The New York Herald Newspaper, December 10, 1851, Page 4

13! “5 Row ne complied. not where my pretence ie most to myself, or to others, but wherever is meso gee Theseus. I com informed’ Ubas te Coiet Magistrate of the country has sent his secretary to in- vite me to go to the seat of the executive government. — invitation I feel ita dusy I owe to the vie when Tam indebted for my liberation th overnment executed in a prompt dig) fed manner the resolution of Co: which was also the will of the of the United States. I must, , go to m, for by so doing [ can most practically carry out the great objects of my visit to this Country ut the presut time. Newburg is im the opposite direction, and I could not make it to the capital. I therefore humbiy entreat you to allow me to be per Fuaded that saouid it be within the range of possibili- ties, and according to the practical circumstances I have referred to, I shail go, for it is omly impossibility will | prevent me. I shall, in a few days,givea written answer | to your generous address—a reply that either it is pos- rible for me to aceept your iavitetion, or that time aud circumstances Will no: permit me to enjoy the honor. Again, Task you to accept my thanks for your grati- ‘The deputation, which was @ very numerous one, nearly filling the room, were then presented to him, ‘one by one. One of the deputation exclaimed :— “Ob! bioodiest record in the boek of time, Sarmatia fell, unwept, without a crime.” ‘The quotation, and the manner in which it was made, excited some merriment, when the speaker replied, “I ‘up only an Irishman.” | (Remewed laughter ) In conclusion the chairman, on behalf of the commit- tee who bad presented the audress, teadered Kossuth @ inner The Governor respectfully declined, as he had ac- cepted three invitations, one from the arms of the coun- ry one from the municipal authorities,and one from he press. THE DEPUTATION FROM THE NEW YORK BAR. A deputation of the members of the Bar then present. ea ‘teelf, headed by Mr. John Van Buren, who introduced them, individually, to Kossuth, by whom they were most _ cordially received. The following address was thea read:— Bononep anv Dear —As # delegation from the Bar ef the city of New York, we have the pleasure of lender- ing to you the cordial sympathy and admiration and re- spect of your brethren of the profession in this city, ‘and of extending to you » heartfelt welcome to our | shores, We recognise in you the bold, consistent, and Slogueat dvocate cf buman rights, the champion of Hibecty, civil apd religious, amd the still unconquered ero and pattiot of your native land; and in your hopes, | your aspirations, and your prayers for the redemption | of your native soil from the rod of the oppressors we mos" cordially unite. The struggle of your country, un- Sided and alone, against the two mighty despotisms of the earth, which singly could not crush her, and only by the union of their owa forces, aided by treasoa in your camp. succeeded in their banefal purpose, aroused in | every heart on this side the ocean a sentiment of sym- pathy ard wonder; and for yourself, personaily, her Abist leader, a most loved and honored hero, an enthu- admiration, but little, if amy, short of that felt uby your own countrymen. Be assured, dear sir, hese sentiments are none the less strong aad ueurt ai presence among us, though you victim of tyrammy and an you etruggled so nobly to rose «sue from that soll which nave while we thus nail you as the hero of a country of and,we trust. yet destined to a better fate, we claim you as fellow. member with us of a profes: which it may without erroge: ted. torical truth, that it basin the nished to liberty her stoutest champions, and righta of the people their abiest and mos: inflexible de- fenders and advocates. With these feelings we would cordially invite you te meet with usat « social frateraal | gathering, at such time as may comport with your :on- vepieuee, at whicb, without embarrassiag ceremoaiul we may interchange With you the courtesies of eur foseion, sad manifest to you, im person, the admirai: we entertain for your character and . ‘The members of the deputation, consisting of Mr. 8. | Jones, Chairman, Mr. [Wood, Mr. Slosson, Mr. Whiting Mr Cochrane, Mr Barstow, Mr. Livingston, Mr. Gould, Mr. Saxford, Mr. W. C. Noyes, Mr. Taylor, Mr. Cram, Mr. Bowly, Mr. Goodman, Mr. Ring, Mr. Waters, were then myerally introduced by Mr. Van Buren to Kossuth. In iutrodueing ( justice Jones, he dilated u rable age the usual spar of life allotted te man, wi youthfal enthusiasm having lost any of hd Chief Justice) wase living example of the these republican institutions, having, after holding the highest oi on the bemea, Cuscended into private life to practice at the B - ch took the old Obief Justice very respectful, hand end made the following reply. KOSSUTH’S REPLY. S:n—Let me thank you for the gratifying moment you have given me in presenting to me this venerable old man; your people have indeed claims to an eternity of greatness, for I find glowing everywhere the warm love of freedom; I find it in the child lying in the cradle—in | the strong and sinewy arm of the full growa man; I | find it still warm aud fresh as ever in the heart of this old man—of one who at a former ‘period has had the honor of being ene of your country’s judges, one of those whose duty isnot simply to protect individual life and property, but even to protect the constitution of your country against the encroachments of the executive. Fer ere the cffice of the administration of justice is not | only to. protect individuals but also to protect the whole of seciety in the enjoyment of constitutional rights; thoee rights, the fundamental principles of wick ere destined tc become the supporters of freedom all over | the world. The bar is connected with the early resol- lections of my youth, when [ was a member of the pr fessiom ; and, in my later days I sat atthe tribuaal where justice wes administered io my country. 1 therefore feel that I have # peculiar interest to enjoy the opporta- nity ofa pleasant hour in your social circle. because to be urfounded by euch men would be not only a private P ¢ but a public ben But man is the creature of umetances; Iam here, in N the city, and as uch I am in the bands of its commit therefore, with respect to the acceptance, or with respec ime of enjoying thore invitations that are ofered ou to enter into communication that committee.” What arrangements hare been wit made. | cannot say ; I must therefore refer you to the ebairman, Mr. Franklin, — THE NEW LAD SOCLETY A deputation from the New meat Boolety, heated by Mir Dopney, entered and offered an invitation to Kos- wurh to attend their avnual dinner, on December 221, which he explained was beld in commemoration of the landing of the P laud, mere than two ce banded to Kossuth, who. after reading it attentively, re- piles — SUTH'S REP The commemoration of so glorious an event. that forms an era in the history of the progress of mankind, is of the highest importance. I feel the more interested de. eause it is gocd for men and nations to look back to his tery. end to trace from first causes the fature develope- ment of the buman race. It is history that must teach Rim how te go on im those works, the beginning of which fe developed in former events. I must, therefore, feel highly interested to be present at the celebration of #0 important an event. from which resulted the freedom of a great nation. But your hospitality I must decline, and I comfidentiy hope you will agree with me, that I nu ke into consideration, mot what is agreeable to myself. but what belongs to that purpose for here. I cannot stop beyond the end of Januai io New York until the 23d of ining four weeks to m1 pion. I have re m other parts United Btates, bat Iam eek for practical resuice, and it would be {com with thore duties that brought me here, to waste my tinie in unmeaning horpitelities, You are fully aware that to Accept your invitaticn would be very agreeable to me, But convenient it cannot be, it ie forbidden by Causes atid duties tha! will prevent me from stoppi jong in New York. TUE BROTURRAOOD OF THE UNTO: On the withdraws of the de tion of Engisad Society, a deputat on of Brotherhood of. the Uaion, was admit Koseuth's presence st their Hail week, (0 hear am nddrese read to ciety of working mem, consisting * in New York; sad mambering Uni tates. The object for w ted was to benefit and protest | KoserTH's REPLY. coured himeelf from asceding d be happy to them end fied houre of reception om ny eit eywpethy °¥ Gone for tbe Livery of 3 at owe It, is a source of just pride to us to know that | mn his vene- | scat | tomers tn eres; inthe, bospleak ar, | Seapotio end tyrannical governments. Kossuth showed great satisfaction at this address, and repeated his sincere thanks in very warm words. | ADDRESS OF THE DEPUTATION FROM MIDDLE- TUWN, CONN. | A deputation of Middletown, Conn., succeeded, offering the hospitalities of the place; to which Kossuth made the following reply :— | KOSSUTH’S REPLY. | Genriemex--I present you my thanks for the hospitality | ofthe;town of Middletown; and let me avail myself of this opportunity to make # few general remarks upon the sub- ject. Before coming to the United States, I was told, in dif- ferent parts of Europe, that I should be able to.accomplish | nething, because my time would be spent in iavitations and festivities ; and that, on this account, my time would | be lost for the purpose for which I came here. To all | these objections I replied that it would not be #0; that | the yd of the United States were such # practical people that, although they would offer me its hospitality, | 1 knew they would be contented with my answer, when | Isay that I humbly beg you to excuse me from secept- ing this or any other invitation, knowing thet I must only go to that place. and at that time, where ( can | most Y gperny J assist the cause of my country. I must, therefore, give to you the same answer which I have given | toother offers of hospitality—that. my time being #0 | Dmited, I cannot accept it. The United States are #0 | vast, ard the hearts of the people so warm, tha’, if I ac- | cepted ali the marks of hospitality which have been | offered me, my limited time would not allow me to go through the whole of the States, Among the ineidents of the day, one of the members | of the delegation from Middletown, Coun., presented his | child, which was named K ossuth, to the Maygar, who | cok it im his arms and bleseed it. THE DEPUTATION FROM BROOKLYN. The deputation of the city of Brooklyn was themintro- duced to New York's illustrious guest, and presented the | following address :— ADDRESS OF THE CORPORATION OF BROOKLYN. Govennon Lovis Kossuth:— | Sim—Upon our beautiful bay you will find four sister cities, ot which New York is the eldest, and Brooklyn, al- | theugh not eighteen years old, is the next in rank and im- | portance. These sister cities constitute the great com- —— metropolis of America, the heart of the American | pation. | We feel obligated by ties of gratitude, sympathy, and common interest, to assist by every becoming means, | patriots of Europe in establishing regulated liberty. ‘We have not been unmindfu! of the glorious efforts to | feund and preserve free institutions; our hearts’ warmest affections have been engaged in the more than heroic struggles of your own beloved Hungary; end with feel- ings of indignation have we seen your own land over- powered by the armies of the Russian despot In welecming you to our shores. we do it with the con- viction that the Lour has come when the interests of the | worid demand that we should apply the doctrines which | we have already avowed to the world in respect to the American continent. ‘With these sentiments, and with the assurance of our highest respect, the Mayor and Common Couneil of Brook- | lyn desire you to visit our city. to eceept of its hospitali- ty and the congratulatio: s citizens upon your safe | awrrival in ‘he United Stat “2 FRANCIS B.SPINOLA, | THOMAS BROOKS. Committee. i FREDERICK MORRIS. $f XOSSUTH’S REPLY. I wust humbly thank you for the sentiments expreesed | im the mame of the important corporation of Brooklyn, | ae well as for the offered hospitality. Perhaps many of | you were present when I expressed my views at that | great demonstration im New York, which I took as the | firet proof of your sympathy ‘e the cause of Hungary. But there are many reascne why I should be unwilling | to accept of these martheof regurd. One circumstance of | bigh consideration ie that every euch puolic occasion that you offer te me, pute me te the mecessity of epeak- ing publicly to the people of the United States, and that in & foreign tongue, Now, lem not anelequent man. I am & man, not of words, but of facts; but if I were the most eloquent, it would be difficult to speak from day to day before a engine of human intelligence. the great controller of human hte and actions. the press to address from day to , before its watebing eyes and cars, without any preparation. Every word can beriefit, and every word can demage my cause, If it wae in my own tongue I could spesk at any time, and on every 0c m; bat to do so im a for ae. 4 as each word is by the press, is very cult for Ihe. I mut, therfore, ferl austous to restrict these op- portunities to such occasions when I can benefit my couse. In my own language I wae never sccustomed to prepare speeches; but I am mot ashamed to say that I am cempelled to do #0 here, for one word not correct might damage the cause of my country, and therefore. I must have time to consider every word. My time is occu- pled until Tuesday next, when [shali have to go further; #0 that, a¢ Brooklyn is so closely connected with New York, it would have been better te have united the ma- nicipalities on ome cconsion. that I might have had an pia eog of addressing them together. I sorry, therefere, that I shall not be able to accept of your hos pitality, but I was always accustomed to postpone the wishes cf my heart to my duties. KOSSUTH AND THE RESIDENT AU After the departure of the Brooklyn ARTANS prerented to Kossuth, but there was mo ene of aay particular importance among the number. It was now two o'cleck hour appointed for putting sn end to furti ‘ons, but Keseuth wa compelled to re- vudden arrival of a host of Hangarian exiles, who rushed into the room en mosse. There was danger at one time, from their being all coacentrated in & body, that the flooring of the reception room would give way. However, the proprietor of the Irving House arranged the Hungarians in « semi-circle, so that the ‘weight wee more equally distributed, and this moment danger wae obviated. [ndeed it was uct generally no- iced, so intent were all present in listening to Kossuth ¢ words. or ding hie looks, After three cheers, their leader addressed the Magyar in Gangarian, At the end three cheers were again given by the patriots, when the Magyar addressed them in the same language It formed o most picturesque sight, to behold the exiled Kossuth, surrounded in @ semi circle by his exiled fel- | low country men, who listened with the moet iatense in terest to his words. The Presi who at the begin ning of bis address bad been a few feet off from the de putation. as be became more carmest in bis language, étadually advanced, until he wae in the centre, sur- rounded by the exiles ver eloquent he may be in foreign language, it isin hie own dialect that the Mag- yar shines pre-eminent. The great feature of his ors- tory is earmestoess: bis gesticuistion is sulcrdimate to the words, cuiting.the word to the action, and the action to the word. ‘The reply was in substance as follows:-- SSUTH'S REPLY 1 do net want any declaration from you that you ate ready to follow me. Your feelings are the same se the feelings of every Hungarian at home. liow should thie patriotic feeling not be the feeling of the Mungarian emigrants spread over the world. Iam scrry that I ad- vieed many of my countrymen te remain in Turkey— too far away to be ready at the first moment of opportu- nity to strike another blow for freedom. Com cerning these emigrants, I am clad to hear thet many of them refused the bitter bread of cha- jty--that shameful bread for a man who is © Sght or to work. There is nothing #0 contemptible ae idieneer gpd inactivit; Net only the personal welfare of the Hungarians resident in this country, but the cause of all Hungery requires the eympathy of Ame- ries; and thove Who rely upon the fact of having ht lo Mungary ae ® rearon why they ought not now T bop; —— le thets ring for his living It may be f cause every were s found, let! Por morkete than would exoeed that valuable plesty be penee of the aud varnt ilungary, you ee ee which gives us power. Taman tunate exile, but the it of my nation shall be respected wherever I | go. (Api ) Therefore “fi! " = Saeet ive de- | ‘iments of the government, It re ween you pad dod end your country how you ued these privil } I have to express my conviction and my coufidence you have not intreduced those topics of your [latermal | politics to entangle me in a connection with any party of your city, tl the cause whic! brought me to your sheres, and which you have honored | with your y. T believe that you have brought "e me matters which are important to you, but not for the purpose of entan: me with | these views. I wish to that sympat dear to me from whatever q it comes, but never so | dear as when it comes from the working classes, for 1 consider that the most noble charter of man’s aed is in its equality. I must be well aware of the feeling that animates you, when I consider that the trea ure workingrien have ie the time, and w n they stop | y occupations in order to manifest their | Fee age Als poor exile, because he is the representa- | ive of. the cause of liberty, it is a proof that they are friends of that good cause. Accept my thanks, and let me hope that will such influence upom your country as will result im lasting benefit pag nye | my country. Having thus concluded, amidst loud applause, there was a rush from all parts of the room to shake hands with him. It was arranged, for the accommodation of all, that each man chould pass by Kossuth, one by one, | and thus shake bands with the illustrious Hungarian. ADDRES OF THE INDUSTRIAL CONGRESS TO | KOSSUTH. | At half past eight o'elock last evening, the Industrial | Congrees, pursuant to previous arrangement, marched in | procession, three by tbree, from their place of meeting in the new City Hail in the Park to the Irving House, to present an address to Kossuth. The rcom in which they were received was the dining room, whieh they com- | pletely filled. On entering the room, in company with his secretary, Mr. Pulzski, Colonel Berzcencey, and other | members of his suite, Kossuth was greeted with the most | enthusiastic cheering. A number of ladies, boerders of ; the house, were present, as spectators. | K. Arthur Bayley, the Chairman, then read the follow- | ing address :— | Governor Kostutn :—In the name and in behalf of the Industrial wey od of the city of New York, and of the workingman’s interests it represents, We warmly wel- come you and your compatriots to America and tu the | horpitalities of its citizens; and doubly so, that you | copie to us as the representative of great ideas and grvat | achievements aimed to the liberation of man from the | thraldom of despotiem, and secking his elevation to popu- | lar and commercial freedom. | © But while thus weicoming you, and associating you | in cur thought with our illustrious Waehington, we griere with you, and in common with your heroic rethrer and the mothers of Hungary, over the treason of the detestable Gorgey, and the combined treachery and barbaricy of a Jeliachich, # Nicholas, and of the | house of Hapsburg. Yet not without hope is our sorrow | —for. while Koesuth lives, Hungary survives to reap the reward of ancther struggle against despotism, in the | blessings of commercial, civil. and demccratic liberty ; and, as we trust, in the recognition of the right of every man within her boundaries to laad and home and the elective franchise. ‘Warm and devout, however, as our welcome is, we are 4 to confers. that freedom as yet exists but techni- with ousselves. We are free—but only free toim- prove the privileges bequeathed us by our sires through popular cpinion andthe ballot box Nor can we con- cerve thet municipal and commercial freedom are the bert attainable ends of civilization, mor the surest evidence of a nation’s prosperity and progress ; for ia- ber, the source of al! commerce and of ail wealth, meets, comparatively, but little greater appreciation and re- ward under them. then under d od in cur own land and ucder the municipalities and mon- — arcby of England can attest ; and for whom but little | oteetion and but scanty employ exists, while the na- Paral elements are forbidden to their ure. ‘The will to destroy and oppress ¢ rings from the power todo so, in nations as in men, and a TF @uuse, than e‘mply centralization or despotism: at the base social ns to cause mot evils apd the 1g man just rewards and tion as the chief sources of power, wealth and utility to all states. ‘We claim for ourselves, then, and for all, the of labor to the respect Se ean re- storation of every 0: and acquired right of msn; the liberation of all the elements that constitute the civil etate from the gragp alike of capital end centraliss- tion; and hold, that, while land can . <2 either money or prerogative—or man, mind, labor, sr suffrage be enslaved, no institutions. liberal, municipal or commercial. can liberate or liberalize mankind; an; ; § i i B i 3 right to life, liberty shite the fruits cf their labor—to the ure of such @ portion of the of life. In the light of these principles and aims, and veneration of his lofty and chivalric endowments an sacrifices im the cause of lil and mankind, once more do we weicome Louis Kossuth to our home and our hesrts, and to the freedom we enjoy! We are gratefu' te our country for the sympathy ond service extended to bin and bis compatriots in arme and council, and bope- ful cf glorious result to tae mission of patrictiam aad bumenity that bears big to vur shores. K. A. BAILEY, President. H. Genn, Secretary. KOSSUTH’S REPLY. Gentlemen, I respectfully emtreat you to accept the ‘warm expression of my moyt cordial thanks for your sympathy to the cause of my down-trodden, but not Urcken country. Sorrowful as the past may be to which you allude in Your address, I am « Christian who in no circumstances, despair of the justice and merey of God— who know that however inscrutable may be the ways of Providence in reference to the welfare of humanity— yet there ie some good even in misfortunes Mighty 0d powerful are the sevults of the struggles of Hungary —more |, Perhaps, because they fone om unsuccessful. CLERICAL DEPUTATION The fcllewing letter wae handed to Kossuth yesterday, by (ne of the gentlemen whose signatures are attached: — New Yonx, Dee. 9, 1851. 70 Gov. KosSUTH. Sin <The undersigned are a deputation from some forty clergymen of the Methodist F ph vreh, who | are pestors of churches in thi |, Brooklyn, and be ted to wait upon os | man of Ways and Means, is, however, a doubtful | right. Judge Berrien is getting old, and is what ' man in politics—very able and logical; but cold j and deputations, and visiters are pouring in from NEW YORK HERALD. JAMES GORDON BENNETT. PROPRIETOR AND EDITOR. DOUBLE SHEET. New York, Wednesday, Dec’ber 10, 1851. News of the Mornings In Congress, the Speaker of the House has an- | nounced the standing committees for the present be expected. Mr. Houston, of Alabama, Chair- customer. Hf we mistake not, ho is a strict econo- mist of the Cave Johnson scheol; and net particu- larly favorable to our branch mint or our steamship enterprises. He is for free trade out and out. As @ statesman, he is not remarkably profound on financial affairs; but his new position may possibly enlarge bis ideas. Gen. Bayly, Chairman of Fo- reign Affairs, is a competent man, but, perhaps, & little too old-fashioned and conservative to compre- hend Kossuth’s grand idea of *‘ the solidarity of the peoples,” and Russian non-intervention. The Senate have entered into the work of over- hauling the administration upon our foreign affairs. The resolution of Gen. Gass, in relation to the outrage upon the Prometheus, and the resolution of Commodore Stockton, (who promises to be of good service to the Senate and the country,) in reference to the case of Mr. Thrasher, are in good season. Let the work go on. The paltry plea of the Republic, that none of the executive depart- ments had received # copy (efficially) of Thrasher’s sppeal to our government, deserves » rebuke. It was upon such miserable technicalities that action was delayed till those fifty men were executed gt Havana. The Kossuth resolution of Governor Seward is undergoing a lively debate in the Senate. Our free soil Senator—the Great Mogul of free soil— has covered himself all over with a blaze of glory. ‘The Austrian attaché ofthe Courier, and the Panch and Judy ofthe T'ribwne and Times, may discuss the merits of this Buncombe for the Germans, to their hearts’ content. Seward has made a hit—a palpable hit, and for cnce he has represented the public sentiment of New York. General Shields has the pluck of a genial Irishman. Hale is coming might be called a hard shelled Church of England as Russia. A Washington correspondent sends usa few grains of wheat in a bushel of chaff by telegraph. We have anticipated the Butler movement, and have been satisfied for a week past that the issue of ’52 will be between Scott and Butler. We have undertaken to cut down our correspondent’s des- patch to something like the telegraphic standard. It will be seen that the President is waiting the action of Congress in reference to Kossuth. Let them act promptly. It will be seen by reference to Kossuth’s replies to the Anti-Slavery Society, and to the Industrial Congress, that neither of these parties have suc- ceeded in obtaining an endorsement of their views from Kossuth, who has shown great tact in parry- ing off their advances. This s the wise, and ony course he coujd pureue. ‘The interest and excitement about Kossuth and Hungary still appear to be kept up. Addresses, all points of the compass. Our intelligence from New Orleans is rather im- portant; and, if true, the doctrine of non-inter- vention in the affairs of Cuba has been practically applied to the New Yoru Heratp. This is avery curicus piece ef information. ‘The British mail steamship Niagara is the next steamer due from Europe with news. She is now in her eleventh day. Not having reached Halifax at eleven o’clock last night. We may expect, at any moment, to hear of her arrival at that port. Michael Riely was yesterday placed apon trial, in the King’s County court of Oyer and Termizer, for the murder of his wife aad her mother, in Willliamsburg, on the 28th of last June. A full report of the day’s proceedings will be found in another column. A complicated case of false pretences is now under investigation before Justice Osborn, at the Police Court, ia whish Ferna: do Wood is the de fendant, and Edward E. Marvine the complainant. The matter originated out of a California specula- tion, which took place between those parties about three years ago. Ber jamin Douglas, a witness in the libel suit of John Beardsley against Lewis Tappan, was yes- terday committed to prison, for refusing to answer, by Judge Betts, of the United States Court. Alter a very stormy debate in the King’s County Board of Supervisors, last evening, the resolution authorizing the purchase of the Kent property for a | lunatic asylum was rescinded. We give to-day a full account of the Liquor Riot which took took place at Frankfort, Me.,on tho 4th inst., together with an abstract of the “ Maine Liquor Law.” In the Poard of Aldermen, last evening, a peti- tion was presented by Alderman Sturtevant, signed by @ number of merchants and others, praying that Hudson square, in the Eighteenth ward, be granted to Edward Riddle and his associates, for the purpose of erecting upon said square @ building constructed of glass and iron, commensurate with the size of the ground, for the purposes of an indus- trial exhibition of all nations—said building to be at least one hundred feet in length and two hun dred feet in width, with a se.'-:yl'ndrical roof or | dome made of glass, and of a suflivieut height to form an imposing edifice—the cost to amount to about $150,000, and the building to be opened to the publis on the 15th of April, 1852. The Board made an appropriation of three thousand dollars or expenses incurred in the reception of the Hun- garian exiles. Kossuth-The United Stat nd Non- Intervention, Kossuth ie a man of quick appreciation, and P it would be agree- to you to reomive ® w and +ympethizing ad- | drers frem them ina body, and if so, at what th is morning, will oblige re. KE HN J. MATHIAS, Pres. of the Aselein SILAS M. FITUH, § y | nring the day. A venerable old lady, taxing him warmly | and affectiovally by the hands, catreaied him never to forget the God of battles. The greatest excitement pre. vailed, and the greatest anxiety to ee Kossuth. The | 00mm wae crowded to four hours allotted | | Yesterday, the eon of the Presiuent of the Unit «waited on K fether’s cou | prompt to recede from an untenable position. His | involved with Asia under the preaching of Poter | United States Sonate, upon a simple resolution of plan of operations, laid down in his speech at Cas- tle Garden as the policy of the United States in relation to the affairs of Europe, was utterly im- practicable. It comprehended a crusade in behalf | of liberal principles, like those in which Europe was the Hermit. But Kossuth is @ practical man. | There is no satisfactory reeponse to the demand for “material, financial and political aid” in behalf of | Hungary, and the immediate recognition of her in- dependence. The enthusiasm of his reception here, and of the popular sympathy with him and his cause, might well be pleaded in justification of | there extreme demands. But the panic of the party press, and the timid quibbliog of the hat a contin- 1 States, courtesy, have convinced bim a! o | gent declaration of war by ihe VU | against Iiussia and her despotic allies of the con | tinent, is absolutely impracticable and impossible. | ‘The proposition cannot be seriously entertained | for a moment. Gile, therefore, recedes from this | ble ground. . In his own authorized oxplana- | simply asks that Eogland and America | ¢ in affirming the policy that ‘every | shall have the right to make and altor ite ondition aod agland stitutions to sult its owa vo nations (f again arc 6 that the a t ty mo etend behind its diplomacy im thiy as in other | str ut ¢ } folly, and also take such ste; affairs; but by assuming this position, he holds would be no danger of our being in- . Let it be once understood that and America ag ee in maiutaining this There is an unanswerable consistency in this plan ef non-intervention. It is only introduciag into the law of nations the old familiar maxim of ‘‘sauce for the goose should be “sauce for the gander.” If liberal governments are bound by the laws of non- intervention in reference to the domestic affairs of other people, the powers of des,otiam should be held to obedience to the came fundamental doctrine. It is the good old doctrine ef fair play. The time, in- | deed, isat hand, when the single alternative bo- tween this principle and ‘‘a charter to the Czar” to dispose of the nationalities of the continent at his pleasure, will have to be adopted by the liberal | powers of the world. They must eloct between sur- renderiog Europe to the Cossacke, or maintain- ing the balance of power on the continent. Great Britain owes her present national debt to her coalitions with Austria, Prussia, and Russia, against Napoleon. She owes it to her twenty years of active intervention against li- beral principles, and in support of the hollow pre- tensions of legitimacy and the right to govern by “ the grace of God.” Experience isa useful teacher. The reckless intrepidity of Pitt has taught Palmer- ston the saving necessity of caution. With a show of boldness, he maintains a vast degree of prudence, But the swelling power of Russia, and her manifest 1 designs upon the contixent, and in the East, would seem to suggest to the British cabinet the non-inter- vention of Kossuth as a measure of actual neces- sity for self-defence. The United States are in a position of absolute independence. No considerations of direct danger admonish them to any alliance against the despots of Europe. But our intimate commercial relations with England and France, our social and political affinities, will enforce a foreign policy of mutual harmony and co-operation, in the event ofa revolu- tionary bouleversement on the continent, tarttamount to this identical doctrine of non-intervention. Nor will the plea of officious intermeddling in Europoan affairs avail against our alliance with England and France, in behalf of this active and positive non- intervention. Upon this point we have a precious example of only » few months old. It is in the alliance be- tween England and France for the protection of the sovereignty of Spain in the island of Cuba, a movement which was entered into at the imminent hazard of war with the United States. What did the British and French government proposo in refer- ence to Cuba? Intervention of the most active kind Mr. Crampton, the British Minister ad interim) addressing Mr. Webster, says that “‘ her Majesty’s government deem it due to the frankness which ought to characterize the intercourse between the two governments, to state to that of the United States that her Majesty’s ships of war on the West India station will have-orders to prevent, by force, any adventurers of any na‘'o. from landing with hostile intent upon the [sland of Cuba.” Unques- tionably this thing contemplated bad faith on the part of the United States, the inability of Spain to punish it, and the necessity of inter- fering to prevent the island of Cuba from becoming a caze of annexation. M. de Sartiges, the French Minister, is equally explicit. Ia answer to Mr. Crittenden’s declaration, ‘‘ That this gov- ernment could not see, with indifference, the Island of Cuba pasa from the hands of Spain into thoso of another European State,” he says, that, “the French government is likewise of opinion that ip case it should comport with the iaterests of Spain, at some future day, to part with Cuba, the pos- session of that island, 0: the protectorship of the same, ought not to fall upon any of the great m time powers of the world.” Of course not. The intervention of France and England in this affair, was to enforce the non-intervention of the United States, and to prevent the island of Cuba from fall- ing into our possession. Lord Palmerston and Louis Napolecn, who is but the instrument of the British goverament, were sejzed with a panic; and their interference was dictated by a jealous alarm. But it was intervention to enforce our non-inter- vention, and to maintain the sovereiguty of Queen Isabel over the island of Cuba. The diplomatic correspondence on this subject fully endorses the principle of the sacred rights of nations to dispose of their own affairs, and of the right to intervene to preserve those rights from un- authorized invasion by “outside barbarians.” It establishes the doct:ine of non-intervention of Kos- suth. What, then, is there to prevent an alliance between the United States, England and France, The Futher Mathew Be: t—More Cur rious Disclosures—Where’s the Money? ‘We publish elsewhere in to-day’s paper another batch of letters from different parties, in referenoo to the Father Mathew benefit in Tripler Hall’ They are very curious and very interesting, anh exhibit, in a very clear light, the manner in whiok complimentary benefits and such things are some~ times managed in New York. We presume there: are more of the same sort yet to come. We hope so—for the public have an interest in ascertaining: who it is that has got the funds, where they are, and why it was that the Apostle of Temperanoo did: not receive the whole of the money that was con- tributed for him. All the mystery which hango: over this business must be unravelled. As it is, the fog is clearing away, but not sufficiently for us to seo where the cash is. It is somewhere ; but ite. precise locality is not yet known. The history of this afluir is remarkable, and pro- sents ome curious points which cannot bat astriko- the reader. It appears, as a goneral thing, that the funds accruing from complimentary benefits do not reach the beneficiaries, but go into the pockets of musicians, committee men, hired critics, and tho: proprietors of oyster saloons and places of drinking. ‘Theee parties get the lion’s share in such cases, and? what is left is handed over with great eeremony to the party who ought to have received the whole. No sooner is the money received than the commit- tee men, the musicians, and the critics, make a grab at the recoipts, heip themselves unsparingly, and, tho little they leave is passed over to the person whom the public intended should be benefitted by their sympathy. Again, we learn that complimentary benefits in. New York have been, for a number of years past, managed by the same paid persons and critic:. Among those who figured conspicuously in tho Father Mathew benefit, we recognize names that have appeared on the committee list of every benefit, with one or twe exceptions, that has been. given in this city for a very long period. Theso persons are all paid, and from long practice have, no doubt, become adepts, or experts, in their profession. This should not be. These com- mittee hacks, and the whole race of oys- ter house critics, should be avoided im such matters, and especially they should not be permitted to finger a single dollar of the funds We know of instances in which thousands of dollars have been grabbed in this way, and the beneficiare actually brought in debt for printing and adver- ising. It is time the public should understands these matters, and learn that, generally, the money which they intend for eome worthy person or ob- ject finds its way by the grab game into the capa-~ cious pockets of a set of harpies, who are too lazy to earn an honest living. In the case of the Father Mathew benefit, if the printing bills had been paic. thore would not have been a single dollar left. The $168 50 which was tendered to him, but which he very properly refused, would have been swallowed up, and nothing would have been left for any one. Another way by which the money received for benefits disappears, may be found in the very re~ markab!e document issued by Otis and Burkhardt. Among the items of expenditures is $195 00 paid to~ George Loder, for the band that performed on the occasion. It strikes us that this is a very extrava~ gant charge. We should have supposed that hal’ of this sum wouldhave beenample. This was a big. pull at the proceeds of the benefit. We should like to seo it explained a little more fully, for the: tatisfaction of the publis; at present we cannot con ceive how euch a great charge could be mude. Bo- tween the hired crisies and the band, $365 was de- ducted from the sum received. The printing anc» advertising bills aro the !ast that are thought of or such occasions, and when there is nothing left with. which to pay them, persons go around and beg for 8. reduction. In the case of the Father Mathew beneit, a large amount of printing was dose in this office, ft which we charged nothing ; but the Fourierite aad abolition Z'ribwne, and the pious and hypocritical Journal of Commerce, would not abate one cent of* their bills. These are the papers which oppose theatricals inevery form. The socialism of the one, and the remarkable piety of the other, ho w- ever, would not allow them to throwin a few ad- yertisements for the benefit of the Apostle of Tem - perance, who, after devoting his strength and his fortune to the benefit of humanity, was going home. to live in penury the brief remainder of his days. But what has become of the money received for the nine hundred tickets which are so coolly refer- red to as “unaccounted for.” It is o fixed fact that. they were sold. Where isthe money! Burkhardt has not got it, nor Otis, nor Mr. Daly, nor Mr. Grinnell, nor Mr. Jollie, nor Miss Hayes. All of these, with ths exception of Miss Hayes, who, of for enforcing this dogtrine upon Russia? What is there to prevent our government from taking the initiative in the movement? Nothing. The pre- sent administration may be unequal to the task. Feeblenees andtim‘dity are forever conservative. But the signs of the times are significant of a for ward step in our foreign policy. The question will enter into our Presidential elections; and upon the doctrine of Russian non-intervention, the visit of Ksas th may be decisive of the policy of the go- vernment. The hour approaches for the Repub- licans or the Cossacks. Vengzue.s ann THR Unie Srates.—In another part ofthis morning’s paper will be found a letter from our correspondent in Maracaibo, Venezuela, detailing the particulars of the seizure there, by the authorities, of t! ‘ig Horatio, Capt. Morrill. of this port, with a valuable cargo on board. These repeated se zures and detentions are most vexatious to our merchants, and though in the end they are always paid for, still the, had better be stopped at once. Since the revolution of Pacz in Venesuela, that country has been in a most unsettled condition, and many adventurers, who made their appearance first during that revolution, have got into offices which they aro ineapable of filling. We are confidently informed, by those who are intimately acquainted with that country, that the ignorance and stu- pidity of the lower classes is something ap- palling. These are the men who now rule; hence these repeated and vexatious impediments to commerce. If Paez had gained the day, it would probably bave been different. But General Paez’s great mistake was taking up arms against the government, bal as it was, instead of using the great moral influence he undoubtedlyposeessed with the people. The fact is, the South American republics are not republics in anything save the namo; and, until public schools, perfect freedom of religion, and | good roads abound all over them, they never can advance. Here, in the North, we have our intelli- gent, law loving, and law-obeying population, and we progress; the Apglo-Saxon blood carries every- thing before it. There the degraded, ignorant, prieet-)idden and bayonet-driven inhabitants hav to obey a few unscrupulous politicians, and, wotil they have an immigration of Anglo Saxons, sufl- cient to form a majority, they never can attain any rank among nations, notwithstanding the immense fertility of their eoil, and the natural resources of their country. | Meontime, we hope our governmeat will look well into this particular instance of their stupidity and as will, in future, | provent euch vexatious affairs happening again Preannss or tre Rare grave porit in the colun distin guished cleray a RAVELATTO: The 1! street announced yesterday, journal, that one of our most | brated and pious pping philosopby, revelations ia all We dont know and a oo their in irg nd varietios. reyman is alinded to by out pious con D po hat Judge Ndwards, y guished jadge who has beon examining the rapping philosophy, and has dis- covered there is something im it that ho can’t | accognt for, What next! course, had nothing to do with it, have been hearc. from. Certainly Father Mathew was not permitted to have os to do with it. The other persons who are mixed up in this extraordinary matter must show their hands. Where is Mr. Bourne '—where is Mr. Wardwell!—where is Sherif Carnley !—where i> Max Maretzek !—and, above all, where are the funds? All these gentiemen must show their hands. and say something by which we can got on the track. of the missing funds. —_ we ask, where are the funds, amounting to $ ? Gen. Footr any THE Comrromisrs.—Generay Foote, the celebrated Senator from Mississippi, is o very extraordinary sort ofa man, after a fashion. He is like a ship, with a vastamount of sail, and @ small allowance of ballast. Under a atiff breeze he- drifts before the wind, utterly unmanageable, or ic laid upon his beam ends. He is en‘itled to conzider- able credit for his efforts in the Senate in behalf of the compromise measures. The late results in Mis~ sistippiin favor of the Union bave given hia» a favorable reputation throughout the country But in doing a good thing he overdvesit. It is ** Monsieur Tonson come again,’’ till the a fair becomes a joke, and the joke becomes e bore. Aprudent man, a man guided by thee! mentary principles of common senso, would havo been satisfied, as a Senator, with the results of the late elections, as conclusive of the complete ratifica - tion of the compromises. Not 80 with Gen. Foote He comes back to the Senate to fight the battle alk over again. He likes it, just like the old fellow of the ‘Deserted Village,” who ; “ Shouldered his crutch, and showed how Selds were won.” hike Webb, of the Courier, Gen. Foote is a hot |} water man. He luxuriates in hot water, and the hotter the better. He is a Thomsonian steam doctor, and, nolens volens, he enforces his practice without mercy upon hie patients. Hlis last experiment is his resolution introduced into the Senate endorsing the comprom The proposition is patriotic, no doubt, but it is ridiculour. in the Senate, and has the suspicious appearance of the cat in the meal tub. Wo to him who attempts to make political capital by reviving the slavery agitation in the Senate. Now, we think that thic experiment of General Foote is transparent. It is a desperate expedient to break up the old demo- cratic party, and eubstitute the Union party in ite place, with such men as General Foote, and Mosers. Toombs and Stephens, at the head of it. Very | modest, but vory abeurd. It will not ds. The Union party has fuished its work. It hae | saved the Union. The next thing is to save the spoile—the fifty millions @ year of the treasury, all of filty—with all the pickings and stealing: —think of that. The two old parties are roor- ganizing. A great power i . Broater than steom power. It is “cohesive power of public plunder.” it sticks and draws like “ the poor man’s plaster. Phe anciont Greeks and Romans had a. Gen ocrat, or nothing. Mosers. months are over, Foote is a whig, ¢ danger of Sra uibg into the gro .