Evening Star Newspaper, April 28, 1940, Page 33

e e e e = = gy e THE SUNDAY STAR, WASRINGTON, D. C, APRIL 2, 1940—PART TWO. | U. S. Is Likely to Do No More - | Sentiment Growing Stronger Than Speak Sharply to Japan State Department Knows American People Do Not Wart to Face War—Nippon Just as Apt to Ignore Our Many Protests By Blair Bolles. More than eight years ago, on January ¥, 1932, the United States began a war of words with Japan. It still goes on, but words—even when they are as fiery as those predicting imminent conflict with Japan which the Senate Naval Af- fairs Committee heard last week from Rear Admiral J. K. Taussig—break no bones and they have not stopped Japan from seeking her destiny of empire. Relations between Japan and the United States are still in the angry-word stage. Battle is afar off despite the Ger- man-inspired Japanese gesture toward the Netherlands East Indies, and it is & long way off despite the United States’ re- fusal to recognize the Jgpanese puppet government in China, headed by Wang Ching-wei, with which Tokio opened formal diplomatic relations on Thursday. The issue between the United States and Japan is fundamental. Economic- ally, Japan threatens American markets | and sources of supplies in the Far East | and the Pacific—China, the Philippines, \ the Netherlands Indies and, ultimately, | Australia, whose establishment of diplo- matic relations this winter with the United States was based chiefly on the apprehension of Japanese southward ex- pansion. Politically, the Japanese Asi- atic drive is a violation of the nine- power treaty, signed here February 6, 1922, guaranteeing the territorial integ- rity of China, and of the Kellogg anti- war pact. The foundations for a test of might and a test of principles between the two great nations facing each other from opposite ends of the wide Pacific Ocean are in plain view. Protests Likely to Continue. But the United States Government will do no more than speak sharply and wave 8 papier mache stick (in contrast to the ‘Theodore Roosevelt view) until the Gov- ernment feels that the people of the United States are ready to face a war with Japan. The State Department, which keeps its finger on the American pulse constantly. finds few fire-eaters among the citizens ready for war. It is | arguable that Admiral Taussig—for all the sharp reprimand he received from his superiors—was sending up a pre- meditated trial balloon as an influencer of public opinion in his forthright re- | marks. The unanimous reaction to the ‘Taussig observations was the sort of dis- pleasure reserved for a disturber of the peace. In a democracy so complete as ours ‘the Government would not dare to move toward war without confidence | that the peopie would support the move. But undoubtedly the stern words will eontinue to come from our high officials, principally the Secretary of State. Sec- retary Stimson set the fashion January 7, 1932, when he dispatched identic notes to the Chinese and Japanese govern- ments announcing this Government’s re- fusal to recognize the Japanese regime in Manchukuo, carved from China by | the successful military expedition for the seizure of Manchuria. For more than five years there was a semblance of peace between Japan and China. On July 7, 1937, the current war began. On July 16, | Secretary Hull put the American posi- tion in the broadest words, appealing to civilized morality: Hull's Promouncement. “This country constantly and consist- ently advocates maintenance of peace. We advocate national and international self-restraint. We advocate abstinence by all nations from use of force in pur- suit of policy and from interference in the internal affairs of other nations. We advocate adjustment of problems in international relations by processes of | peaceful negotiation and agreement. We | advocate faithful observance of interna- | tional agreements. Upholding the prin- ciple of the sanctity of treaties, we be- | lieve in modification of provisions of treaties, when need therefor arises, by orderly processes carried out in a spirit | of mutual helpfulness and accommoda- tion.” This splendid dogma is sane but revo- lutionary, because it denies all the bases on which all imperialistic nations from the days of the ancients widened the boundaries of their empires. When Mr. Hull enunciated this doctrine the League of Nations as an international force for order was in disrepute. As a voice for law and order crying against the world of force, the United States has taken over | almost completely the symbolic leader- ship of the League. So far as Japan is | concerned, the United States and the League suffer from the same problem: Condemnatory words carry little water when they lack the firmness of a threat of action. “It is very certain that the Japanese can be brought to reason only through the influence of their fears,” Commodore Perry, who led the American naval ex- pedition of 1853, which resulted in open- | needless. ing Japan to the trade of the Western World, reported to the Navy Department. If this observation is as valid in 1940 as it was 87 years ago, the problem of the United States is delicate. The actions speaking-louder-than- words which the United States have un- dertaken toward Japan since the Chinese expedition began are few. Twice the Navy has asked for and twice Congress has rejected an appro- priation for harbor improvements con- sidered preliminary steps to the fortifica- tion of Guam, the little island possession of the United States in the Eastern Pa- cific lying between the Japanese Archi- pelago proper and the Japanese island possessions of Paualu, Yap, Truk, Ponape and Jaluit. Twice the American Navy has held large-scale maneuvers in the Pacific. But, then, the American Navy is devised as a navy for the Pacific Ocean. | The Government has increased its naval expenditures, but that step is construable less as a threat to Japan than as a re- action to the European arms race and the European war. 1911 Treaty Abrogated. The Army is urging the development of Anchorage in Alaska as a military air base. Parts of Alaska are nearer Japan than Hawaii. The Export-Import Bank has lent money to China for military supplies. ‘The United States has abrogated the 1911 treaty with Japan. This provides this country with a sword of Damocles to hang over Japan, because the abrogation paves the way for the imposition of an embargo, or prohibitive tariff against Japanese silk exports—cutting sharply into Japan’s source of foreign exchange, which she needs to buy necessaries in other parts of the world—and an embargo on shipments of goods to Japan. Despite the war of words, Japan has gone ahead with her Chinese under- taking, outraging the American position by the use of military force to subjugate | a people and flouting the American be- lief in the “sanctity of treaties” by pro- claiming November 3, 1938, the “new order” in Asia—involving a closer rela- tionship of Japan, Manchukuo and China in all political, economic and cul- tural fields in order to “perfect a joint defense against Communism, to create a new culture, to realize a closer economic cohesion and to secure international justice.” This amounted to a Japanese displacement of all the pledges made by the signatories of the Nine-Power Treaty, | g | from the square, energetic visage, en- with all the signatories except Japan thrust into the cold. Viscount Ishii Stated Position. The fundamentals of the Japanese position were outlined as long ago as June, 1932, by Viscount Ishii, the Foreign Minister, in an address of welcome to | Joseph C. Grew, then the new and now the veteran United States Ambassador in Tokio. Seiji Hishida, Japanese writer, | recalls the incident in his recent book, “Japan Among the Great Powers”: “The viscount * * * observed that ‘an | armed conflict between our countries is possible only in two extremely improb- | able contingencies’: the one, ‘if Japan ! were foolish enough to attempt unduly to interfere with matters of the Western | Hemisphere’ and the other, ‘if the United States ever attempted to domi- nate the Asiatic continent and prevent ! Japan from her pacific and natural ex- pansion in this part of the world.’” The first ground of war is non-exist- | ent; Japan has been rather restrained | in her interference in Western Hemi- sphere affairs. The second ground, too, within the strict meaning of the words used by Ishii, is non-existent, even though the United States has by words | attempted to halt natural, perhaps, but not pacific. Am- the Americans have a real interest in the Japanese activities on the Asian continent: “The new order in Asia has appeared to include, among other things, depriv- Ing Americans of their long-established rights in China, and to this the Ameri- can people are opposed. American rights and interests in China are being im- paired or destroyed by the policies and actions of the Japanese authorities in China. American property is being dam- aged or destroyed; American nationals | are being endangered and subjected to indignities. * * * “For my part I will say this. It is my belief. and the belief of the American Government and people, that the many | things injurious to the United States which have been done and are being done by Japanese agencies are wholly We believe that real stability and security in.the Far East could be attained without rurming counter to any American rights whatsoever.” Hishida insists that the Japanese are 4 Mary Norton Now a Power ‘Realism and Skill Mark Her Labor Act Fight THROUGH accident, Mary Teresa Nor- ton was christened with a variant of the name of one of the most indomit- able of empresses. There was an im- perial touch in the massive calm with which the chairman of the House Labor Committee presided recently at the storm center of a convulsion fit to rack a de- mocracy—the current battle of life and death for the Labor Relations Act, known as the Magna Carta of the workers. Seated erect and solid at her desk, the 65-year-old Representative from New Jersey tnrust against the hurricane a chin of steel, amazonian shoulders and a monolithic frame. Authority tingled livened with snapping dark eyes; and from the weighty skull, with its mas- culine bob of gray-brown hair. For the | powerful woman Japan’s expansion, | c time at least, she was perhaps the most in American public life. Nevertheless, in her rise from stenog- rapher to the first member of her sex to become chairman of a congressional com- mittee, Mrs. Norton ascribes nothing to inward and all to outer impulsion. At every turning point of her career, as she | destiny—usually in the form of the know- ing hand of Frank Hague, boss and per- petual Mayor of Jersey City. Famous for Her Cooking. During the virulent fight over the wage-hour bill, she enjoyed the distinc- tion of challenging and defeating the | well-nigh omnipotent Rules Committee | of the House. She is less proud of that exploit than of her art at the kitchen range. Eyes glisten and mouths water as guests at her housekeeping suite in the Kennedy-Warren Apartments savor the memory of her potato pancakes and icken in casserole. When she was first | | elected to Congress in 1924, her husband, | bassador Grew told the Japanese that | now dead. remarked: “I'm not sure whether Mary will set the Potomac on fire as a statesman. But I do know that I'm losing a fine cook.” Unlike many members of Senate and House, Mrs. Norton was born, bred and lived most of her life in the district she represents. She was born March 7, 1875, at Jersey City, the daughter of Thomas Hopkins, a contractor. After attending a Catholic primary institution she graduated from high school. When she was 17 years old her mother died, and she took a course at a business col- lege. She worked as stenographer for various New York firms, ahd became secretary to the president of the Gold Car Heating Co. From this post she resigned to marry aiming a! a movement of co-operation among the nations. It is plain that the United States Government has no faith in this insistence. It is plain, too, thet war on the basis which Ishii set fortn will never come because Japan cannot expand without resort to war. It is plain, above all, that this Government con- siders the Japanese expansionist policy a menace to our conception of the re- lations which nations ought to enjoy with each other, as explained by Mr. Hull; to existing interests in China and to our trade in a large part of the world. It is plain, as well, that Japan, if she is judged by past experience, will not heed the American words, whether they be pronounced by Secretary Hull or by Ambassador Grew. Diplomats know that fine words work wonders when their speaker holds a billy-club. The Japanese were pleased to sign the Nine-Power Treaty and to agree to naval limitation in 1922 because the other powers with whom they were treating held a number \of clubs: American soldiers were in Siberia and the United States controlled the solution of the territorial questions of Yap and Shantung, which ultimately were answered in Japan’s favor. Despite the difficulties involved in a purely verbal diplomacy, the United States has pursued a constant course with regard to Japan. The British, through their Ambassador, Sir Robert Craigie, have indicated their tolerance of the Japanese imperialism, even though the British enemy, Germany, apparently is influencing Japan to make a nuisance of herself by baring her teeth at the Netherlands Indies. The distractions and costs of the Chinese expedition are 8o great that it is a matter of serious doubt here whether Japan would send her navy to seize the Indies now or for many years. | tells it, there has intervened, against her | strongest will, the guidance of luck or By Richard L. Stokes. Robert Francis Norton, general mana- ger of a heavy cooperage firm in Jersey City. “I understand,” she comments, “that girls today don't feel as I did about quit- ting their jobs when they marry. I loved being a housewife, and still do.” It is her boast that during 28 years she has had only three cooks, the first two of whom died in office. The ex- | planation is that she herself knew all about skillets and ovens, and never asked the impossible. Only Child Died in Infancy. Her only child, Robert Francis Nor- ton, jr, died in infancy, and doctors told her she could never again be a mother. This tragic event determined the course of her future life. She fell into such a crisis of despondency and bitterness that friends grew alarmed. | They urged her to seek distraction, and mentioned an enterprise then new in Jer- sey City, the Day Nursery Association, at their mothers worked. Those who could afford it paid 10 cents a day. “They didn't want to seem paupers,” Mrs. Norton remarked dryly. “It was the difference between that this.” She was elected recording secretary and three years later she was president. In the spring of 1920, she relates, Mayor Frank Hague, to her astonish- ment, asked her to call at his office. “Women are going to vote this year,” announced the boss. “Are they?” queried Mrs. Norton. She had been too occupied with welfare work to pay much attention to the suffrage movement. “I want you to be a member of the State Democratic Committee,” Hague | continued. She protested that she knew nothing of politics and cared less. “You won't be getting into politics at all,” the cunning Mayor soothed her. “It's just an honor.” On that basis, she consented to serve for a year. Mrs. Norton waged an active campaign throughout the State to or- ganize her sex in the Democratic cause. When the year was up, she asked Hague to release her, but he made her vice chairman of the State Committee, a post she still holds. There is talk of electing her this yeat to the chairman- ship. She has served more than once during vacancies as acting chairman. Hague’s Way Wins Again. In 1923 the boss asked her to run for election as a member of the Board of Freeholders of Hudson County. When she refused, he dangled before her the chance of doing welfare work on a big scale as chairman of hospitals. In the end, Hague, as usual, had his way. Mrs. Norton made the campaign and was chosen for her first elective office. “Mayor Hague helped me through the worst time of my life,” she now admits. “There is not a greater student of people in the country.” ? Another summons of his came in 1924. “How would you like to go to Con- gress?” he asked out of a clear sky. Mrs. Norton answered that she had been in the House of Representatives only once, for three minutes, and knew nothing about it. “Neither does any one else,” was the response. She protested that her hus- band would not like it. “Bob will be proud,” retorted the boss. She yielded when Hague put the offer on the ground that he wished to be the first Democratic leader in history to send & woman to Congress. Mrs. Norton was elected and has been re-elected seven times. Her first majority was 18,000 votes, and the last was 72,000. She arrived in Washington to find the House debating a tax bill. During the campaign, she had pledged herself to work for the relief of taxpayers in the low income brackets. Looking about the floor for some one with a “kind face,” she picked out Representative Charles L. Abernethy if North Carolina. It was quite simple, he told her. All that was necessary was to fill out an amendment blank and make & five-minute talk. Mrs. Norton still shudders humorously, over her terror at descending into the well of the House to deliver her first speech in Congress, only & few days after she became a member. She asked to be placed on two com- mittees, those on labor and World War veterans. She was appointed also to the Committee on the District of Columbia. As & member of the veterans’ committes o3 age and | —A. P, Photo. she wangled from a Republican admin- istration a $1,300,000 hospital in New Jersey. When the Democrats got control of the House in 1930, Christopher D. Sullivan of New York declined the chair- manship of the District Committee, which fell to Mrs. Norton by right of seniority. Thus she became the first woman chairman of a congressional committee, The monument of this chairmanship is the Tuberculosis Sanitarium at Glenn Dale, Md. Not yet realized, however, is the goal of her ardent campaign for suf- frage in the District. She was convinced by personal experience that no Con- gressman, with the demands of his own constituents paramount, has time to handle the District's affairs with com- petence. The sudden death of Representative | William P. Connery, jr. of Massachu- setts elevated her to the chairmanship | of one of the great House committees, . % | that on labor, in 1937. Absorbed in Dis- which children were cared for while | trict matters, Mrs. Norton had never been an active member of the Labor Committee. In a moment she was | plunged into leadership of the historic battle over the wage-hour bill. It will be remembered how the Rules Committee, dominated by a coalition of | Southern Democrats and Republicans, refused the bill clearance to the floor; how Mrs. Norton overrode the committee by means of a petition signed by a majority of the House membership, only to have the bill recommitted, which would generally mean its death; how she proceeded, undaunted, to engineer a second petition, and how the measure was finally passed. Countered House Amendment. This field was scarcely won when a larger struggle vpened with an attack on the Labor Act, itself by a special committee, led by Representative Howard W. Smith of Virginia. He reported a series of amendments which, in Mrs. Norton’s opinion, were designed to de- stroy the “Magna Carta” altogether. It is generally considered an instance of her shrewd generalship that Mrs. Norton countered with substitute amendments of her own, which “will not impair in the slightest degree the act’s funda- mental rights and guarantees.” Her per- sonal wish, as a matter of truth, was to keep the Labor Act as it is. She spon- sored the second set of amendments merely as spokesman for the Labor Com- mittee of 20 other members. - She is inclined, with considerable im- patience, to ascribe the present situa~ tion to civil war between the American Federation of Labor and the Congress of Industrial Organizations. With the instinct of a housewife perhaps to the fore, she asks what can Congress be expected to do “until labor clears away its own rubbish.” ‘"From her male colleagues, Mrs. Norton has met with occasional resentment, which she thinks natural, over the fact that a woman is chief of so important a committee as that on labor. Admirers and critics agree that she is as tough- minded and realistic a politician as the House can muster; that her battle for the Labor Act will be fought throughout with courage, tenacity and expert com- mand of. all the resources of parlia- mentary warfare; and that she will ask no quarter on account of her sex. They applauded her skill in seeking to shift the conflict’s ground to the question as to whether the Rules Committee shall enthrone itself as autocrat of the House, . Temperament Causes Complaints. Even in New Deal ranks there are com- plaints that Mrs. Norton’s temperament considers any difference of opinion as & hostile act, and that she cerries to ex- tremes of feminine rancor her feud with Representative Edward E. Cox of Geor- gla, the actual master of the Rules Com= mittee. A few days ago in-a House de- bate, Cox asked leave to speak two minutes longer than his alloted five, Generally such courtesies are granted as & matter of routine. Mrs. Norton snapped out a refusal and held to her point de- spite entreaties from her own supporters. There are also mutters from time to time she is Mayor Hague’s “right-hand woman” in the notorious Jersey City machine. In reply, she tells serenely the story of & man who sent her a check for $100 as 2 campaign contribution. She returned it—with a suggestion that it be made out to her manager. Accord- ing to her version, it has been the first maxim of her political life never to handle personally a cent of money, whether by way of receipt or payment. Against Foreign Propaganda Forty Per Cent of Registered Agents Represent ‘Allies, While Smaller but Impressive Number Serves Axis Nation By Cedric Larson. During the World War of 1914-1918, America was the happy hunting ground of rival armies of spies, agents provoca- teurs, saboteurs and propagandists of every conceivable and inconceivable type. The outcome was that after a great deal of vacillation, we finally plunged into that epochal struggle to “save the world for democracy” as the rallying cry put it, and ultimately emerged with no tangible results except a staggering bill of what economists conservatively estimate at one hundred billions of dollars. Today the Americans are probably the most propaganda-conscious people on earth. We are strongly allergic to it, over-skeptical about it, and shy away sharply from anything which emits even faintly the fragrance of propaganda. Even the terse and colorless modern war com- munique, which is the soul of ambiguity, is eyed with suspicion and often rival communiques- are carried below such headlines as “Pay Your Money, Take Your Choice,” and the like. Nowhere are these tendencies more strikingly revealed than in the actions of Congress itself. That body in 1938 put forth various efforts to throw an anti- propaganda cordon sanitaire about the United States and expose the activities of all of the American agents of foreign principals, who are concentrated chiefly, as-the State Department files show, in New York City. In the same year there was begun the investigation of un-American activities in the United States, under a committee of the House headed by Representative Mar- tin Dies, which has recorded more than 6,000 pages of testimony thus far. There was a tightening up and rigid enforce- ment of the neutrality laws. Registration Required. And by the terms of the act approved June 8, 1938, certain persons employed by agencies to disseminate propaganda in the United States and for other purposes were required to register with the De- partment of State. Until the early part of April, 1940, some 418 registrations had been made under the terms of this act. Since the 1938 act was intended to be a sort of dragnet in the American propaganda pond to enmesh all agents of foreign principals of whatso- ever sort, a critical examination of the operation of the law over a period of 20 months should furnish an interesting clue as to its fundamental effectiveness. On September 6, 1938, regulations were issued for registration with the Secretary of State of persons in America engaged in propaganda or other activities for po- litical and commercial purposes on behalf of a foreign principal. A foreign principal, as defined by the amended (August, 1939) act, includes “the | government of a foreign country, a po- litical party of a foreign country, a person domiciled abroad, any foreign business, partnership, association, corporation, or political organization. or a domestic or- ganization subsidized directly or indi- rectly in whole or in part by any of the entities described.” Willful failure to comply with the terms of the act, or making a false statement of a material fact, or omitting | any material fact required by the act, upon due conviction, brings maximum penalties of $1000 and two years im- prisonment (either or both penalties). All registration statements filed in pursuance of this act, were, by the terms of the act, available for public inspection in the Department of State. The task of registration was assigned to what was called in 1938 the Office of Arms and Munitions Control, but is now simply known as the ‘Division of Con- | trols, under Joseph C. Green, chief, and | Charles W. Yost, assistant chief. Total Increases. By the end of December, 1938, there were only 272 registrations. One calen- dar year later, on December 31, 1939, this number had increased to 386, and by early April, 1940, the total had swelled to 418. A careful analysis of the registrations reveals the remarkable fact that about one hundred, or roughly one-fourth, of all registrants represent principals in the British Empire (excluding India and Egypt} in whole or in part. This figure is a conservative one, and probably twenty further registrations (who did not reveal their client’s nationality) could be added to the list. At the head of the British contingent | comes the British Library of Information of New York City, with its top men drawing $5,000 and $6,000 per year. They have a sumptuous suite of offices at 50 Rockefeller Plaza and more than 20,000 British documents and books on file. This library of information was estab- lished 1n 1920 and is well known through- out the Nation. It has a close and con- stant relationship with a host of Amer- ican cultural institutions and societies, as well as all the libraries. A large proportion of the British in- terests represented by agents and agen- cies are manufacturing concerns and steamship and travel companies. This is another proof of British leadership, for tourism successfully promoted is the highest type of propaganda penetra- tion. France is represented by about 30 agents, partly or wholly. These, too, represent chiefly travel and manufac- turing interests. In 1936 a corporation was organized in Paris under the laws of France called the Office Francais de Renseignements aux Etats-Unis, which maintains the French Information Cen- ter, Inc., at the Maison Francaise, 610 Fifth avenue, New York. French busi- ness firms contribute largely to its up- keep. This could scarcely compare with the British Library of Information, but it acts as a clearing house for informa- tion on France and French interests. Decisive Advgntage for Allies. The allies might be said to have, then, between 130 and 150 of the present 380 active agents of foreign principals, whol- 1y or in part, or roughly 40 per cent of the total number, which is a decisive ad- vantage. Turning to the Moscow-Berlin-Rome- Tokio axis, there is a smaller, but still impressive aggregate, 93 in number. Japan leads the axis quartet with about 43 agents representing in whole or part the interests of the Rising Sun Empire. Germany is second on the axis list with about 18 representatives, many of which are dormant since the British blockade was established, but none of which appears to have been canceled. The Germans have a Library of Infor- mation at 17 Battery place, New York. headed by Herr Heinz Beller, who call: himself a “civil servant.” This library has been established since 1935. It publishes a bulletin titled Facts in Re- view about every week, which sets forth the German side of the war. It might be noted here that there arc two' out-and-out anti-German group: registered. The first of these is thc German Labor Delegation of New York which is the remnant of the cld Socia Democratic party of Germany—Soz- Ialdemokratischen Partei Deutschlands— of pre-Hitler days, which states it hope one day to assist in reconstituting : democratic government in the Father- land. The other group is the America: Committee for Anti-Nazi Literaturc which registered January 24, 1940, witi such members as Dr. Leonard S. Belle: Prince Hubertus zu Loewenstein, Walte Damrosch, Lewis Mumford, William E Dodd and Dr. Albert Leon Guerard o | Stanford University on its roster. | Some 17 registrants reported servin the Soviet Union in whole or in par’ Since Russian commerce and communi cation are state monopoles, all suc! | registrants are in effect representing th Kremlin itself. Such Russian interest | as Intourist, Bookniga, Amkino, Amtorg Tass News Agency (Kenneth Durant' and so on may be said to be directly o indirectly under the Soviet. Italy’s Agents Total 17, The last axis partner, Italy, has abou 17 agents in whole or in part. These ar chiefly steamship and travel agencie: | and chambers of commerce. The TItal: America Society, Inc., of New York Cit; . registered on October 6, 1938. They re- ported at the time receiving $6,600 pe year from the Italian government. Nationalist Spain with some eight list ings, Denmark with three and Norwa with nine, might be counted as poten- | tially on the side of the axis. Although Poland has been efface | from the map of Europe, it boasted abou nine listings, most of which are now in- active, although the 418th registration dated April 1, 1940, is the Polish Informa tion Center of New York City. Czecho- Slovakia, another has-been, showed abou eight listings. Loyalist Spain had as many as ninc agents here at various times registerec Other countries shown with five or les agents include, Rumania, Lithuania Korea, Belgium, Greece, Ireland, Brazil Hungary, Argentina, Finland, Egypt Peru, Swifzerland, Cuba, Venezuela Dominica, Palestine, Colombia, Haiti, In- dia and Turkey. The United States is in a vastly su- perior position to guard against foreigr agents and propagandists in 1940 than in | 1914 to 1917, when we were literally at their mercy. There was simply no ma- chinery to bring against them in the pre- 1917 days. Today the F. B. I. has an ef- ficient staff to make investigations and arrests. In the main public opinion strongly supports these anti-propaganda and anti-spy measures. Burope’s Man on Horseback. 4