized to appoint a chief marshal and assistants for the occasion. Gen. P. Whitney, who served with Gen. Scott at IMPORTANT FREE SOIL CORRESPONDENCE, B. Tr. Batier, of Newry ork, never Wasuineton Crry, July 15, 1852. Duar Siu:— The year 1848 will be memorable in history ear of movement, of progress, of enfranchisement. n that year it was my fortune to be closely asso- ciated with pee in political action. We were both members of the convention of the free democracy which assembled at Buffalo; both members of the committee which unanimously reported the reso- lutions which were unanimously ado) by the convention as its platform; and both members of the committee designated by the convention to advise Martin Van Buren of his nomination, as the candidate of the free democracy, for the Pro- sidency of the United States. The grand object of that assemblage, declared by itself, was ‘the union of the people, under the banner of free democracy, in a solemn and final declaration of their independence of the slave power, and of their fixed te ition to rescue the federal government from its‘control.” The immediate and pressing necessity of the hour was the exclusion of slavery from the territories acquired from Moxico; but it'was clearly understood that this exclusion, if accomplished, would not be a final settlement of the controversy between slavery and free- dom. It was seen, on the contrary, that the slave power, resulting from the unity and mag- nitude of the slave interest, and its ‘firm estab- lishment in nearly half the States, would still be able to control the national govornment, proscribe its opponents through the aotion of na- tional administrations, by its old policy of refusing support to any political party not Prepared to uiesce in its demands, and giving support to that party which would most completely acquiesce. The convention, therefore, did not con- fine itself to a simple declaration in favor of the prohibition of the extension of slavery into free tor- ritory, and the nomination of candidelon hostile to such extension ; but while denying tho right of in- terference by Congress with slavery within the limits of any State, resolved, nevertheless, that it is the duty of the federal government to relieve itself from all responsibility for the existence or coatinu- ance of serait wherever that government possesses constitutional power to legislate on the subject, and is thus responsible for its existence ; accepted ‘ the issue tendered by the slave power” and to its ** de- mand for more slave States and more slave terri- tory,” gave “the calm but final answer, no more slave States, and no slave territory;” and declared that ‘the government ought to return to its origi- nal policy, which, as the history of the country clearly shows, was not to extend, nationalize, or en- courage, but to limit, localize, and discourage sla- very.” Having thus defined their position in respect to slavery, and having, also, unanimously agreed upon a nese of principles and measures, em- bracing all the important political questions of the day, the members of the conventien solemnly pledged themselyes to each other and the country, in this emphatie declaration :— Resolved, That we inscribe on our banner, Free Soil, Free Speech. Free Labor, and Free Men. and under it will fight on and fight ever, until a triumph and victory shall reward our exertions. I well remember the gratification and delight which you expressed upon the unanimous adoption of this platform by the committee, and when, as its chAterann Yon reported it to the convention. The scene which then ensued will not soon fade from the memory of any who witnessed it. The vast multi- tude, animated by one impulse, literally shouted for joy. They seemed to feel that democracy had. at length, broken the bonds cf the slave power, and would henceforth have free course in its mission of enfranchisement and elevation, and that our coun- try, guided by its maxims, and penetrated by its spirit, would henceforth exhibit to the world the ex- ample of a government openly, fearlessly, and con- sistently in favor of freedom everywhere and for all. Nor shall I ever forget the honorable zeal with which the New York democracy joined in this great movement for human liberty. “heir devotion to freedom was not then for the first time proved, No sooner had it become evident that the war with Mex- ico must result in vast accessions to the territory of the republic, than, with signal unanimity, they joined in the demand for the exclusion of slavery from the new acquisitions. At first they were ail- most unanimous inthis demand; but the proscriptive denunciations with which the slave interest assailed all the friends of prohibition, shook the resolution of any and converted the forward zeal of some into cold indifference or open hostility. The radical democracy of New York, however, stood firm, and when, in 1847, the we ments of the proviso, having obtained, as it was alleged, by force and fraud, the control of the Democratic Convention at Syracuse, re- , and was taken prisoner with him in that action, was appointed, and will serve as Mar- ehal-in-Chief during the anniversary. The committee then adopted the following ORDER OF PROCKEDINGS FOR THE CELEBRATION OF THE BATTLE OF LUNDY’S LANE. Finet Day—Jvry 27. ‘The morning of the 27th will be devoted to the receiv. ing of the deiegations and guests by the Marshals and Committee of Reception, and to arranging the encamp- ment. At 12 o’clock M.a national salute will be fired from the encampment ground, and the procession will form on the rend adjacent thereto, in the following order :— 1—The militery—artillery and infantry corps, 2—Carringes with the soldiers of 1812, and of the Mexi- ean and other campaigns. 3.—Carriages with the orators, and other invited guests. . 4—Whig members of Congress, and officers of this and other Statsa. 4.—Delegations from the several States. as follows :— New Hawpshire, Vermont, Mastachusetts, Connecticut, Khode I-land, New York, Pennsylvania, Ohio, Indiana, Michigan. ILinois, Wisconsin, &e.. &e. The proceseion, when formed, will move through the principal streets to the Ferry Grove, where the meeting will organize. ‘The meeting will be addressed from the several stands simultancous'y, until the hour of adjournment. At7}, o'clock P. M.the meeting will re-assemble in the ere new speakers will be introduced. At sundown, a national salute will be tired. Srconp Day—Juy 23. At sunrise a national salute will be fired. At 9 o'clock A. M. the military will parade. and be re- viewed by Gen. Scott and Gov. iunt. At 12 o'clock, the people will assemble at the grove, where they will be addressed until § o'clock, when the convention will adjourn séne die. The ae to the Chief Mar- nding. several delegations will re] shal or his aids immediately upon The grounds selected for the celebration are con- veniently located and well adapted to the purpose. Those set apart for the encampment are on the easterly ckicts of the town, about one hundred rods from the Catw:act. Thoy are interspersed with flelds and groves, extending from the Niagara river northwa: to a point some distance north of the Buffalo avd Niegara Falls Railroad. They afford ample room and accommodations for 100,000 per- sons. The mailitaty eneampment and the grounds ior the delegations are adjacent. i The grounds selected for the meeting are situated in what is termed Ferry Grove, lying adjacent to the American Falls. it will accommodate a vast concourse. Speakers’ stands w Il be crested in various parts of the c eda 1 be shielded by a grate- ful shai : S The !« id Preemen of America! rally for): 1) nue of freedom’s bat- tles than v: vu. tiving. Come one, come all. ‘ Come as the 6!) © ome whon fore rended navies are stranded, G. W. Houver, Chairman Come as the Wav) 0 A M. Crare, Seereiary From the Albany Evening Journal. } We ramon to learn that . Seott has yielded to the solicitation of the citizens of Western New York, backed by the entreaties of his old comrades, to revisit the fields upon which he fought and bled Lut conquered, in 1814. It is time--high time that the fields of Chippewa and Bridgewater should witness a popular demonstration of American atitude, e The Ningara frontier is the scene of Scott's earlies exploits. It was there that he ‘fleshed his maiden sword’’—it was there that he fought battles which established the bravery and prowess of an American arm: or ges Mae taught England to respect and 11 Europe to honor us. i The review, therefore, of the troops which the oc- casion will draw together, will be one of exceeding interest. A review of 10,000 Austrian conscripts, by the Emperor of Russia, which wo saw a fow weeks since, dazzled the eye; but the review of 10,000 citizen soldiers by the veteran hero of Queenstown, Chippewa, Lundy’s Lane, Cerro Gordo and Churubusco, (who resembles the Emperor of Russia only in bis majestic form and soldierly hearing.) will touch the hearts of 100,000 grateful Americans. iterary Reviews: Tue Hoy BiBLE, TRANSLATED FROM THE LATIN VuLGaTE, with NoTES, by the Rey. G. H. Hay- dock. New York: Dunigan & Brother.—We have before us the first number of this Bible, issued under Catholic auspices, which is handsomely got up and inted on beautiful type, and elaborated with notes; ut which we are bound to inconsistencies with the learning and science. tive work. Grauam’s Magazine, July: Dewitt & Daven- say exhibit some strange inelples of acknowledged port. —This periodical exhibits its usual amount of cialent, diversity and entertainment. The Aat Unton, for July, continues to sustain jts high character. Fravps vron Emtcrants.—The old tricks of the rious ticket sellers, in the Eastern citios, are con- ‘tinued still. We saw no less than three cases of fraud dovelo} Lake, found them worthless. It is @ superior and attrac- on a single erage sing the ae it, in which engers that came in on the ~~ 9 train, on Foeaeruag their tickets for the Albany. still appoars to bo the hoad quarters where most of these frauds jected a resolution in favor of that great measure, the radical democracy assembled at Herkimer, in- scribed the proviso of freedom on their banner, and rejected the nominations of the Syracuse conyen- tion, ensuring thereby their rejection by the people. The members of the Legislature, which assemb!ed the succeeding winter at Albany, reprosenting both divisions of the democracy, united in a eall for a State convention to mect at Utica, to appoint dele- gates to the Baltimore National Convention, agree- ably to the established usages of the party. A com- mittee of the Syracuse Convention had already called another convention, to meet at Albany, for the same purpose. Both conventions assembled and appointed delegates. The appointees of the regu larly called Utica Convention were friends—those 0 the Albany Convention opponents—of the proviso Both sets of delegates attended at Baltimore. Some of the slave States, as usual, were represented by numerous delegations, vastly disproportioned to their electoral votes, and were unanimous in their hostility to the proviso and its friends. The Committce on Credentials reported against the admission of the Utica, and in favor of the admis- sion of the Albany, delegates. The convention re- jected the report; and yet, refusing to decide the uestion of right, resolved to admit both sets, thereby neutralizing alone of the regular dele- gation quite as effectually as if they had been ex- eluded. Thus proscribed on account of their prin- ciples, the New York delegation refused to take seats in the convention, and, returning to their constituente, issued a call for a convention of the New York democracy, to assemble at Utica, on the 22d of June, for the purpose of taking into consider- ation the existing condition of political affairs, and naming candidates for the Presidency and Vice Presidency. The convention assembled, and nominated Martin Van Buren, of New York, and Henry Dodge, of Wisconsin, as candidates for President and Vice President, and issued an able address to the people in vindication of their position and action. In this address, the convention, after declaring in the most explicit terms the devotion of the New York demo- cracy to the principles and measures of the demo- eracy of the Union, said :— ‘the head and front of our offending consists merely in this—we bad simply declared that, while we would faith- fully adhere to all the compromises of the constitution. and would maintain inviolate all the reserved rights of the States, we were ‘uncompromisingly opposed to the extension of slavery, by any action of the federal govern- ment, into the territory of the United States, already or hereafter to be acquired, in which it does not exist; and that to this end we desired. and. so far as our efforts constitutionally directed covld accomplish it, we de- signed. that the prohibition of slavery contained in the ordinance of 178;—first proposed in 1784 by Thomas Jet- firson—should ‘e applied to these territories, so long as they thould remain under the government of Cougress. But, before the assembling of the Baltimore Convention, the slave power, in many of its conclaves. sat in jud ment of these opinions, condemned them as heretical denouvecd all who held them as apostates from the de- moeratic faith, and resolved to support no one for the Presidency or Vice Presidency w m It was to carry out th gi et to these foregone con gates were place | under the ban. The effect of these denuvei and the time-serving was v address, as was also the energy New York democracy in this hour of freedoni’s peril. In this untoward state of thinge—said the conven- tion—amid this increasing defection to the interests of freedom—the democracy of the State of New York felt it their duty to intervene. They opposed themselves to the current, and. if they could not wholly arrest. they stayed its progress. In their primary and other conventions. through the preea.and in the various other forms in which. in this quarter of the Union, the masses are wont to make known their sentiments and wishes, the voices ofthe freemen of our State was lifted up to warn, to en- courage. and to rally the friends of freedom, the lovers of justice, and the supporters of the constitution. Stifled at Syracuse, it pealed in trumpet tones at Herkimer and Utica. and bas since been re-echoed from every hill-top in the State. It wasin this spirit of devotion to justice, freedom, and the constitution, and with the noble purpose of bringing back the government to the policy of Jef- ferson, that the nominations of the New York de- mocracy were made at Utica, in 1848. Contemporaneously with the Utica Convention, the opponents of slavery extension and the slave power in Ohio, assembled at Columbus, rejected the nominees of both the rile and democratic national conventions, as unfrien moned a national convention, to meet at Buffalo on the 9th of August. A similar assemblage in Massa- chusetts concurred in that summons. General Dodge, of Wisconsin, declined the Utica nomination, and the New York democracy deter- mined not to supply the vacancy, but to unite with the National Convention, at Buffalo, in presenting to the American people candidates representing cir principles. i ba the Convention assembled, it was found to be composed almost wholly of democrats; of liberty men, thoroughly democratic in their principles and views of public policy; and of whigs, whose attach. ment to whig measures had been overcome by their devotion to freedom, and their opposition to tho encroachments of slavery and the usurpations of the slave power. The New York democracy naturally took the lead. 5 Preston King, a New York, democrat, prominent in Congress and at Baltimore, was chai: n of the “from t! | belonging to a party which united their strength | ly to freedom, and sum- | | cited my admiration. with unanimous acclamation, he the organisation in which the; ben wat wore to unite. Hoe was requested to ombody those per in resolutions, and present thom to the Conven- ion upon its opening the next day, as the viows of the meeting. resolutions were acco: by him and presented to the Convention. m, that it may be distinctly seen what was the line of action in t to slavery, reoom- mended by the Now York democracy to the Buffalo Convention :— Resolved. That it is the duty of the foderal govern- ment to relieve iteelf. of all responsibility fer the exten- sion or continuance of slavery, wherever that goverm ment porsesses constitutional authority, and is respon: sible for ita existence, Resolved, That the States within which slavery exista, are alone responsible for the continuance or existence of slavery within such States, and the federal government has neither responsibility nor constitutional authority to abolish or reculate slavery within the States Resolved, The true and, in the judgment of t his Con- vention, the only safe means of preventing the extension of slavery into the territories now free, is to prohibit its existence in all such territories by an act of Congress, These resolutions, unanimously approved by the Convention, were referred to the Committee on Resolutions, of which you were chairman. I have already spoken of the harmony which charasterizod the labors of that committee—tho unanimity with which they agreed upon tho platform, and the unani- mous enthusiasm with which the convention, with one voice, ratified it. You have not forgotten it— you will never forget it. _ That platform, thoroughly democratic in its prin- ciples and measures, and cordially accgpted by the New York democracy, made it easy for the Conven- tion to adopt the Utica nominations far the Presi- Sevoy ae their own, although a large number of its members were already committed to the support of a New Hampshire demoorat, ever faithful to free- dom, and then endeared to them the more by the characteristic magnanimity with which he had placed the nomination which had been conferred on ‘im at the disposal of the convention. Martin Van Buren, therefore, received the nomi- nation for the Presidency, while Charles Francis Adams, a dson of the foremost and ablest champion of the Declaration of Independence, ard a son of the most distinguished ‘and. indetatt able defender of the right of petition and the liberties of the people, received the nomination for the Vico Presidency. The first of these distinguished citi- zens, himselt an unwavering democrat, had been elevated to the highest political distinctions, both State and national, by the democratic party, while the second, though ‘hitherto in party connection a whig, was a hia ot the revolutionary stamp—of the school of Franklin and Jefferson—not of that modern school, marked by devotion to tho interests of property rather than to the rights of man. t is enough to say of these nominations, and of the canvass which ensued, that by this action of the independent democracy, the prohibition of slavery in ial Sep was secured, and the exclusion of slavery 0 e other territories was made the most pro- minent theme of political discussion, and both the other parties in the free States were compelled to declare themselves in favor of it; while the whole relations of the federal government to slavery were subjected to a thorough investigation, convincing multitudes that the best interests of the people, as well as the correct interpretation of the constitution, demand the total divorce of the federal government from slavery. At the close of the canvass, it was found that three hundred thousand electors, nearly one-ninth of all the voters in the United States, had enrolled themselves on the side of freedom. What, then, was to be done? No one seemed to think the contest over, and the time for disbanding arrived. On the contrary, the organi- zation was everywhere maintained; and overtures for union and concert came from that division of the democracy, which, during the recent canvass, had rely expected success from concessions to slavery. In Wisconsin and Vermont the two di- visions of the democracy united upon thoroughly democratic platforms, ‘unsullied is compromise with wrong. In Ohio and in Massachusetts partial union and co-operation took place. In New York the negotiations for a union were protracted—con- ventions of both divisions met at Rome, but sepa- rated without results. At length, however, a State ticket was arranged, each division nomina- ting half the candidates, independently of the other, and both divisions agreeing to sup- port the whole ticket. Many of the free soil democrats manifested a strong repugnance to this arrangement. They earnestly desired to maintain their own distinct organization until the other division of the democracy should be willing to acer their principles of freedom as the political faith of the united demooracy. They expressed address, recei stated the strong apprehensions that a union upon any other basis would result in the compromise, and final abandonment, of their principles. To remove these upprehensions, and reconcile to the union a body of ind spensable to carnest men, whose adhesion w. the success of the united ticket, s reiterating the principles of the were adopted by the free soil divis‘on i at Utica, and speeches were mud Buren, Henry B. Stanton, and ote strongest assurances that the prop: eveure the recognition of their prin tire democracy of New York. An extract from a speech of Mr. Van Buren, up- on the introduction of the resolutions, will show the character of these assurances :— I will state (he remarked). fuirly, freely, and fully. what, we expect. We expect to make the de tic purty of this State the great anti-slavery par 4 State. and, through it. to make the democratic party of the United States the great anti slavery party of the United States Thcse who do not contemplate this result will do well to get ont of the way; for there is no doubt that, when our principles get fairly before the people. so that they can hear them, and know what they are—and we have made arrangements for that now—that the whole people will And our Southern friends. having bad things m way for the last twenty-five or thirty years, must make up their minds to let us have our own way for awhile. we being fuir men, and reasonable in our de- mands. Theee assurances prevailed, and the united ticket was agreed to. Immediately after this, both divisions af the party met in mass convention, at Syracuse. At this con- vention a resolution on slavery was adopted, affirm- ing the constitutional power of Congress over slave- ry in the District of Columbia and the territories, but not recommending the exercise of the power in respect to the District, and only recommending its exercise in regard to the territories ** on oceasions of attempts” to introduce slavery into them The resolvtion further declared, that simple agreement in support of the ticket and not concurrence, even in these views, was to be made the basis of the union. This was certainly a serious retrogression from the ition taken at Buffalo, and, only two days before, ica; and yet the leaders of the radical demo- y still assured the friends of freedom that all was safe, and that the entire democracy of New York would advance to the impartial application of democratic principles to all questions, slavery in- cluded, and-array its unbroken strength against the encroachments of slavery, and the domination of the slave power; and many earnest opponents of slave- ry, relying on these assurances, gave to the united ticket, not a hesitating and reluctant, but a cordial and vigorous support. A What ground they had for such reliance will ap- pear from declarations made at the Syracuse mass convention, and on other occasions, about the same time, by gentlemen who possessed their undivided confidence. a Amorg these gentlemen, Preston King stood very p.ominent. His action in Congress, his course at Buato, his high repute for sincerity and integrity, had knit tohim the affections of the free soil de- moeracy. He was formally called noon to address | tl sconvention, and among other things, f e great question before the Americ now is, shall the interests of sla power, predominate over tho princip! ¢ nthis country. There is no doubt that this is the prominent question befure the country. * * * | There isno doubt that the reason for not expressing | such centiments on thie eubjec are entertnined, s the apprehension that the slave States will he o ‘There is no doubt that this mercenary ideration hinders many from speaking out | they think and feel. The object of this convention | sto unite the party, so that its action may be unani- mous in Congress in favor of freedom And that action must be unanimous. We mnst require that every member of Covgress from the North shail stand firm upon this question. I believe that our conventions at Rome and Utica were sincere and unanimous in the determination to sacrifice every- thing else except petalsie to procure # union, and equally unanimous in the determination not, to sac- rice a particle of principle. I believe, and we b lieve, that nine-tenths of the Casa men agree with us on this question. If not, I should not desire this | union; but, for certain reasons which are unknown to me, certain men who have had much in- fluence with them, are not here. Perhaps they do not agree with us, and do not desire this union. In the county in which I reside, there are many meu ples by the ea- with ours last year, at Buffalo, in a way which ex- They wished to see the ad- | yancement of the principles of freedom, and showed | no solicitude about the distribution of offices. Let | they will go with us, and so will all honest and liberty-loving men; but the moment we abandon them. John Van Buren, who had been regarded as the us now be true to principle under this union, and | this principle they will quit, and I will quit with | ” notice pew, the general judgment of the 19 | within my knowledge, indicates his position durin, of this State ia, thet thoy cannot end will not ieee those act following his return from Mexico, wn from this position; and ‘as for mo, t shall live and | tho New Hampshire democracy took ground againat die by it. This eommitiee have not reported that | territorial slavery and nationalized « wig! in this ~ag a resolution, avd have, therefore, fallen far short | District. In his recent letter, accepting the nomi- of what I want said; but, nevertheless, they do say | nation of the Compromise Domocratic Convention, somotbing.”” however, after declaring with what “ pride and The speech to which My. Van Buren referred, was deliv t Cleveland, om tho anniversary of the ordinance ot 1787, just one month previous to the assombling of the mass convention, at Syracuse, [p. that speoch he bad thus defined his position:— When I have heard it said that po’ slaveholder shel be President of the United Siates, I have disieated Warhington was a siavebolder; so was Jeferson, Madison, and Monroe, When a siaveholder Like them shall sustain our principles, he can bring to our aid a cines of men no other man can reach; (acrefore, 1 do not thissk it propor to take such a position, Tam. however. the unmitigated enemy of slavery, wud would have it abolished without delay. Leay, therefore for myself—and I wish to be un- derstood as speaking for myself alone—that, let what will come. I shall. under no necessity whatever, support @ man who does not believe slavery to be an unmixed curse, and who will not. by virtue of his office, use all constitutional power to abolish it. But I ask by what mode are we to reach the object in view? The answer is piain. By going buck directly to that adopted and pursued by cage mortal founders of our government. It is comprised briefly in this, No more slave 8 tates—uo moresiave ter- ritories—the withdrawal of the support of the federal vernment from slavery. and the abolition of it wherever it can be reached by constitutional means, I know very well we have no power to touch it within the States where it now exists; but, even there, we can surround it by free States. whose action and example will wear it away. Against compromise, that insidious enemy of li- berty, he thus cuiphoticelly, warned his hearors:— Allour danger lies in compromise. Then see to it, that those who represent you faithful to the eaure of Rep sp see toit, that they make no compromise with slavery. While there prominent free soil democrats thus gave their sanction to the proposed union, it was un- derstood, also, that the measure received the appro- bation of Martin Van Buren, who, in his letter ac- cepting the Buffalo nomination, had not only de- clared himself as ‘approving of tho platform whieh the Convention had adopted,” but as ‘conscious, from my impressions of right and duty in regard it, that I shall be among the last to abandon and who, in a very recent letter to the Cleveland Convention, had declared his unchanged conviction, that “the influence of the government should be ae actively and perpetually on the side of free- om. Quotations of this character might be extended in- indefinitely. They might be gatherod from the speech- es and letters of public men—from the resolutions and addresses of political assemblages and committees— and from the columns of the press—but it is not no- cessary. No one can doubt that the masses of the earnest free soil democracy were induced to go into the union by the hope and expectation that the en- tire democracy would unite in the great purpose to divorce the general government from slavery, and resist all future compromises with wrong; and by their conviction that, in case this hope and expecta- tion should be disappointed, that they who were now foremost in recommending the union would bo foremost in repudiating it. That there was ground for the opinion so confi- dently expressed in respect to the prevalence of free toil opinions among the democratic masses, was made sufficiently apparent by the answer of the candidates to the interrogatories touching their positions on the slavery question; among which answers, that of Mr. Chatfield, nominated by the hunkers for Attorney General, was as decisive, as explicit in its anti-sla- very character, as that of either of the radical de- mocrats. Not many months, however, elapsed, be- fore an occasion presented itself for testing, in a more striking manner, the consequences of thé union. Congress assembled in December, 1849, and the whole question of slavery and slavery extension was brought into discussion. The result is now before us, strengthened by the influence of several promi- nent democrats, and aided by the whole power and influence of the whig administration. Henry Clay succeeded in carrying through beth houses that se- ries of bills now known as the Compromise measures It is due to the memory of that distinguished states- man to say, that those measures, as sketched in the resolutions submitted by him to the Senate, though they did not yield a single demand of the free soil democrats, were yet much less obnoxious in their character, that they finally became through the al- terations by which it was pouRhy to recommend them to slave State Senators. But it 1s due to truth, further to say, that not a single amendment was mace in any one of the Compromise bills, designed to make the bills more acceptable to the opponents ot slavery. Every change was against liberty. The admission of California into the Union se- enred indeed the territory within its limits against the introduction of slavery, ex through the act of the State itself; and the probivition ot the slave tace in the District of Columbia relieved the city of Waligion cf the siave pens wh had disgraced hit continucd to slavery itself, and to the n human beings within the district, on of national legislation. The h converted a vast district of free ve soil—assumed five millions of the sn State debt—undertook, without any cons wnonel warrant, to bind future Congresses to admit tates ont of New Mexico and Utah, should he i habitants allow slavery—and, in plain viola- +n of the con-titution, in derogation of State in disregard of the common principles of humanity, attempted to dliprads the the North and West into the slave bers of the general government, were ail utterly spt to the principles of radical democracy. To approve of any of these acts, or to acquiesce in any of them, except the act providing for the settle- ment of the Texan boundary, and the payment of the Texan dcbt—which was in its nature irrepeal- able—seemed impossible for democrats who had pledged their faith to freedom at Buffalo and Utica. Under these circumstances, the democracy of New York met in convention at Syracuse, on the 10th of Seprember, while the Compromise Congress was yet in session. A united ticket for State officers was again nominated ; but the resolutions uttered no condcmnation of the obnoxious measures of the Compromise, which the free soil democrats in Con- gress had perseveringly opposed; urged no action against nationalized slavery; failed even to recom- mend the repeal or modification of the Fugitive Slave law--more odious and more irreconcilable with democratic ideas than the Alien and Sedition laws—but “congratulated the country” upon the « of the Compromise measures, styled by the convention, ‘ The recent settlement, by Congress, of the questions which have unbappily divided the people of these States!’ Concurrence in this ac- tien by the radical democracy, was a virtual aban- donment of the positions maintained at Rome and Utica, and even of the lower ground taken by the mass convention at Syracuse. Disregard of the claims of freedom, far less marked than this, had occasioned the Herkimer movement of 1847, Now, however, acquiescence was judged eapedient by those distinguished citizens who pos- sessed their confidence, und again the free soil de- crats, with visible reluctance on the part of ma- sustained the nominations of the convention @ fame conventional action, followed by the sume acquiescence, was repeated in 1851. Scull the free soil democracy of New York was uncommitted to the support of national candidates nominated upon any otber than the national demo- cratic platform of 1840, 1844 and 1848, which plat- form referred to slavery only in a single which had generally been ¢ ucted b, York free soil democrats, as dis t constitutional opposition to nap 7 ’ but unconstitutional interference by Congress with slavery in the States. pas I ed in advance m to support no ea dates, nomi- ot nominated by the Nutional Convention, ng those views of slavery which the free ucy of New York had repeatedly weds which were che vonstitutional by ch had been solemrdy provlaimed as the ions of the whole ey of Ohio, by each uccessive convention, from 1848 to 1852 inclusive. Al! demoeratic statesmen who would not take the ‘est oath of allegiance to slavery were proscribed os inadmissible candidates even for nomination. As in ISIS, so in 1852 many of the slave States were clumors, upon all questions not taken by States, were able to drown the voices of the delegations of the free States, general. equal only in number to their electoral votes. Trebe numerous delegations were appointed and attended in open disregard of the recommendation of the National Convention of 1m48, that the democracy of each State should send no more delegates than the State was entitled to have electors in the electoral college; and yet, Convention, to confine each State to the recom- mended number of delegates, and thus ensure to each its proper weight in the Convention, it was opposed with such vehemence and pertinacity, that the proposition was finally abandoned, and the in- equality again submitted to. The Convention, thus constituted, under the operation of the two-thirds rule —wnich made a nomination impossible without the concurrence of the delegation from the slave States— | nominated Franklin Pierce, of New Hampshire, and William R. King, President and Vico President of the United States. 1 have no word to utter in disparagement of tho just her of these distinguished citizens to Ceeur de Lion of tho free democracy, and whose bold voice for freedom had rung throughout the land like a trumpet call, everywhero arousing en- thusiasm, and everywhere inspiring determination, also addressed this mass convention. After dec)ar- ing, instrong terms, his unaltered convictions on the subject of slavery, and the existing necessity for speech and action, he said:—‘* I have had occasion to say, heretofore, that I would not support any wan for the Prosidency who does not believe slavery to he an unmitigated evil, and who will not use ail are perpetrated in ail sorts of ways.—Buffalo Com- mercia Advertiser, Vth inst first informal meoting, on the evening precdine the regular sitting of the Convention, Ina short the power which the constitution and laws inay place in his hands for its overthrow. I would give claims of eit respect and honor for their pri lie services. tions may aflirm. ‘The record of General Pierce, as a Representative | and Senator in Congress, presents him as tho | denier of reference and consideration to the peti- | | tions of the people against nationalized slavery, and | he sopporter of the extrome resolutions of Mr ution, | e New | Inge proportion ef the free Stare democracy, | re resented by numerous delegations, whose united | when it was proposed, upon tho first day of the | of Alabama, as candidates for | | vate virtues and pub- I shall speak only of their relations to the free soil democracy of the country, and of their | positions on the great question of slavery, which is not settled, whatever. politicians or political conven- | Calhyuu in fayor of slavery. No public record, ratitude” ho should cherish the recollection of be fact that ‘* the voice which first pronounced for him, * and pronounced alone,” came from Vir- ginia, he proceeds to say:— Taccept the nomination, upon the platform adopted by the Convention, uot because it is expected of me as a condidate, but because the priaciples it embraees com- mand the approbation of my judgment, and with them I betieve I ean safely say, that there has been mo word or sch of my life in conflict, The whole politica! tife of Williom ® King, the nowihes for Vico President, bas been marked by hostility to the principles of the tree evil democracy. With Pranklin Pierce, he opposed the reference or consideration of petitions against slavery, and sustaincd the Calhoun resolutions in 1437." ‘At a later period right of potition in denying to petitions of thia character the poor privilege of reception. In 185) he even went so far as to move tolay upon the table the question of reception of a petition against the extension of slavery izto Now Mexico and California, and, of course, voted for the motion, the effect of which, had it prevailed, would have been so prevent the bare reception of the petition. In respect to tervitoriv! slavery, he has ever maintained the ex- treme doctrine that every slaveholder is warranted by the constitution in ‘taking his slaves into any national territory, and holding them there until pro- hibited by the State law, after the organization of a State government—in other words, that all na- tional territory is slave territory. In the course of the discussion which arose on the petition just re- ferred to, he said:— What do they ask? They ark that, by the action of Congress, slavery shall be prohibited from going into the territories. Very well; docs the Senator pretend that the prayer of the petition does not call for action on the part of Congress? Does he not know that, without some such action. every State has an equal right in this terci- tory. and that every citizen of the United States can go to thore territories and carry his property of every de- seription with him ? On another occasion he said :— I believe that whenever a territorial government is established 1f persons holding élaves think proper to go there with them, this government is bound to protect them till the period arrives when the population is suffl- cient for the formation of a State coustitution. Op another occasion he said:— Are we not protected in our property if we choose to go there? _ Thold that we are, and, that the territoria! Legis. lature has no power whatever to pass any lnw which de- stroys that description of property in that territory. They are bound, on the other hand to pass laws for the protection of property, of whatever description, * * * ir, I have no appreension of the force of Mexican law and if I choose to remove with my property into that territory, I would not be deterred one moment by the apprehension of apy such law, n his letter accepting the nomination of the Con- vention, he thus declares his present position: — The platform, as laid down by the Convention, meets with my cordial approbation. ‘It is national in all ita parts; and [ am content not only to stand upon it, but, on all oceasions, to defend it. Now, what is the platform thus endorsed by these eminent citizens? There has been little or no con- troversy, of late, in the ranks of the democracy, ex- cept on the subjectzof slavery. In regard to this subject radical differences have existed. ‘The opponents of nationalized slavery and slavery extension were safe | to unite with their brethren, who disagreed with them on these questions, upon a platform which should leave these matters of difference open to discussion, without prejudice to either side, and in support of a ticket so consti- tuted as to afford a guarantee that the influence of the administration, should the nominees be elected, would not be brought to bear against either side. Honorable men, nein a common attachment to democratic principles an policy, and sincere in the maintenance of free soil principles or of the compromises, couldnot, it would seem, without a sacrifice of self respect, act together upon any other ground. Butthe maintainers of the compromises, and the supporters of slavery were not content to unite with ieie democratic brethren upon these terms, py, demanded an endorsement of the compromiees, and a distinct pledge against free soil speech and action. Hence all the interest felt in the platform conveyed upon the resolutions he united with the opponents of the | mocrats—whilo they will not question the motives or the fidelity to their own convicti~ns of those who take a differont view, fail to ses cither tho propriety | or prudence of supporting the compromise tiokes, and thus giving the highest{possible sanction, even wine in words rejecting it, to the compromise platform. If it be not yet too late, I would ly ade what they expect to those gentlemen themselves, democracy by support~ in for freedom or free soil ing the compromise ticket 7 is it that froo soil democrats will share in the patron: or influence the action, of the adminis- tration, in the event of success? This éxpectation must rest upon one of two suppositions—eithor that free soil democrats will forego the assertion of thoie | prineiples, in which case freedom would gain no- thing but lose much; or, that General Pierce, not- withstanding the platform and his present position, will give prominent stations to men whose actions will endanger that very slave interest which he ia expected specially to guard, in which case the porters of that interest will have just cause to com- | plain Is either of these suppositions likely te be | realized? Is it that the extension of slavery will be checked, or the removal of nationalized slav secured? Every one knows that tho — the platform, fully endorsed by the candi » is the indefinite perpetuation of slavery at the na- tional capital, with all the reproach it brings Upon our institutions and government, and the per- manent maintenanco, as irrepealable, of the Fugi- tive Slave law, marked as it is by tho most unwar- rentable invasion of the rights of the States, aad tho liberties of individuals. “It is well known, alse, that persistent efforts are now being made to intre- duce slavery into California, sither by an alteration of the constitution, or by a division of the State, and the establishment of a territorial government in the southern part; tg convort Utah and Moxico into slav. lath erritories, with a view to the creation of clave States and to oxtend slavery, by insular or continental acquisitions, in which the system now exists, or may be established. To seme of these projects can any opposition be expected from the adiministration of the compromiso nomi bees, ifelected Tsit that tho other great interests of freedom and progress will bo promoted? What word doos the platform contain in favor of constitutional impreve- ments of rivers and harbors, so important to the progress of the West, and to which the free demo- eracy pledged its support at Buffalo? What word in fuvor of land reform, so important to fe settle ment of the public domain—so beneficent to the struggling masces of our native population, and to the emigration which presses upon us from the Old World? Whatword in favor of any aetion or declae ration by our government, in favor of the nationa of Europe contending for freedom against despots ? No State has more uniformly and steadily Sppesed all these measures of progress and reform and free dom, than that which “pronounced first and pre- nounced alone” for General Pierce, at Baltimore. Nor is there any vote or act of his, so far aa | am aware, which does not justify its proference. Is it that free soil democrats expect that whatevec may be the result of the pending election, the cause of freedom will still survive? that the peivoiplet of living democracy will still inspire determination to maintain right and resist wrong? that, at length, the slave power with all the oppression and injustice it upholds, with all its ostracism, social and politi- cal, of earnest friends to liberty, will be over- thrown ? and that our national government will be- come what our fathers designed it to be, a free yernment in fact as well asin name, with all its influ- enee actively and perpetually on tho side of free- dom at home and throughout the world? Thisex- pectation will not, I hope, be disappointed ; but, if Tutaited, it will not be through, but in spite of suola | action as that of the Baltimore compromise Convea- tion. The support of its nominees, I am firmly com- vineed, will not hasten, but retard its fulfilment. T have thus stated frankly, but with entire respeot for those who differ from me, the reasons which convince me that free soil democrats cannot, with- out marked inconsistency, support the nominees of the compromise democracy. ~ I address them to Med because it so happened that we were co-laber- ers in the preparation of the platform promulgated by the Butfalo Convention, and afterwards closely connected in our relations to the convention and its nominees ; because, also, we beth profess the same demoeratic faith, and desire the success ofthe same relating to slavery; and, in the present condition of whe public mind, these ‘resolutions may be said to constitute the platform. They are as follows :— Rerolved. That Congress has no power, under the con- stitution, to interfere with or control the domestic in:ti- tutions of the several States, and that such States are the sole and proper judges of everything appertaining to their own affairs, not probibited by the constitution; that all efforts of the abolitionists or others, made to in- duce Congress to interfere with questions of slavery, or to take Incipient steps in relation thereto, are calculated to lead to the most alarming and dangerous consequences; and that all ru urtshave an iueviteble tendency to ciminish the happiness of the people, and endanger the tability and permanency of the Union. and ought not to Le countenancea by any friend of our political institu. Mone. Resolved, That t ded to eaubi foregoing resolution covers and was the whole subject of slavery agita- : und, therefore. the democratic party of ing on this nationsl platform, will abide a faithful execution of the acts known he a8 Che Compromise measures. settled by the last Congress, “the act for reciniming fugitives from service or Libor” included; which act. being designed to carry out nn ex- prees provision of the coustitution, cannot, with fidelity hereto be repealed or so changed as to destroy or impair its ficiency. Resolved, That the democratic party will resist all at- tempts at renewing. in Congress or out of it. the agitation of the slavery question, under whatever shape or color democratic measures. I know not what your judg- ment will be after the perusal of this lettor. For myself, I confess that it is with the doepest regret that I find myself compelled to separate in actign, at this or any time, from any portion of the demotratie party of the country, and especially from eome of those New York democrats with whom it has beea my pride and pleasure, hitherto, to act. Had w liberal and tolgrant spirit prevailed in the Bulti- more Convention ; had no new tests, incompatible with democratic principles, been imposed ; had the nominees represented that spirit, and the ideas of reform, progress, liberty and economy embodied im the original platform, no division need have oc+ curred. The Convention is responsible for the divi- sion. ‘The Convention, which organized a compre- mise democracy upon new tests, created tho neces- sity for a radical and independent democracy. Iam ready to submit to the judgment of candid compre mise democrats themselves, whether any honofable course remains for those who think as I do, and nto act as they think, other than independent ction? Let even those free soil democrats, whe propose to vote the compromise ticket, say, whether we, who refuse so to vote, do anything more than carry out their own declarations and adhere to thoir neiples ? f it not be hoped tbhat_there yet remain many the attempt may be made. These resolutions satisfy in full the demands of the compromise democrats. They repudiate the con- struction placed by the New York democracy upon the slavery resolution of the original Baltimore platform, and pledge the entire democracy to the supy ort of the compromises ; to the perpetual main- tenance and execution of the Fugitive Slave law; and to resistance to all discussion of slavery in Con- | grees or out of Congress, under whatever shape or color. } No two persons, probably, contributed more than the nominees of the Convention, to place the demo- | cratic party in its present attitude. Gen. Pierce, in | bebalf of Northern compromise democrats, thus wrote to Major Lally, at Baltimore, immediately be- fore tho sitting of the Convention:— ‘The eentiment of no one State is to be regarded on this subject; but, having fought the battle in New Hampshire | upon the Fugitive Slave law, and upon what we believe té be the ground of constitutional rights, we should, of course desire the approval of the democracy of the coun- | try Whot I wish to say to you is this. if the compromise measures are not to be substantially and firmly maintain- thousands of democrats in New York who will pre= fer to act with the independent democracy, openly and ayowedly on the side of liberty and progress, « rather than with a compromise democracy, intole- rant alike of the claims and the friends of freedom? I remain, with the highest respect and regard, youra truly, S. P. Crass. Hon. B. F. Berner Our Boston Correspondence. Boston, July 18, 1852. Mr. Webster and the Presidency. The Webster party in this State is determined to place the Hon. Secretary in nomination, if per- severance and money will do it. The last ‘‘rejection meeting,” so called, at Faneuil Hall, was not gotten up nor conducted by the real “Simon pure” Web- Sterites, but by a few over zealous youths who are constantly seeking notoriety. A movemont is om | ed. the plain rights seewred by the constitution will be | | trempled inthe dust, © © * © * If woof the | | North. who have stood by the constitutional rights of the | hare to be abandoned to any time-serving policy, | hopes of democracy and of the Union must sink to- | gether. Months before this, Mr. King, in his letter to C. H. | Donaldson—that noted man of straw —had thus | stropgly expressed his feelings in regard to free soil | democrats, and the necessity of repudiating all po- | litical connection with them:— | So long as a large portion of the former democracy of | | the North lend themeelves to the advocacy of free soil dectrines. and make common cause with the infamous | agitators and abolitionists. no portion of the Southern de- nmocracy will ever be found acting in concert with them. All our troubles bave arisen from the extraordinary ¢o1 Avot of those professing democrats in whom the demo- cracy once repored unbounded confidence, and telt de- | lighted to honor. But for theit base abandonment of } principle. sbolitioniem would have still been confined to a tin presents the question:—Can united at Buffalo in a solemn independence of the val erpeation to slave’ and naturalized slavery, or those n ving the entire harmony of this declaration be great principles of democracy, have since ene Oy | percei | witht foot which, if successful, will call forth such a de- monstration for Mr. Webster, in Faneuil Hall, as hag seldom, if ever, been witnessed in this city. Ever since the Baltimore nomination, somo of the ablest politicians in Massachusetts have been hard at work testing the public mind in relation to » Union convention for the nomination of Daniel Web. ster. In the meantime, Mr. Webster has been re- quested to remain silent on the subject, until such | time as they might name. Your readers, Mr. Editor, will be glad to know that the crisis is near at hand. On Monday next, a committee of eight of the moat prominent Webster men of Massachusetts will pro- ceed from this city to Franklin, N. H., to see Mr. Webster and consult with him upon the expediency of placing bim in nomination as an independent can- didate for the Presidency. Upon his answer will de- vend the future action of his friends and admirers. f he congents to have his name used as the Union candidate (and it is understood that he will), thea a national convention will immediately be called to make the nomination. It is believed, by his confi- dential friends here, that he will be nominated by the Georgia convention. The committee, ia order o disguise the principal object of their visit, are | declared their concurrence in it, now support the sof the Baltimore compromise Conveation? ot be denied that the slavery resolutions of the Convention's platform are utterly irrecoi cilable with this declaration. present the et im, and especially the slavery re- solutions. of the Convention, in the adoption of these resolu- tions, must, in no small degree, be ascribed. It is | not easy to see how any wan, whether radical or hunker, free soil or pro-slavery, in view of these facts, can hesitate as to the proper answer to be given to the questions just asked. To me it seems | that congistency, honor, self respect, fidelity to en- agements—indeed all obligations, moral and ps- | fitfeal—bind free soil democrats to withhold their support from thee nominations. i And yet Fam aware that not a few prominent in- dividuals, deeply engaged to the freesoil de- mocracy, and among them the three distinguished New York democrats, whose declarations [ have | quoted in a former part of this letter, have | announced their purpote to support the compromise candidates. am aware, too, that, with two or three unhappily distin uished exceptions, the free | soil democrats, who take this course, declare them | | selves as much as ever opposed to tonalise tlavery and the Fugitive Slave law, 9 ready | bom It as ever, whether as private GTeisens or as representa tives, to speak and vote against both I entertain very high personal res ae vie gentlemen. I followed their lead cheerfully ant The candidates re- | ‘o their influence and action the course | ntending to tarry with Mr. Webster, at Frank. in, some three or four days, and engage in hunt- ng. fishing, &c. Among those who are prominent n this movement, are the Hon. Rufus Choate, Hon. J. Thomas Stevenson, Hon. Samuel H. Walley, . | end Hon. B. F Copeland. The movement is care ried on in secret and witha commendable degree of | veal. “in the event that Mr. Webster declines being « candidate, many of his friends will not take any active part in the Presidential campaign, but when the time comes for voting, will cast their bal- lots for General Pierce. Their openly expressed de~ | sire is to defeat Seott. The Scott party appease sadly afflicted at the present aspect of affairs. They manifest considerable pluck, and think the best | way to kill off the Webster movement is to ridicule ." The free soilers are not very well pleased at the idea of rupnivg Mr. Webster as a separate candi- | date, because that will somewhat change their plaw of operation. It is the present intention of that party to place in nomination, at Pittsburg, the Hon. Salmon P. Chase, of Ohio—Mr. Hale having ex- pressed a wish that the party would not look to him as their standard bearer. Hale owes General Pierce a whipping, for his recent defeat in not be- ing re-elected to the United States Senate, and thinks he can poy him off better by not having his own name before the country as a’ candidate. Mr. Chase, being a bolter from the democratic ranks, zealously until, in 1850, they acquiesced in the Sy- racuse ravol tics congratulating the country upon the passage of the Compromise measures ithsta this, ope wre Ure corntense of a crisis like the present, the democrats of New York would again “‘feel it their duty to intervene”—that “the voices of her freemen” would be again “liftedup to warn, to encourage, and to rally tho friends of freedom, the lovers of justice, and the supporters of the constitution”—that it would again “peal in trumpet tones at Herkimer and Utica,” and be “‘re-echoed from every hill top in the State.” Thousands share with mo the keen regrets occa- sioved by the disappointment of this hope. Thou- saude—and among them not a few Now York do- Not- | Tstill hoped and believed that, | will, of course, damage that party in the campaign, if he is nominated. The free toilers will direct their | movements to aid Scott, with the desire to keep the democratic party out of power another four years, hoping thereby to bring them to cnn | terms in 1856. Eat Tay | | von. —A itlemaa con- | Sock or Pork anp Bac \ es pliner | nected with a large provision house | mateof the stock of pork and bacon in fo gad | wholesale dealers, and gives the following as ; | Stock of pork, bbls. 1360; stock of sh Vay 148,000; stock of ribbed and clear sides pleats 3 00, | mhe'stock of bacon is heavier than at this timo last year, | while that of pork 1s four-fifths less. ‘The surplus of bacon will cover the deficiency in pork. Tt must - | Collected that there was no stock at ail om hand at vee Peglaning of the season, Lonisrile Journal, July 9,