The New York Herald Newspaper, January 28, 1850, Page 6

THE TERRITORIAL AND SLAVERY QUESTION, | Speech of Hon. Thomas L. Clingman, in Congress. , 1850 Trespay, Janvary Mr. Curnaman said, that the committee was well aware that he had duy, intimated | pose to discuss tl ed in the p sitions relating to the Mex rnitory subject was regarded by the whe A of such imn iYered mo apology for onception (said be), 1 say © great con‘i- dence in the judgment ty, and patriotism of rit, fully, the right of the President furth ) the citizens of each > vite for themselves allsuch domestic qu «as that referred to in | the message. But w « the people entitled so | to decid, | as the time and manner of admis- sion and boundary of new States, are in themselves uestions for the judgment of Con, ress, under all the circumstances ot each case. The territory of Louisiana, our first foreign acquisition, was re- tained nearly tem years mm thet condition before she was allowed to form @ State constitution. In the case of Texas—her people being composed almost entirely of citizens of the United States, and hav- ing had a State government of their own for ten at ouce as a State into at case, there are portance connected h our action on this sub- ject. While adverting to them, as fully as the time fimited by our rules will admit, I ask the atteauon of the House : With reference to this matter, | was placed ata disadvantoge before the country, by a publication | years—she was admitte the Union. | made some time since. It is generally known that there was, on the Saturday evening before the time for the assembling of the House, a prelummary meeting or caucus of the whig members. ‘The | proceedings of such meetings have usually been ept private. Contrary, however, to the former usage in this respect, some individual present far- nished to one or the New York papers what pur- ported to be a report of the proceedings. This re- port bemg, #m some re: authentic, was coped into other papers. Th: er gave very tully the speeches of those persens whose views coincided with his own; but, the he made a reference to my position, he did not think proper to set out what I did say, so ws to make that position at all understood. “it will be remembered by those present on that occasion, that, at the very outset of my remarks, 1 stated that I had that morning had @ very jull and free conferenee with the gen- tleman trom yreia, [Mr. Toombs,] who had moved the resol ; that there was, in relation to the whole subject embraced in it, as well as with reference to the mode of action proper to be adopted by the South, an entire agreement between that gentleman and myself. In fact, that there Was Lot, es far ws | knew, any diflerence of opimon between us, except as to expediency of making the issue at tbat time, and that I thougtit it prefera- ble to aweilt legi:lative action, and stand on the defensive purely. ‘This, among other reasons then give, naneed ae 40 necaaet the wien wal oF the resolution. It is proper thut [ should suy that, in my interview that morning with the gentleman from Georgia, and with his coll: » (Mr. Ste- pg 1 gave my reasons at length, founded chief- ly on my recent observation ot the state of public sentiment in the North, we believing that a colli- sion was ineviteble, and that the sooner it came on the better for all parties; but that to enable us to make our demoustretion in the most imposing and succeseful mode, it would be better to await the orgenization of the House. 1 expressed the fear that if we moved without the concurrence, at the outset, ofa majority of the southern members, we se place ouiselves at a disadvantage before the public, and prevent our unitiog the whole South ia such acouse of action as it mght be found expe dient to adopt. Looking over the whole ground, however, Iam not at al! dissatistied with the course which things wok. There has been no‘ such division at the South as would be at all likely to impair efficient action hereafter. From the tone of the Southern press, a3 well as from other indication i vious that the South will, at an early d ficewtly united to insure the success of measures it may be necessary to adopt to protect ourselves from the aggression menaced by the North. As to the election of a Speaker, in the pre- sent condition of the House and the country, | have never considered it of the slightest moment to either political party, or to either section of the Union. A Speaker without a majority of the House would be of no advantage to the administra- tion, ner could eny mere arrangement of commit. tees materially aflect now the action on the slave question, Those, Mr. Chairman, who have observed my course heretofore, kuow well that I have not tought to produce agitation on this subject. Six is ars ego, when I first took a seat on this iloor elievipg that the famous twenty-first rule had been —s merely as a fancy matter,which was productive only of ill f and irritation between diflerent sections, | both voted and spoke against | it, and was thea regarc'+d « wible to a great | extent for its defeat. I then stated, during the dis- cussion, thet if without cause we kept up a state of hostility between the North and the South, until a practice! question a » lke that preseated when Mirsouti wes ednared (lor | then saw the Texas annexation in the tuture), the “greatest possible Muschief might ensue. } went on also, in the course of my argument, to sey that could not be abolished in this District without « dissolu- tion ofthe Union. Two years since, whea it had become certain we were at the close of the thea existing War to obtain territocy, I ende place the qnestion on gre w might meet us; conceding, for th ment, that the government had complete jurisdic on over the territory while it might be jus it could pet exelude us palpab’ to say, howe ver, y did not produce the sligh | endeavored to show, that he territory, without a violation of the of any one geatleman of my own party from the Ne On this side of the House they regularly voted that the North sheuld have the whole of the le rrilory, and went Against any compromise. I re- gret to be compelled to say, that instead of show. ing themselves ip any respect conservative, as I used to consider them, the Northern whig mem- bers proved themselves, on tt eminently destructive he reat question, Tot gentlemen from the North who aided us in « tempt to the question ia some mancer not disgraceta! destractive to us, | ten- ln rmy thanks Un Sir, the fore extent of the p very moveinent of the Ne the South. Unul within supposed that even if ( w Mexico in a8 free Sta tion would uce no further action. A few * intenor of the North has Such is now the condition + that the making of the territory all free, in any mode, would be as an i lavery triumph, and would accelerate the general mevement against us. Itis not difficult to perceive how that state of public eentiment has been pre ed there. The ol lition socretics have done a good deal te poison the popular m By cirevlatung an immense numbe tof in pamphlets, filled with all manner of faleehood and ay against the South, its instituvo: its men, because there Was no contradict in that quarter, they had created a high degree ot prendice against us. As it became probable that there would be an jon of territory, the question at once be- eat practical one, and the politicians im- took the matter in hand. With a view at once of strengthening their position, they seized upon allthis matter which the abolitioa societies (whore aid both parties courted in the struggley had furmished from time to ume, and diflased and hened it as much a8 porsible,and thereby dan immense emount ef hostility to south- Everything there contributes to ‘andidates are brought out by the and if they fail to take that section- vund which is deemed strongest there, they nce discarded. The mode of nominating as well ae of conducting the canvass, f anything Inke independence in the They do not, as gentlemen often ¢ South and West, take d against the popular clamor, and sustain Srequelves by direct appeals to the intelligence and reason of their comatituents Almost the whole of the Northern pr pereted in the movement. ‘With | the A the New York Herald, (which, with v8 lerge cireulation, published mat- ter on both sides,) and a few other liberal papers, everyth favorable to the South has been care- fully exeluded from the Northern papers. By these combined efforts, a degree of feeling and premdice againet the fours eens Soe ee ah d last winter to heat a Nort! - nator say, that in the town in which sya would exerte great astonishment if it were known that a northern jady would, at the time of the meet- get the two houses, walk wp to the Capitol with a Southern Senator; that they had been taught to consider southerners grnerally as being so coarse end ruffianty in mapner, that a indy would not trust fry m ny a This sneeeee, site joes not presen’ strong a picture of condi+ tion of sentiment in ons of the interior of the northern country. ow far gentlemen on this floor are to be 1 need im their action by such a state of opinion, | lewve them to decide. The great principle which the northern pat oe ch ey wk Ger ty northern politicians, to whi a ikely to be driven by the force seem of the popular cur- rent there, if the question is unsettled till the next | free negroes to come among them, on pain of im- congressional election, 18 this: That the govern- | ment of the United States must do nothing to sanc- | tion slavery; that it must, therefore, exclude it from | the territories; that it must abolish it in the District | of Colombia, forts and arsenals, and | has jurisdiction, | ple to its extent, insist rhat the coast Trying the princi: g slave trade, and that between the States, should also be abo! ished, and that slave labor should not be tolerated Some, too, in a public office of the United States, such as cus | ‘| tom houses, vost offices and the hike sly rest on the same general dog- het the yielding of one or m points would not cheek, but would merely ace rate the genera! movement to the end of the series. Before this end wes reached, they would pro! append, we a corollary, the prineigte that th dent should not appoint a slaveholder to office. is, tir, my deliberate judement that, in the present temper of the public mind at the North, if the terri- torial) question Temeias open Sik the next elecuon, few if any gentlemen will get here from the free States that are not pledged to the full extent of the ebolition platform. It is, therefore, obviously the interest of all of us to settle this question at the pre- ernt cestion. i ‘That the general principle above stated is at war with the whole epint of the constitution of the United States, which sanctions slavery in, several of its provisions, I need not argue here. Taking, however, a practical view of the matter in contro- versy, look fora moment at the territorial question, the great issue in the struggle. J will do Northern As these | prisopment, &e. It cannot ve a desire to liberate slaves, because they have never to my knowledge, attempted to steal negroes from Cuba or Brazil. [tis true, however, that hay the right now to come mong us both by land water, they have greater sdvantages and immunities. Fort they went into 1 foreign country, they would incur the nsk of being shot or hanged, ea robbers and pirates usuaily are. Sir, ifany evils have grown out of the existence of slavery, they have not, at least, affected the North. During the days of the slave trade, which (as | formerly had oecasion to remark) was coa- tinued down to 1808 by New England votes in the convention, the Northern shipowners realized large profits by purchasing negroes on the coast of y | Africa at thirty or forty dollars per head, and sell- + | ing them to Southern planters for several hundred dollars. The bringing 19 of these slaves caused Jarge tracts of the Southern country, too unhealthy to have been cleared by white men, to be brought under profitable cultivation. The price of cotton has thereby been brought down from fifty to ten, and even five cents per pound. An iminense amount of cupital and labor is employed profit ably in its manufacture at the North. In England, also, not less than six hundred millions of dollars is thus invested, and a van; population exists by being employed in the manufacture. [t is asc tained that at least five millions of white persvas, in Europe and in this eeuntry, get their employ- ment, are fed, and exist, on the manvtacture of cotton alone. The cheap Souinern production of the raw material not only 13 the means of thus gentlemen on this floor the justice to edmit that they have argued themselves into the belief that they are rightin claiming the whole of the terri- tory for free soil. Let me state, for a moment, the converse, or opposite of their proposition. Sap- ¢ it were to be claimed that no one should be allowed to go into this public territory, unless he carried one or more slaves with Lim, it might then be said, just as gentlemen now tell ua, that it would be perfectly fair, because it placed every man who might be inclined to go there on an equal footing, end might, by means of having thusa homogeneous population, advance the general in- Northern men would at ope ct to this arrengement. Then we should say to them, if you do not like this restriction, let it be settled, then, that every citizen of the Uaited States may go into the common territory and earry slaves or not, just as he pleases. ‘This would seem to be a periectly equitable and fair arrangement. North- ern men, however, object to this, and say that they are not willing to live in a territory where others own slaves. Then we of the South say to them, that we willconsent to divide the territory, an lumat our possession with slaves to a part of it, and allow them to go at will over the whole. Even to this they object, and insist that they will not allow us to occupy one foot of the territory Remember, wir, that this very territory was acquired by con- quest, and that while the South, according to its »pulation, would have been required to furnish ly one-third of the troops, it, in point of fuct, did 1 furnish two-thirds of the men that made the con- quest. And the North, deficient as it was com- vely in the struggle, now says that its coa- science, or its cupidity, will not permit us te have the emollest portion of that territory. Why, sir, this is the most impudent proposition that was ever maintained by and respectable body of men. Sir, I give the North full eredit for its feelings in favor of liberty. Tcan well suppose that North- ern gentlemen would resist, in the most emphatfe manner, the atiempt to make any man who is now free a slave; but | regard them as too intelligent to believe that humanity, either to the slave or the master, requires that they should be pent up within a territory which, after a ime, will be insufficient for thelr subsistence, and where they must perish from want, or from the collisions that would occur between the races. Nor can I suppose that they think it would be injumous to New Mexico and California for our people to go and settle among them. Prominent Northern statesmen, both in this House and in the Senate, have described the population of those territories, and have repre- senied it as being not only inferior to those Indian tribes that we know most of, viz: the Cherokees end Choctaws, but as being far below the Flat Heads, Black Feet, and Snake Indians. I cannot, therefore, suppose that they really believe that those territories would be injured by having in- fused into them such a state of society as produces such persons a8 Geerge Washington, John Mar- tbail, and thousands of other great and virtuous men, living and dead. Your opposition to our right will be regarded as resting on the lust for political power of your politicians, or on the rapacity of your people. The idea that the conquered people should be pennitted to give law to the conquerors, is 80 pre- posterously absurd, that I do not intend to argue it. Deubdess these people would be willing, not only to exclude slaveholders, but all other Ameri- cons, if by acimple vote, they were aliowed to doso. I may remark further, that but for the anti- slavery agitation, our southern slaveholders would have carried their negroes iato the mines of Cali- | fornia in euch numbers, that Ihave no doubt but that the majority there would have made it a slaveholding Stare. We have been deprived of all chance of this by the Northern movements, and by the action of this House, which hae, by Northern Yotes, repeatedly, from time to time, Wilmot proviso, so as in effect to exclude our im- stitutions, without the actual passage of a for that purpose. It is a mere farce, therefore, without giving our people tme to go into the country, if they desire to do so, to allow the individuals there, , 4 vote, to exelude a whole class of our citizens. his would imply that the territory belonged to the people there exclusively, and not to all the people of the United States, Compared with this great question, the abolition of elavery in the District of Columbia is of httle re- lative moment. One eflect, however, of the anti- slavery agitation here is worthy ot a passing no- tice. Within the last two years, since the matter has become serious, it has seemed not improbable that the seat of government might be removed most | wont our slave from the distnet. As this would be extremely preyudicial to the interests of the citizens here, many of them have so far changed in their feelings as to be willing to allow slavery to be abolished, yielding to the force of the pressure f the North; besides, so many of their slav from time to time taken away by the abolitioniste, as to satisfy them that such property here is almost worthless. A great impression was made on them by the coming in last year of a northern ship, and its carrying away seventy slaves at once. Seeing that there was no chance of getting Congress to pass soy adequate law for their protection, as most of the States have one, they seem to be forced to assent to some ex- the northern movement. Sir, it is most ing that the - of the southern States have borne, with so little complaint, the ir slaves incurred by the action of the The constitution of the United Srates provided for the delivery of all such fugitives, and Congress paseed an act to carry it into effect; but recently, most, if not{all of the northern States, heve completely deteated their provisiens, by fore bidding any one ot their citizens 10 aid ia the exe- cution of the law, under the penalty of fine and imprisonment tor es long a term usually as five years. There is probably no one legal mind in any one of the free States which ean rej these laws as constitutional. For though the are rot bound to legislate affirmatively in support of the constitution of the United States, yet it 1s clear that they have no ght to pass laws to obstract the execution of constitution provisions. Private eiti- zens are not usually bound to be active in the ex- ecution of the law; but if two or more combine to prevent the execution of any law, they are sub- Jeet to indietment for,conspiracy, in all countries where the common law doctrines prevail. If the several States could rightfully legislate to defeat the action of Congress, they might thereby com- paw nullify moet of its laws. Sn this particular instance, such has been the result; for though the master is allowed to go and get hus negro if he can, yet, in point of fact, it le well known that the free negroes, abolitionists, and other disorderly persons, acting under the countenance and autho- rity of the State laws, are able usually to over- power the master and prevent his recapture. The extent of the lose to the South may be un- derstood from the fact, that the number of ranaway slaves now mm the North is stated as being thirty thousend—worth, at present prices, little sort of fifteen millones of dollars. Su, that amount of property was taken away from the North by the Southern States acting against the constitu tion, what complaint would ere not be !—what memorials, remonstrancea and legislative resolu- tions would come down upon us! fiow would this hall be filled with lebby members, coming here to press their claims upon Congress! Why, sir, many of the berder counties in the slaveholding ‘States have been obliged to give up their slaves almost entirely. It was stated in the newspapers the other day, that a few counties named in Maryland, had, by the eflorts of the abolitionists within six months, upon computation, lost one hundred thousand dol- lars worth of slaves. A gentleman of the highest standing, from Delaware, assured me the ether day thet that little State lost, each year, at least that vame of such property mm the same Way. A hundred thousand dollars is a heavy tax to be levied on a tingle congressional district by the abolitionists. oppose a proportional burden was inflicted on the Northern States. How would bear the lose annueily i thourand dollars, not only inflict bot egainst an express tion ?-we may inf from the commplasat of # eheht inconvenience i don her jat res wiaticn of S. Carolina ‘which prevented "a. v "This whene a negro fervants to 5 hole action, on. 1 North not only in vielation of ¢ yen 4 to be potely wanton, ot originaty in ‘ma wards the South. It is obvious they do among them; because they only make no adequate provision for their comfort, but, m fact, in many of the States, have forbiddem iving subsistence to a great portion of the popu- fition of this country and Europe, but is clothing the world ata cheap rate. In addition to cotton, nice, sugar, coflee, tobacco, end various tropical productions are supplied at a cheap rate, for nor- thern consumption. On the other hand, our slaves seldom come in competition with Northern labor, and are good consumers of its productions. While the North has derived these great advantages, the negroes themselves have not been sufiere Their condition not only compares most ad- vantageously with that ot the laboring popula tion of the world, but is in advance of the position they have been able, at any time, to occupy at home. The researches of Gliddon and other antiquarians show that four thousand years ago in Afnea they were slaves, and as black as they now are. Since then, in that couatry, where they were placed by Providence, and where, from their peculiar constitution, they en- joy the best health, they have existed only as teveges. They are there continually made slaves ot by the men of more intelligent and enterpri- sing races. Nor have they ever gotten out of the tropical parts of Africa, except when they were curried as merchandise. Jt remains to be proved, however, yet to the world, thut the negro, any more than the horse, cen permanenily exist, in a state of freedom, out of the tropical regions. Their decay at the North, as well as other cireum- stances which | have not time to detuil, are adverse to the proposition. And yet, eir, the journals of the North, while they deny that the French and the Germans, the mest enlightened of the conti- nental nations of Europe, are capable «f freedom, stoutly maintam that the negre is—the negro who has never anywhere, when [eft to himself, gotten up to the respectable state of barbarism which all the other races have attained, not even excepting our Indians in Mexico and Peru. While the people of the northern States and the negroes have been benefitted, I am not prepared to admit that the South (if injured at all) has suflered as generally supposed. ‘The influx of foreign emi- grants, and some other circumstances to which I will presently advert, have, in some respects put the North greatly ahea jut af you deduct the foreign population, which goes chiefly to the North —the little we get not _bemg equal to that portion of our own people who go to the northwestern steer tt rae deduct this, [ mf it will be found that the white population of all the slaveholding States has increased faster than that of the free States. Owing to the comfortable condition of our population, if there had been no emigration from ubroad, the descendants of our portion of the American white fammly would be more numerous than the northern. Nor is it true that we are the poorer : on the contrary, if we are to take the valu- ations of property iu the different States, as assess- ed by the public officers, it appears that the slave- holding States are much richer in propertion to their population the free. Even if you ex- clude the pegroes as property, and count them in the population, it appears that the citizens of Vir- gimia—the oldest of the slave States—are richer, per head, than the citizens of any one of the free States, Jt will also appear that the slaveholding States have vastly less om the northern States. Looking, therefore, at all these diflerent elements, viz: greater increase of population, more wealth, and less poverty and crime, we have reason to regard our people as prosperous and happy. Sir, Il have not, for want of ume, 2 into de- tails on these points, but contented myself with the statement of those general views which every coudid inquirer will, I am flad to be true. 1 do not seek to make comparisons that might be regarded as invidious, unless by way of defence aguinst habitual attacks on us; but I regard it as right to say, on this occasion, that whether consi- dered with reference to the physical comfort of the people, ora high state of public and private mo- rals, elevated sense of honor, and of all generous emotions, I have no reason to believe that a higher state of civilization either now existe elsewhere, or has existed at any time in the past, than is pre- sented by the southern States ot the Union. When we look to foreign countries, these views are confirmed and sustained. Brazil, with a po- pulation of two slaves to one freeman, is the most prosperous of the South American States, and the ovly one which has a stable political system. Cuba is greatly in advance of the other West India islands, though St. and Jamaica once equi her before the emancipation of their slaves. Besides the expense of maintaining her government at home, Cuba pays Spain a revenue of nearly fourteen milhons. 18 18 @ greater sum for her population than two hundred millions would be for the United States. Could our people, in ad- dition to the expense of our State governments, pay six timesas much as the the federal government ever yet raised by impost and taxes? That Caba thould be able to bear this burden and still prosper, is evidence of the high productiveness of the sy tem, In spite, however, of these great facts, which ought to strike all impartial minds, the course of the North has been ae gressive on this question. The ordinance of fon adopted cotem- poraneously with the constitution, terri- tory north of the Ohio free, and left that south of the river slaveholding, giving the North ‘oe than halt of all the existing yon ga When Louisiana was acquired, slavery could legally exist in every part of it. The State of Missouri having formed a republican constitution, mepes —— into the Union, but the North rei her application. Though her constitution rorenising aleve was precisely like those of a majority of the old States, yet they, against all constitutional principle, be- erism and crime than cause eEatientel er fa ye ot a gress, obs iagtely t ission, wntil it wes act of Congress that no oth slave shout exist North of 36 30. By that means, after eres the South only territory for single State, (A the: i ough iaentent tomake ten or J map hy teen ‘ates. Now, their former suce: and having en become clatiely stronger, they claim the whole ernitory. of the t what is to be the result? Should we give e California, Oregon, New Mexico, Deseret, and Anion in lese than Minnesota, will come into the five years, giving the North & clear majority of ten or fifteen votes in the Senate. The census of the coming year will, under the new apportion- ment, give them nearly two to one in this House. th ii controling rere both notat onee, by act of Congress, the Shaeet Mn ‘Adama whe, in his day, controlled Northern opinion on thie oo said that there were twenty provisions of constitution, which, under certain cireum- stances, would give Congress the power. Would not this ty find the power, as easily as they have done in their State Le; ures, where they have ct ‘te sway to nulliy the provision of the constitution for the fugitive slaves? Haye not prominent northern politicians, of the highest SS mt ip atecnee, waees bames are wel nows gentlemen on lready declared that there is nothing in the constitution of the United States which ts or ought to obstruct the abolition of slavery, by Congress, in the States? Sa » however, this should not occur, in twenty years or le: ithout new acquisitions of territory, they wou! the power, by the cor in of new free States, nd the constitution for that purpose. Bat e no doubt, sir, that other acquisitions of ter- titory will be made. after the next Presidential election, we shall get that part of Mexico which lies along the Gulf, as far as Vera Cruz: and from which, though well suited to the refitable employment of slave labor, we should excluded, rep the adoption of the principle thet slavery should not be extended in atea. Conced wever, that I am wrong in both these tions, and that Congress would neither violate the constitution nor annul it thus, what are we to expect? very is to be kept, they say, where it now is; and we are to be surrounded with free States. These States not only prohibit the introduction of slaves, but aleo of free negroes into their borders. Of course the whole ome re is to be here- after confined to the territory of the present fifteen slave States. That population in twenty-five enre will amount to seven or eight millions, and bey years to nh we 8 However 7 nese © population m become, negroes will not be gotten away, 4] the wealthier portion of the reek area + Farts} wel ea ihe erty The rgd T would ve rritory. cond: Sonat tt South would, for a time, be that of re. land, and soon, by the destruction of the rem- nants of the white population, become that of St. Domingo. There are those now living who would probably see this state of things; but it would fe certain to overtake our children or grandchildren. These faets are staring us in the ivce as distinetly as the sun 1a the heavens at soonday. Northern men not only adaut it, but con- stantly in their publie speeches avow it to be their purpose to produce this very state of things. If we express alarm at the prospect, they seek to nmuse us with eulogies on the bleasings of the Federal Union, and ask us to be still for a time. They do well, tor itis true that communines have usually been destroyed by movements which, in the beginning, inflicted no immediate injury, and which were therefore acquiesced in till they ha: progressed too far to be resisted. They have, too, constant examples in the cenduct of brate animals, that do not struggle against evils until they begin to feel pam. They are doubtless, too, encouraged to hope tor our submission, on account of our ac- quiescence under their former wrongs. They know that the evils already inflicted on us, to which I have referred, greatly exceed in amount any injury that Great Britain attempted when she drove the colonies into resistance, Besides, sir, their aggressions have infinitely less show of coa- Mituuional right or color of natural justice. But what they now propose is too palpable even for our Southern generosity. If, after having been free for eeventy years, the Southern States were to consent to he thus degraded and enslaved, in- stead of the pity, they would meet the scorn and contempt of the universe. The men of this gene- ration, who would be responible, ought to be whijped through their fields by their own negroes | thavk God that there is no one in my district that ithipk 20 meanly ef, a3 to believe that he would not readily come ito whatever movement might be necessary for the protection of our rights and liberty, I tell Northern gentlemen, who are in hopes that the South will be divided, that we shall not have half #s many traitors to hang as we did tories in the revoluuon. b If gentlemen mean that the Union, upon the principles of the constitution, is desirable, I will not controvert that opinion, But the Union never could have been formed without the written co stitution. So, if you now, by your action, pri cally destroy the constitution, those injured, if able to resist, will not submit. That instrument was or dained, in its own language, to “establish justice, insure domestic tranquillity, and secure the bless ings of liberty” to all parties to it—namely, the freemen of the Union. If, therefore, under its form, gross injustice is done, insurrections excited, and the citizens . part of the States politically en- slaved, then the Union ought not to stand, as an in- strument of wrong and oppression. There is throughout the South a strong attach- ment to the Union of the States. This sentunent rests not so much upon any calculations of interest as on historic associations and the recollections of common ancestral struggles and triumphs. Our people take a pride in the name of the United States, and in being members of a great republic that furnishes a cheering exarple to the friends of hberty throughout the world. But the events of the last few years are rapidly weakening this feeling. Seeing that there appeared to be a settled purpose in the North to put them to the wall, many of our peo- ple, regpmiing a dissolution of the Union as the in- evitable result of this aggression, have looked for- ward to the consequences of such a state of things. I willtell Northern gentlemen, in the hope that many of them are not yet pa what is the view presented in prospect to many o! the highest intellects in the South. It is well known that the existing revenue system operates the South and the West. The govera- upwards of thirty millions annually by aduty or tas upon imports. But this system acts very unequally on the different sections of the country. For illustration of the mode of opera- tion, ] will take a single article. Railroad iron is roduced in En; ‘land at so cheap a rate, that it can e brought to this ccuntry and sold, we may say, for $40 perton. ‘l'hisis much cheaper than our people can afford to make it at. They therefore ask the government to require the payinent of $20 rton by voy of duty. ‘he importer, therefore, instead 1 limg for €40 per tn, must ask $60, to resmburse hime if for what he has paid out abroad, and to the government. very Bef therefore, in the United States, who purchases railroad iron, has to pay ¢20 more for each ton. There are, however, some advantages to counterbalance this loss. In the first place, some of our people, fiading that they can make a profit by selling railroad iron at $60 per ton, engage in the manufacture, aud thus employment. While so engaged these per- sons consume the produce of the farmerg aad vin wl and thus make a home market for agricul- tural productions. We see, however, that the loss of $20 per ton falls on all those in any part of the United States who may consume the iron, Bat the benefit is cenfined to those persons who are en- goged in making iron, and those who live so near them that they can conveniently get their produce to the factorier. In fact, this sort of manutactur- ing is confined to the State of Peansylvania, and perhaps a few other localities. But my constita- ents can no more pay the manufacturers of Penn- ee iron in the production of their farms, than they could the British iron-masters. It is, therefore, to our advantage, as me must pay for in cagh, to get the iron at the lowest rate. "Thi true of the ithern and Western people generally. This illustrates the effect of our revenue and pro- tective system. The bu ditiused over the whole country, but the be: mited to the ma- nutacturere, and to those persons who reside so near as to have thereby a better market; very little more’ than one-third of the Union gets the benefit of the system, in exe! mainly of the South and West. It is not easy to measure the precise extent of this burden. ft has been estimated that two-thirds of allthe articles which would, if ted, be subject topay aduty, are produced in the United States. To return, for reaay illustration, to the cese of railroad iron. If two of every three tons of iron consumed in the United States were made in this soomery. it would follow that the person whe ees — ou tons of iron, while he paid twenty dollars to the government on the ton imported, would forty dollars to the home manufacturer ; and ithe lived so far from the man- ulaeturer that he could not pay him in would follow that, in fact, while he paid the gov- ernment but twenty dollars, he would lose sixty himself on account of bed Ls E yee, fom e, government gets, as it is doing, thirty- three millions of dollars revenue, the whole burden to the consumers of this country would be one hun- produce, it dred — of pay mpd rs amount, the South pays, acc to ite population umpti ony milhons of dollars. This sum inak too Ton in tact. In the Patent Office report, made to the last session of #8, (the last one published,) it is stated by the Commissioner, Mr. Burke, a north- era man, that the annual value of articles manu- factured in the United is five hundred and fry millions of dollars. This statement does not include iron, salt, coal, sugar, wool, the products of fisheries, and other articles on which a duty is collected; adding these, swells the amount to neatly seven hundred millions. Our imports for that year were unvenally large, account of the temine abroad. Neverthele: articles im- ported, on which a duty is collected, inclading the above omit in the statement of manutactures, are in value only one hundred and eleven millions one hundred and fi ir thousand three hundred and fifteen doliars. It thus appears that the amount mufactured in the country, is more than six i that imported. It is not pretended, how- ver, that this comparison affords a proper measure of the amount of the burden which couatry may sustain; and that while it pa the gov- erpment thirty-three millions, it pays twe hundred to the manulacturere indireetly, ~~ making instanee, the whole loss to consumers, in the first nd thirty-three millions. Some few pay oe me eit here as ow as oer can be eleewhere ; Se 4 large att we : aa T, at the places w! are cl r to the consumer would be the foreign article when traneported there. It is also true, however, that consumer ew in a great i £5 the more than the whole duty, because he is not oaly obliged to pay it to the manufacturer or refund it to importer, but & profit or per ceot on this duty to each trader through whose hands the article passes before it reaches him. Io other in- sta. the price is intermediate between what it would without = he and that which it would amount to by addition of the duty.— Went of accurate knowledge of all the facts ren- cers it impossible to determine precisely the effect which our revenue system 3 bat that it is most powerful controlling, cannot be de- med. The government actually raises more than thirty millions per year by t duties. The Mmantfacturere, who certainly are interested in selling their productions at a high rather than a low rate, and who understand their true tnterests, attach the greatest to the tariff sys. tem, ond attribute to its operation e: even greater than I have stated them to be. There hes been lese complaint among consumers, because the cost of most manufactured articles has been diminishing from time to time. This tall of prices, however, is ly attributable to the great disco- veries made during our hy chemistry, mechan- um, and the arts generally, by which these arti- cles are produced with much more facility. It is also attributable to the comparative repose of the world, which has directed capital and labor, for- merly consumed in wars, to industrial pursnits, Hence, u d is @ gradual reduction of prices in the d States, yet it 1s still more strik- ing on the other side of the Atlantic. In Great Britain particularly, ae wellas in certain portions of the continent, such is the accumulation of capi- pe FS or me number ot laborers who are © 10 worl & mere subsistence, that prices are at the Jowest possible rate. We have a right to teke advantrge of thi i ine Buepeage fs tourer pine ete ton ‘ad of they used to do, ving us dolla they the frond" ihe norihern states, seem glad to get it ve cents t the point of seating nd, uence of our over production re ¢ artic bs otWe have, therefore, a matural ght to purchase their productions at the lowest rate at whieh we can obtain them, to counterbalance the disedvantage we suffer from the accumulation of a different kind of capital and labor. To alleviate this burden, we of the south get back very little in the form of ion. Why, then, have southern men been w: to submit to a syetem so unequal in its operation? Because, as I lave formerly had occasion to state, in the convention which made | the federal constitution there was a bargain made between the North and the South, that, provided ihey would allow our slaves to be represeated, to sermit importation tor a time, ugitives, the South would, on its part, agree that amejority of Congress might have power to pass navigation on tariff laws. As the gilt of che power under the circumstances necessarily imple it was to be exercised, we felt ;oound in hoaor to acquiesce in the action of the majonty. Beeause, inthe second place, protection to such extent as might give our infant manufactures a fair start, wes caleu! st of tion as a whole, though for the ume it might bear hardly on us. And because, thirdly, that we hoped that the eouthern states would, after a time, get to manufacturing themselves, ai quired them to do, and thus escape the burden, wus thus that southern gentlemen, even after the North bad partially Failed. topay its share of the consideration, wit to sustain the system. The manner of djsbursement 1s also adverse to our interests. Of the forty odd millions which the goverpment purposes to disburse this yearyIdo not believe that five millions will in any way be expended in all the slavehotding States. North Carolina, for example, is burdened to the extent of not less than three millions, and yet does not get back one hundred thousand dollars in any way from the government. The clear loss in a pecu- niary point of view, on account of the action of the government, may be set down at three mil- lionsg apnually. ‘The southern States generally are in the same situation. zm ts What would be our condition if separated from the North? Itis difficult to determine the precise +mount ef the exports of the slaveholding States, tecause it is not precticable to arrive at the exact value fof that portion which is sold to the free States. But the amount of our leading staples being pretty well known—I mean cotton, rice, to- bacco, sugar, &c.—we can arrrve atthe whole value of our exports pretty nearly. They cannot fall short cf one hundred and thirty millions of dollars, and this year, perh: considerably ex- ceed that sum. This 1s nearly as much as the whole of the exports of the United States to foreign countries. It must be remembered, however, that though the free States furnish part of our experts, yet that which they do aflord is scarcely so much as the portion of our own products which goes to them for consumption. If, therefore, we were separated, our whole exports to the North and to forergn countries generally, would be equal to that sum. Of course we should import as much, a in fact do at this time consume as much. A duty of thirty per cent on these imports (and most of the rates of the present tariff law are higher) would yield a revenue of nearly forty milhons of dollars. As the prices of almost all manufactured articles are regulated by the production of the great work- shops of Europe, where the accumulation of capi- tal and labor keeps down production to the low- est possible rates, I have no doubt but that sum would the prices which our citizens now pay. We might therefore expend a8 much as the govern- ment of the United States ever did 1a ume of peace upto the begmning of General Jacksoa’s admi- aitration, and still have on haad twenty-tize mil- lions of dollars to devote to the muking railroads, opening our harbors and rivers, aad for other do- mestic purposes. Or, by levying only a twenty per cent duty, which the Northern manufacturers found ruinous to them, as they said, under Mr. Clay’s compromise bill, we should be able to ra‘se some twenty-five millions of dollars. Half of this sun would be sufficient for the support of our army, navy, and civil government. The residue might be devoted to the making of all such im- provements as we are now in want of, and espe- cially checkering our eountry over with railroads. Subjecting the goods ot the North to a daty, with those from other foreign countries, Woald stoacegive a powerful stunulug to our own manufactures. We have already sufficient capital for the purpose. But, 1f needed, it would come in from abroad. Engheh capitalists have filled Belgium with fac- tories. Why did this eetea ply because CVV INLONB WETE Cieupes LNeTe taxes lower than In England. ‘The same motives would bring them into the Tm country, since the reasons assigned are much stronger in our case. It has alrendy been proved that we can manufacture some kinds of goods more cheaply than the North. In New England, too, owing to her deficient — culture, every thing is directed to manufa turing, and the system 18 strained up to a point which is attended with great social Gaadraniegns, #0 as to retard population. In the South, it nee: not be so. The climate and soil are very favorable to sgneakarel pursuits. Our slaves might be chiefly occupied on the farms, while the rer females, manufacturing. We should thus have sity in ~~ ergo whieh 7 most i genanenve to the prosperity an ess a people. Our po han wf tone would a 2 for a time, be in the hands of the English and other foreigners. and to deliver up | | mi that | | whole of New Mexico, and having the mountai lated to advance the interest of the na- | chain and desert on the weet, obtain a propel their interest re- | occupied by our slave population. It | Briush tried that in 1815, but found Andrew Jack- eon and some of the southwestern militiam the way. In the thirty-five years that have since passed, those States have become populous aad strong, and would doubtless be able to protect their waters from aggression. The southera States having now a free populatioa of six millions, and preduciag in succession such soldiers as Washiag- ton, Jackson, Seutt, and Taylor, need have no serious fears of foreign aggression. 1 submit it, then, Mr. Chairman, calmly to northern igeaciowen, that they had better make up their minds to give us at once a fair settlement; not cheatus by a mere empty form, without reality, but give something substantial for the South. We ht aequiesee in the Missouri compromise 1 ale individually preter, under all the cireum- stances, giving a the whole of California, provided we could have all on this side of it, up to about the parallel of 40 deg., not far from the northern line of | the State of Missanri, rather than its soathera— 36 deg. 30 min. We would thus, by getting the frontier. We might then acquire, at some future day, whether united or divided, p+ssession ef the country along the Gulf ot Mexico, well suited to be a 1 mean, sir, that no restriction ought to be Jeopiers by Congress | on this territory, but that after ithas heen left open to all classes for a proper period, the majority may great magnanimity continued | then, when they make a State constitution, deter. » rmit any mine for theniselves whether they will slavery or not. The South will acquiesce reasonable settlement. i But when we ask for justice, and to be let alone, we are met by the senseless and insane cry of “Union, union!” Sir, I am disgusted with it. When it comes from northern gentlemen who are attacking us, it falls on my ear as it would do if a band of robbers had surrounded a dwelling, and when the inm attempted to resist, the as ants should raise the shout of Peace—union— harmony!” If they will do us gnaies we do not | need their lectures. As long as they refuse it, their | declarations seem miserable, hypocritical cant. | When these things come from southern men, I have even less respect for them. Even the most cowardly men, when threatened with personal in- jury, do not usually announce in advance that they mean to submit to all the cpastisement which an adversary may chooseto inflict. And those persons who, seeing the aggressive attitude of the North, and its numerical power, declare im advance that be raised without any material increase of- class of our white population, and a portian of our | tectly, that while | was pressing in | Member to vote against striki th) be advantageously em vg allo ae, wk pends striking out that for their parts they intend to submit to whatever the majority may do, are taking the best course to aid our assailants, and need not, wonder if the country regards them as enemies of the South. If northern gentlemen will do us justice on this great question, we may consent to submit to lesser evils, We may acquiesce in a most oppressive revenue system. We may tolerate a most wneq' distribution of the public expenditures. We may bear the lossef our fugitive slaves, incurred be- ceuse the legislatures of the no: States have nullified an essential prepaicn of the constitution, without which the Union could not have peea formed, because mere pecumary considerations are not controlling with us. We may even permit such portions of the northera people as are desti- tute of proper self-respect, to send up here occa- sionally representatives whose sole business seems to be to irritate as much as possible southern feel- ing, and pander to the prejudices of the worst part of the northern community. We may allow that the northern States shall keep up and foster in their bosoms abolition societies, whose main forpoee id to scatter firebrands throughout the South, to in- cite servile insurrections, and stimulate, by licen- tious pietures, our negroes to invade ersens of our white women. But if, in addition te all these wrongs and insults, you intend to de- grade and utterly ruin the South, thea we doa’t go it. We do notiove you, people North, weil enough to become your slavi God has given us the power and the will to resist. Our fathers ac- quired our liberty by the rd, and with it, at every hazard, we will maintain it. But before re- sorting to that instrament, I hold that all constitae tional means should be exhausted. It sur, a wise provision of providence, force is required to resist an attack than to make it. The copstitunion of the United States has been well framed on these principles. While, therefore, a majority ig necessary to pass a meagure, one-t of the pan F nee may demand the yeas and nays. In spite, therefore, of any change ot rule which the majority can muke as long asthis conetitu- tional provision stands, a minority of one-fifth or more, if firm, and sustained by the people at home, can stop the wheels of the government. If it i ascertained that no proper settlement can be gota of the territorial question, 1t would be the power of the southern members to defeat all the appropriation Mills, and a dead halt. Perhaps it ni; -, a cup to northern gentlemen; for] we.. Pemember hat when the civil and diplomatic appropriation bus ‘was under co ration, with the from the Senate known as Walker's, which wouid have settled the question of slavery im the territorities, a number of northern gentlemen resolved to defeat that bill and all other business by coastantly call ing for the yeas and nays, if they did not succeed in striking out that amendment. I recollect pere a Feanaylrente 0 nding motion, a m: r of high standing from Seeastncce said to me, “You need not give yourself any trouble about this nmtter; if we do not succeed in c! ing it, we shall prevent its adoption by having e yeas This, however, would not be to our disadvan- | and nays on motions to adjourn, and calls of the tage, since northern ship-owners now charge as much {or Sout ee New Leg and New Orleans, a8 1) lo for carry: it to Cans on the “cppenite, tide of the ties. hole amount ot the freight on southern productions, one hundred and eighty-six thousand seven hun- died and eget whole value whic! House, tll the end of the session.” From similar declarations made to me by a number of northera gratiense, as I went through the House, I had no a butthat, ashe smd,enoagh had The wh agreed Boe ave enabled them to eflect their purpose, if the received by the northern owners, has, on a | Motion to change the character of the amendmeat minute calculation, been set down at forty millions | hed failed. | It is not long since, too, that another si hu gues < Homachusctia (Mr. Joba Davie) de- t rs ($40,156,723 ‘he | fea e two millioa bil a in the the ars (040,186,7: Soom 1g | Senate, by speaking till the end of thes feesion. fouthern connection, has been estimated, by some pereons moet familiar with these statistics, at more than cighty-eight millions of dollars. Whoever looks into the condition of the different States prior to the formation of the Union, and compares it with their situation at first, under low duties, up to the war and tariff of 1816, and its suc highly protective as they have been, wi!l tind the facts fully sustaining the opinions | have ex- pressed. Northern writers of elementary books, made for schoolchildren, of course, represent things differently, and deceive the careless aad ig- norant. My opinions on these points have been settled fora long while past, though! have not heretofore been ina position where | thought I could exert any controlling influence, or effect any desirable object, by giving utterance to them. rowing out these views, Mr. Chairman, I not sought the utmost de; of precision, he but I have no @pabt but that all the facts will be found, on examination, not less favorable to wm conclusions than I have etated them. My par- pose, now, is simply to present to northe: Uemen sue! ral views as are likely now to be adopted by the South. Your course of aggression is already crag ingegnion, you all the hi the South—men of hi, otism, whose utter inditlerence to all person siderations will make them, in the lan eloquent friend from Georgia, (Mr. Toombs,) “de- vote all they have and all they are to this cause.” But gentlemen speak of the difficulty of maku boundary ; the condition of the border States of Maryland and Kentucky are particularly referred to, — Undoubtedly, each State would have the mght to determine for itself to which section of the confederacy it would belong. If there twe States were to unite with the it would not be possible for them to change their condition immediately with respect to slave- Ds if oz we did, they Loe my for many years at east, form a barrier against the aggressions of the free Btates, upul, la poor, the South would have become too great and powerful to need such aid. Ltake it, however, that their interest would lead them to Peed an association with the South. With reference to fugitive slaves, Maryland would not be materially worse off than I have thown to be, molested. There would, however, be seme great ra advantages. She is in advance “ most ~ u Nok and a duty on Northern imports would give her, for the time, better prices on tuch thuage 6 now come from the North. Baltimore would, hape, trom its considerable aize and Its capital, come the New York of the Sonth. New York iteelf must at once lore more than half its foreign trade. Charleston and New Orleans would Wy The ke might occur to the cities of Virginia. -ven the little towns on the eastern own State would more than which they hed prior to the tariff of 1816. Kentucky would perhaps be obliged to remove their slaves t'ahe South ‘tat ‘ny be to her advantages in the change, of Mary- land Rentucky sujphes the with live stock to a great extent; but she has to encounter the competition ef Ohio If the productions of were subjected ¢ Southern States in manufactures, | down the power of Austria. It was recover the ‘rade & Reglived cad war duties and the | ever shone upon.” he northern tier of counties in | measures were consummated, and your coil, lke Asnorthern gentlemen have, therefore, been ac- customed to this mode of resistance to such mea- suree as they do not hike, I take it that they would hardly a of this kind of retaliation, tell gentlemen that, if we cannot in advance get a fair settlement of this question, | pleased to see the civil and diplos army and navy bill, and all oth fal We should thereby eed every expectant of public money directly interested in having justice done to the Soutn. It would be far ber to have this temporary inconvenience for a year or twe, than that we should see a bloody revolution, or something worse. I hold it to be the duty of every southern representative to stay here and prevent, tll the close of our official term, the passage of any measures that might tead to force our poe to unjast submission. [a the mean time the southern States could, in convention, take such steps as might be neceseary to assert their right to a shore in the publie terri If this in- terregnum Were to continue loos. it might drive ra gen- th sections (0 make provisional goveramenta, to es in the end. certain portions of the norta- eat minds of | €TM press, that the members from that section intellect, and higher patri- | Ought to expel such ag interrupt their proceedings. ‘con- 1 them try the expermment. | tell gentlemen, guage of my | that this is our slaveholding territory. edo not intend to leave it. If they think they can remove Us, It is @ proper case for trial. In the present teme per of the public mind, it is probabie that a colli- sion of the kind here might electrify the country, as did the little skirmish at Lexington the colonies in their then excited state. Such a st ale, who- ever might prove the victors in it, would not leave here orum to do business. Gentiemea may call this (reason—high treason —the highest treason that the world ever saw. Bnt their words are idle. We shail defeat their movement against us. Bat we if i Soueht eeeeae, 1 woald oud nae, ner than submit to what opose, I wou! jather see the South, like P a4 under the irom heel ot the conauerens I w rather that she should find the fate of Hungary. It was but the other day, and under our own eyes, that the gallant Hungarians asserted their in- dependence. in the of, and stray. if she were not, in fact, less sling —_— thore two immense empires, that cou! more than a million of armed mea into the field, 'y were first in beating not watil some ot her sons became traitors that Hungary was fiaal- ly overpowered, borne down, and pressed to death by the columne and gigantic streng'n of Russia. be- | If necessary, let euch be oar fate. “ __* Better be Where the extinguished Spartans sti! sre free, In thelr proud charnel of mMOpy iw’ Rather let the future traveller, a he passes ber desert waste, at lexst exclaim, ied as noble a race asthe sun If we were to wait until your that of a great serpent, was completely arouad us then we might be crushed. Seeing Pf He we have the wisdom and the courage to inet the tack now, while we have the power tor Muet prove victors in this struggie. If w pel northwestern States, | wave of aggression igh ali have peace, ‘the ‘Seates lore abolitionists, defeated the country on the to a cuty, ehe might for atime have a monopoly in | main issue, will not have power to malesi vs. the trade. 1 would do injustice to these two States it sw as generous, and as ree th as Sedna ra wi it i ing ") thett IT have thus, sir, I frankly spoxen my opinions oa be. red solely or “ eiseon. Macys this great question, with n@ Urpose to menace, but only towarn. Gentlemen of th: - selves to see that, while submission to that they would be ony us, it would not im the " cia) to their sect) Seeing, then, the issue in all its bearings, it 1 f Y y hold in thetr handethe oven \inenien wishin a cireummances di That we 5 mer i Tecions 4 to say, Do us justice, coutinee to etaud Wits yous attempt to tra us, and we part company. a i ' -