Evening Star Newspaper, October 26, 1936, Page 8

A—8 'THE EVENING STAR With Sunday Morning Edition. WASHINGTON, D. C -...-October 26, 1936 e et THEODORE W. NOYES...........Editor e el 8 S g Tl et A The Evening Star Newspaper Company. Business ice: and Pennsylvania Ave. ke Michighn Buildine, o London. Engiand. Chicago Buropean Office. Regent 8t.. Rate by Carrier Within the City. ---45¢ per month -60c per month 5¢ per month -b¢ per copy ight Final and Sunday Star....70¢ per month ight Final Star. Bbc per month Collection made ai the end of each month. Orders may be sent by mail or telephone Na- tional 5000, Maryland and Virginia, + Bl 1 yr, $400i 1 mo. 40¢ ily and Sunday_.] yr. $12.00; 1 mo. $1.00 the use for republication of all news dispatches Il rights of publication of special dispatches Rate by Mail—Payable in Advance. ily and Sunday__.1 yr. $10.00; 1 Iv ‘only 1 yr: $600: 1 mo. All Other States and Canada, aily only 21 yri. "$K00: 1 mo, 450 Sunday only. -1 yr. $5.00; 1 mo., 50c Member of the Associated Press. The Ascoclated Press is exclusively entitled to ®redited to it or not otherwise credited in this Paper and also_the local news published herein. erein are also reserved. = — — — A Fundamental Principle. Two days of friendly discussion be- tween the President’s special committee on fiscal relations and representative citizens of Washington emphasized their common objective—discovery of a fair formula for division of expenses in Capi- tal maintenance and development be- tween the United States and the District of Columbia, The elements composing the formula, of course, are still the object of search and agreement by the members of the President’s committee, But one main purpose of the formula, it was empha- sized time and again during the hearings, s to establish in advance the amount of the National contribution, thus avoiding the annually recurring disputes creating ill feeling between the com- munity and an element in Congress that in the past has been suspicious and Jealous of National aid to the District of Columbia, preventing, at the same time, the delays and uncertainty in estimating revenue availability for the District which have made wise city planning impossible and have had the effect of paralyzing adequate main- tenance and development of the Na- tional Capital. If the President’s committee is unable to find such a formula or, recommending its elements to Congress, is unable to gecure congressional approval, much of its work will have been in vain. That s understood in advance, along with recognition of the committee’s difficulties, But without crossing that bridge be- fore we come to it, what is another fundamental purpose of this desirable formula? Its advantages in making possible the careful, sound financing of National Capital community needs have received much emphasis. But in addition the formula, to be successful, should establish new safeguards or reaffirm the old safeguards to the local community that existed under the fixed proportion plan of appropriating for the Capital end which do now exist in law, if not in practice, under the unrepealed.provisions of that law. That is the safeguard against excessive or even capricious taxation without rep- resentation of the local community which lay in the guarantee, under the fixed ratio law, that for every dollar exacted from the local community the exclusively controlling National Govern= ment would appropriate a proportionate amount of National funds. That is the safeguard against imposing an ever-increasing burden of taxation on the people of the District without & commensurate increase of the National contribution. To neglect this safeguard in any new formula for division of ex- penses is merely to invite repetition of history under the lump sum, where every Increase of local eontribution has been used to decrease the Federal contribution, placing on the District a steadily increas- ing financial responsibility without in- creasing the amount of net revenue available for expenditure. The fixed ratio principle is no mere fetish in the District. It represents a fundamental principle, tried and proven in more than half a century of successful application, the value of which has been attested anew through the demonstrated failure of the lump-sum policy. The two days of hearings granted local citizens gave spokesmen for the Wash- ington community their first opportunity to meet members of the President's - committee, The sympathetic, intelligent interest manifested by these gentlemen in the problem they have been called upon to solve and their courteous con- eideration of local views and sentiment. : has kindled new hope in Washington for & successful and satisfactory outcome of their labors, —re——————— One of the most striking phrases at- tributed to the late Woodrow Wilson was “too proud to fight.” The great difficulty lay in finding enough people who honestly fitted the definition. Conquest Recognized. As first fruit of the alliance between the Fascist and Nazi dictatorships, Ger- many has formally recognized the Italian conquest of Ethiopia. That seal of approval upon Mussolini’s aggression was personally placed upon it during the week end by Chancellor Hitler as he received the visit of Il Duce’s son-in-law and foreign minister, Count Galeazzo Ciano, at der Fuehrer’s hideout in the Bavarian highlands. Thus the Reich becomes the first major power to give official expression to recognition of the new Roman empire, It is, of course, a diplomatic triumph highly welcome to the Italian govern- ment, even though it has long been fore- | geen and does not insure that other important countries will follow suit. There is particularly no indication that the United States will do so. Indeed, when negotiations were pending for T ited envoy, Ambassador Suvich, it was stipulated that Washington would not find it agreeable to accept credentials that identified him as the representative of the “Emperor of Ethiopia,” King Victor Emmantel’s Mussolini-made rank and title, The American position re- specting Ethiopia's status corresponds to the one maintained toward Japan's occupation of Manchukuo, The “Stim- son doctrine” of non-recognition of that action is still the United States’ basic attitude on the question of territory acquired by force. The League powers, having identified themselves with the “Stimson doctrine,” cannot accept the Ethiopian conquest without a complete reversal of policy, but Geneva has shown itself capable of executing an about face, 1o save face. Its resolve to refuse recog- nition to the Fascist “empire” may be strengthened by Mussolini's truculent taunts on Saturday, when he denounced Geneva as & “band of lay fanatics who have the presumption to think they can kill the constructive spirit of a great nation and suffocate a powerful and vital impulse of peoples by the interpretation of a thousand articles.” Non-recognition has not dissuaded Japan from having and holding Man- chukuo, Similar international boycott will not loosen Italy's hold on Ethiopia. But the Italians, like the Japanese, are in grave want of outside capital to develop their booty. As long as Musso- lini is denied acknowledgement of his “empire,” it will not be easy for him to obtain the golden wherewithal for its exploitation. Even the deal with Ger- many for a combined Fascist-Nazi front against the rest of Europe cannot supply the practical support needed to make Italy's African game worth the candle, R Landon’s Peace Policy. Peace remains the great problem before the American public today. That we should have peace is not a partisan issue; but the means of achieving it perma- nently does fall within the realm of controversy, and it was to this dispute that Governor Landon addressed himself Saturday night in Indianapolis. The Kansan, expounding his thesis methodically, examined first the means by which the United States might avert, or materially restrict, war throughout the world, and then proposed the means by which we might stay out of a war not of our own making, which he considers the real danger in the future. Mediation and arbitration for the first; develop- ment of our policy of neutrality for -the second. These are his remedies. The futility of collective security, be- cause force fails when used against major powers, has long been recognized by those international realists who un- derstand that whole peoples cannot be stigmatized as aggressors and penalized as criminal, not at least without driving them to that self-discipline which 1s Communism or Fascism. For sanctions these men—and Governor Landon num- bers himself among them—would substi- tute international mediation and arbi- tration, a means long used by the United States to bring even definitely political disputes to solution. Although Governor Landon eschews the World Court, of the more than twenty decisions handed down by that tribunal none has not been com- plied with. The United States itself offers the proof of a sanctionless court—the Su- preme Court — adjudicating disputes among sovereign states. Such decisions have uniformly been complied with, al- though the Supreme Court has no power to enforce its rulings on States. Landon’s listeners may have been con- fused by his differentiation of isolation from neutrality, as alternative policies for keeping the United States out of a war not of our making. By isolation he undoubtedly meant severance of all con- tacts—commercial, financial and eco- nomic—between the United States and belligerents, a procedure he describes as unfair to the American people. By development of our policy of neutrality he meant that we should continue to maintain and contend for those neutral rights which, we insisted in 1917, made it necessary for us to join the allies. By the continual expansion of neutral rights at the expense of belligerent activities it is the hope to so restrict the scope of warfare as to make permanent peace attainable. ——————— W. P. A. is regarded as carrying a message of cheer to a large number of actors who desire to get rid of their amateur standing. The Last Week. One week from tomorrow the American people will go to the polls and vote for the electors who later will cast their ballots for the choices representing the political parties for President and Vice President. The campaign, which has been accelerating steadily for several weeks, is now in its final stage of in- tensity. Speakers are declaiming and arguing from hundreds of rostrums. Party workers are diligently engaged in arousing the voters. Between the public utterances of selected representatives on the stump and the unpublished argu- ments and persuasions of the hosts of State, county and precinct political oper~ atives, the country is being aroused to a high pitch of feeling. Polls of the people in all the States are now on the point of final disclosure of the indicated preferences of the voters. Each side expresses confidence of vic- tory. But neither side ean actually fore- tell the result. Claims of trends are made, inspired mainly by hope rather than by conviction. The great “silent vote” of the people, which cannot be foretold by means of any test, will de- termine the result. Shrewd observers, traveling through the country, have made their estimates, more or less apart from 4 HE EVENING STAR, WASHINGTON, D. C, MONDAY, OCTOBER 26, 1936. assignment of Mussolini’s newly accred= | both partisans and non-partisans, And furthermore this is the time for the “roorbacks,” those sensational charges which mark every presidential contest and which, even lacking material foun- dation, shake the purpose of some who have previously determined upon their course. The cheers of those who have set their courses definitely and are determined to vote one way or the other may have an effect upon the undecided. They are heard over the radio in the course of the daily and nightly meetings addressed by the chief candidates and their advocates. But these emotional outbursts are not in themselves assuredly effective. The result will not necessarily be determined by the will of a majority of the people. There may be an over- whelming trend of sentiment one way or the other. Yet it is possible this year, as it has been in the past, for the decision to be rendered by a minority, owing to the division of the country into State groups. A slim margin in New York may give its forty-seven electoral votes to one side to make it victorious. Or an even slimmer margin in Delaware may place the three electoral votes of that State in the other column to carry the national decision in that direction. ‘These possibilities cause every single vote to be of importance, whatever the volume of ballots. Thus it is that in those States where the decision is not assured by reason of traditional pie-, dominance this final week is the period of the most intensive vote-rousing work, both openly evident and secret. One week from tomorrow the vote will be cast, probably the largest vote in the history of the Nation. And the result may not be known for many hours after the polls have closed. Or again, it may be so evident in the light of proof of an overwhelming trend one way or the other, that the decision will have been recorded, even with the extension of the voting period in New York, with its greatest electoral strength, before mid- night on Tuesday. This last week of the campaign is an anxious one for many millions of Amer- icans. —————— ‘The District’s claim to representation in Congress is not lessened in force by the fact that a large number of citizens throughout the country are facing a heavy burden of taxes and at the same time protesting against misrepresentation. —_————————— Japan is building airships to sail over the Pacific. There are still many islands that stand in need of being civilized. A conflict as to what form of civilization shall assume authority should not yet be necessary. —_—————————— A simplification of political system is not shown by James A. Farley when he implies that it takes two or three “g. j.'s” (Government jobs) to do one campaign- er’s work. N A good old-fashioned barbecue fills no market baskets and pays no rent. But there could be no more convincing evi- dence of the present well-being of its ! SpONSOrS. —_————————— Republicans are frankly in fear that in the event of W. P, A. indorsement what has been referred to as a “New Deal” will prove to be only the same old hand-out. —_————————— Getting politics out of industry cannot be expected to imply that politicians will not be as industrious as ever. — et Shooting Stars. BY PHILANDER JOHNSON. Human Limitations. It's wrong to chide a man who tried To show his best ability, Although by Nature he’s denied A mind of great agility. So be not quick to dull his fame ‘With charges of mendacity, ‘When all there really is to blame Is lack of perspicacity. _One mind is like a telescope, Another’s microscopical, And each may mar a present hope With moments misanthropfcal. So, should a friend miscalculate, Don't question his veracity, But gently wait and estimate His lack of perspicacity, Index. “Do you think the stock market is an index of prosperity?” “Only to the extent of fifty per cent,” said Senator Sorghum. “Those who win on a change of figures feel prosperous and those who lose do not.” Dread Eventuality. We call for methods of reform To stop the politician ‘Who lets a gangster try to storm A Government position. Let us beware a deep laid scheme ‘That marks electioneering, Lest an election yet may seem A form of racketeering. Loyal Husband. “What is your opinion of this great political issue?” “I decline to express it,” answered Mr. Meekton, “until I ascertain whether or not Henrietta has changed her mind.” “A wise man,” said Hi Ho, the sage of Chinatown, “keeps his hand on his purse and knows when to open it In generosity or close it in sell-pmtecuom” Chasing the Wild Bos. Had a little barbecue, ‘We raised a song on high, ‘The sentiment revealed anew ‘Was “Coming Through the Rye. Or if some soul once jolly, Through bourbon grew forlorn, The song they sang was “Polly, The Cows Are in the Corn!” “"Tain't safe to figure,” said Uncle Eben, “dat a man who learned de way to get into trouble got enough experience bl--.m.-fi'_ L) ) THE POLITICAL MILL —_—— BY G. GOULD LINCOLN. WILMINGTON, Del, October 26— ‘Whoever thought of having the pay roll tax, under the social security act, start operating on January 1, 1937, instead of some date prior to November 3, did a good job for the New Dealers. The pay roll tax is not going to be popular, Wage earners are particularly sensitive to re- ductiops from their pay envelopes. And in this case they are told that after they get to be 65 years of age they will benefit from these deductions, To & wage earner now 25 or 30 years,old this does not sound so appealing, The Republicans, starting with Gov. Alm M. Landon’s vigorous attack on the soclal security act as it now stands, con- tained in a speech he made a month ago in the Midwest, have been carrying the pay roll tax issue home to labor at every possible turn. They are trying to convince labor that the New Deal, after all, is not quite as much its friend as the President would have labor believe; that it is & little too paternalistic. The Democrats are screaming with pain because many of the manufacturers are calling the attention of the workers to the fact that with the first of the year, 1 per cent of their pay is to be deducted under the law, to be turned over to the Federal Government, ok K R ‘The Democrats say this is trying to “coerce” the workers. Well, if informing the men what is going to happen under a New Deal law is coercion, that's that. However, this is one tax which is new. The law calls it a tax. The deductions, of course, are to be used to pay old-age pensions to the workers after they are 65 years old, It is a measure of saving. But it is compulsory saving, not volun- tary, Labor does not like compulsion, whether it is New Deal compulsion or any other kind. How far the Republicans have gotten with this campaign to turn labor away from Roosevelt will not be known until election day. On the surface, labor is still wildly enthusiastic for Roosevelt. Thelr leaders for the most part have indorsed the President and are working for his re-election. It is quite reasonable to suppose that rank and file members of labor unions, if they have made up their minds to vote against Roosevelt, are not saying much about it. The ballot is secret, however, and the wage earners are likely to do just what they want with the ballot when they go into the polling booths on election day. * %k w X The ardent hope expressed by Repub= licans—and not a few Democrats—is that the Republicans will succeed in electing a substantial number of the House of Representatives, even if Landon fails of election. If the Republicans form a large minority group in the House, ready to combat New Deal experimental measures and New Deal appropriations in the next Congress, the administration may be forced to change its tune, Par- ticularly if there is a group of conserva- tive Democrats ready to join with them. There seems no doubt that the Republi- cans are due to make gains in the House. In many of #he States I have visited in the last month, this is frankly admitted by Democrats themselves, % There are seven congressional districts in Philadelphia County. Four of these districts are represented in the present Congress by Republicans and three by Democrats. In the fourth district, now held by Representative Daly, a Demo- crat, the Republicans have put up Boise Penrose, 2d. If there is anything in a name, and Philadelphia can think back to the first quarter of the century, Pen- rose should have a chance. Boise Penrose 1st had Pennsylvania in an iron grip when he was in his prime. It happens that Penrose 2nd has a chance. For there is a third candidate in the field there, running on the Royal Oak ticket, backed by Lemke and Coughlin. In the fifth district, also represented by a Democrat, Dorsey, the Republicans have nominated former Representative Con- nelly. He, too, seems to have a chance, for there is a labor candidate in the field who may split the Republican opposition. The sixth district, repre- sented by Stack, a Democrat, is the scene of a close fight, too. Not all of the Republican incumbents are without their troubles, however. Darrow in the seventh district and Fenerty in the third, both Republicans, seem sure of coming through successfully. The Republicans in the first and second districts are fight- ing hard. Ralph Beaver Strassburgher of Norris- town, who has been a Republican in the past, is out for Roosevelt. Moreover, he believes that Roosevelt has a real chance to carry Pennsylvania. * kK K The progressive march of old-line Democrats, some of them formerly con= nected with the Roosevelt administra- tion, to Landon is becoming impressive. Lewis Douglas, Roosevelt’s first director of the budget, is the latest to “take a walk.” It is reasonable to suppose that if so many former leaders of the party, including two former Democratic presi- dential candidates, have decided they will not stand for the re-election of the New Deal President, a considerable number of the rank and file and lesser lights in the party have the same feeling. | Al Smith, speaking in Chicago, predicted that millions of Democrats this year would vote for the Republican nominee, If they do, it will be tough for President Roosevelt. In the first place, Roosevelt must have the support of millions of Republicans in order to be elected. He had that support four years ago, plus all the Democrats, It must be obvious to any one that many of the Republicans who left their party in 1932 are back in the ranks of the G. O. P. now. LT ‘The Democrats are counting heavily on the relief vote and on the Negroes. The latter in the past have been Republican. Many of the Negroes who have jobs will continue to vote Republican, If 13 those who are on relief who are most amen- able to the New Deal arguments. It is impossible, of course, to count these Negroes in addition to the relief vote. They are part and parcel of it. The New Dealers have done everything possible to win to themselves this relief vote. In Pennsylvania, New Jersey and other States stretching from the Atlantic to the Pacific this work on the part of the New Dealers has proved an irritant to many workers who aren’t on relief, * %k X *x Manufacturers in .Pennsylvania have been amazed in recent days by proposals coming from representatives of one of the big New York banks that the bank lend them money to pay extra dividends, The proposals are advanced with the idea that by paying these extra divi- dends, ‘the manufacturers will avoid paying a tax on undistributed earnings, levied under the Roosevelt 1936 tax law. The manufacturers do not consider this a sound proposition, and some of them are wondering if it has the blessing of the administration. Exhausting the Alphabet. From the Pittsburgh Post-Gasette. Naw o P, a6, O, The sipha- THIS AND THAT BY CHARLES E. TRACEWELL, Danger of poisonous fungi, commonly called toadstools, was shown recently when a pet dog ate a few specimens and died overnight. Nature mostly protects the animals by not giving them a taste for what they should not eat. Death from toadstool poisoning is narcotic in nature, but before this comes about the stomach of the victim is said to be terribly torn up. The safest way for the average person to regard these fungi is to give them all a wide berth, since there are thousands of species, and only an expert can tell an edible mushroom from the poisonous species commonly known as toadstools. Surely all fungi of this character, no matter whether safe or otherwise, should be uprooted and kept uprooted from all places where people congregate, whether in games, picnics or whatnot. L Webster’s, that fount of knowledge, says: “Toadstool—Any of various agaricace- ous fungi having an umbrella-shaped cap or pileus; a mushroom, especially (in popular usage) one of the poisonous varieties. “The name is sometimes extended to other large fleshy fungi, as the morels, puftballs, etc. . “Mushroom—Any more or less con- spicuous fleshy fungus of the class Basidiomycetes; in more restricted pop- ular application, any edible fungus of the order Agaricales, especially the field, or common mushroom. “The poisonous species are commonly known as toadstools; many of them clossely resemble edible form.” In the old days, when a villager wanted to name something he did not like, he linked it up with something he knew already and did not care for. The dog, in the old days, was not as highly esteemed as now. The town dogs, running wild, gave the entire tribe a black eye. The value of the toad in catching insects was not known to the peasantry, whom they helped the most. ‘Therefore, a plant which they did not approve they were very likely to term “dog fennel” or “dog parsley,” for in- stance; the use of the word “dog” was derogatoryein all such usage. The toad was not a favorite, either, hence in time the poisonous fungi were called toadstools. This was not done so much because some fanciful wight imagined a toad sitting either on or beneath one of these fungi, but more because there was a sincere desire to deprecate them, hence the toad part of the name, * x % x Good practice with respect to these curious forms of life is to uproot them wherever found, and to have no ac- quaintance with any of them. This, of course, on the part of the great average person, who has neither the time nor inclination for intensive study of them. This is one branch of learning most of us can let go by. Even the curious, who must at least dg a little reading about every subject, are able to confine their acquaintance solely to books; they need not hanker after a taste. In their gardens they will root up and carry away (probably using a shovel, or gloves, or large pieces of paper) all forms of such fungi which spring up, as they will do from time to time, especially if manure is used as fertilizer. Such care rather may be overdoing it, but in the end few persons have cause for sorrow through leaving these things strictly alone, many have cause for sorrow by being quite sure they under- stood a subject in which they really understood little. * Every year stories are printed from various parts of the country of persons who went out to pick a mess of mush- rooms, and somehow got hold of poi- sonous varieties instead. They thought they knew. “A little learning is a dangerous thing,” Pope sald long ago. The passage of time has not changed the correctness of his essential idea. Perhaps there are few fields where the wisdom of the line is more strikingly displayed than this. Even a beginner's manual on mush- rooms has hundreds of species displayed. This is a knowledge for the specialist. About all most of us can do, in respect to it, is to admire the more beautiful forms from a respectful distance, and to realize all the time that these are, after all, most curious and, in a sense, dreadful forms of life. * koK K Experts tell us that the spores of inim- ical forms may be carried to a plantation of edible forms, and utterly replace the good sorts with forms which are deadly but which appear amazingly like the ood. ‘These changes may occur despite pre- cautions, and so quickly as to fool the man who thinks he knows, who is quite sure he knows. If this be true, fungi of this type are not playthings for most amateur gar- deners, nor, indeed, will most of them play with them in the common sense, but quickly uproot them and dispose of them, preferably by burning. It is a curious thing that a case of toadstool poisoning should occur in an open space, for some experts assert that if fungl were collected only from open fields nine-tenths of the danger would disappear. That animal is unfortunate, then, which picks up the wrong forms, but he may have been browsing around beneath trees, etc. It is questionable whether there ever can be any sure knowledge on this sub- ject by most people. What is sure enough is that the danger is great, be- cause of the confusing resemblance between good and bad, which, in this case, means edible and rankly poisonous. As far as the average person is con- cerned, there is no intermediate type, and it would seem highly incautious and even reckless for such a person to take a chance with these forms, when there are S0 many other things in the world to eat. T The reader will see that the writer is no admirer of these fungi; he is perfectly willing to leave them to the experts. He seldom sees one, even of a beautiful type—and some of them are curiously so—but what he shrinks back slightly. This attitude may be recommended to all. The truffe may be used as the theme of a song from “The Queen’s Lace Handkerchief,” an old light opera, but that is its best use. Mushroom sauce and soup may have their devotees, but pea and bean soups are good, too. Forms of life so strik- ingly like other forms of life, but some harmless and some deadly poisonous, are not things to fool with, but to be up- rooted where humans and their animal friends congregate. Fungi may be regarded as the snakes of the plant world; it is said that tor- toises and squirrels feed on some of them; what most living things had better do is let them all severely alone. WASHINGTON OBSERVATIONS BY FREDERIC WILLIAM WILE. Just as Gov. Landon is laying final campaign stress on the constitutional issue, President Roosevelt is devoting himself assiduously at the wind-up to avowal of his devotion to “free enter- prise” and private profit. F. D. R.s tactics plainly reflect anxiety to woo and win the business vote while there still is time. It is among that element that New Dealers recognize the strongest single body of resistance to the Presi- dent’s re-election. Whether his over- tures to wear it down will prove effective at this advanced stage is more than problematical. On his success or other- wise in doing so depends to a consid- erable extent Democratic ability to carry New York, Pennsylvania, Massa- chusetts and New Jersey, where Landon strength is running high. Mr. Roosevelt's conspicuous latter-day abstention from belaboring of business has to a certain extent probably diminished its antip- athy. By the time the votes are counted Democratic leaders predict that in consequence of industrial and finan- cial trends it will be shown that business “hate” of the President never was as potent or perilous as once was thought. * X X & Two former Undersecretaries of State, J. Reuben Clark, jr., who served during the Coolidge-Kellogg regime, and Wil- liam R. Castle, jr, who held the job under Hoover and Stimson—were the architects in chief of Gov. Landon’s Indianapolis speech on foreign affairs. Messrs. Clark and Castle have been in more or less steady contact with the Republican nominee at Topeka and during his campaign tours. In the event of Republican victory it is ree garded certain that they would be con=- spicuous in the conduct of Landonian foreign policy, either at the State De- partment or as Ambassadors. Clark was once Ambassador to Mexico and is a Latin American specialist. He’s now a ranking member of the Mormon hierarchy in Utah. Castle, who was born in Hono- lulu, & scion of one of the original Amer- ican ruling families in the Territory, had 8 period of special ambassadorial duty in Japan during his State Department career and rates as an authority on the Far East. * ok K K Dr. Fernando de los Rios, newly accredited Ambassador of Spain, will make his first public utterance in Wash- ington as the luncheon guest of Over= seas Writers on Wednesday. He is ex- pected to give a graphic account of conditions now prevailing in hard- pressed Madrid and possibly some inkling of the Leftist government's hopes angd plans. The envoy, & Spanish scholar of distinction, is a former president of the University of Madrid. He has a fluent command of English. When the Presi- dent received Dr. de los Rios’ credentials at the White House the other day, Mr. Roosevelt was diplomacy itself in punctiliously abstaining from any re!er'- ences to the “government” of the envoy's country. The formal response to the traditional ambassadorial greetings was confined to salutations to the Spanish “people.” That goes for Wwhichever regime comes out on top in the bloody unpleasantness over there. * K kX Speaking of Spain, the most important American interests at stake in that skyscraper throughout the civil war. Of I T. & T.s $327,000,000-odd of foreign investment, some $67,000,000, or about 20 per cent, is represented by its Spanish holdings under a concession granted by the Madrid government in 1924. If the Fascist forces win, Wall Street believes that danger of confiscation of the prop- erty will be eliminated. Until the civil war broke out, the company’s earnings this year were highly satisfactory. I T. & T. also has big stakes in Argen- tina, Mexico, Chile, Germany, Cuba and Rumania, including both telephone sys- tems and manufacturing plants. * X X x Financial and industrial authorities are a unit in believing that whoever wins on November 3, business will survive the shock and maintain its upward trend. There’s at least one trade due for a sudden and severe slump, especially here in Washington, where its product is dis= tributed in torrents—namely, the busi- ness of grinding out mimeographed political material for the press. For months it has come forth in reams and streams of news “releases” irreverently known as “handouts.” Ever since the two national conventions, newspapers and newspaper men and women have been drenched and deluged with mimeo- graphed propaganda in the form of speeches and other dope, much of which met an ignominious waste-basket fate. New Deal Government departments, especially the newer recovery and relief agencies, contribute endlessly to the mimeograph flood. No recession of the pestilence is probable in those quarters, but there will be a noticeable and wel- come decline in political handouts the moment the presidential tumult and shouting are over. * x k¥ Secretary of the Treasury Morgenthau wins a bouquet for one of the few notable wisecracks of the campaign. He wound up his radio speech to the Good Neighbor League's pro-Roosevelt “busi- ness dinners” the other night by saying: “Some people are broadcasting America short. No one is fool enough to sell America short.” e S If Great Britain were Japan and Edward VIII the Mikado instead of King of England, the chances are that Sir Ronald Lindsay, his Britannic majesty’s Ambassador to the United States, would be showing up at the State Department these days to remonstrate against the publicity which his sovereign is now getting over here in a certain romantic connection. A year or so ago Tokio protested vigorously against a mere car- toon in*an American periodical which ‘was considered to reflect upon the dignity of Emperor Hirohito. The position of the United States Government on such occasions is that this is a free country with a free press and that journalism is a field into which Uncle Sam never pokes his nose. There are diplomats in town who'll tell you that the Simpson case, and all and sundry therewith connected, are not designed to strengthen the Anglo-American entente cordiale. * K K X With former Undersecretary Dean Acheson and former Treasury Adviser James P. Warburg supporting Roosevelt because of the Hull reciprocal trade pro=- gram and former Budget Director Douglas lined up for Landon (though he, too, likes the trade agreements), ‘the original New Deal Treasury staff is a house divided against itself. The score, it's thought, might tip the other way if Oliver M. W. Sprague, former executive assistant to the Secrefary, and former ) o ANSWERS TO QUESTIONS BY FREDERIC J. HASKIN. A reader can get the answer to any question of fact by writing The Evening Star Information Bureau, Frederic J. Haskin, Director, Waskington, D, C. Please inclose stamp for reply. Q. How are speeches translated at the League of Nations meetings in Geneva? ~H. T. A. A speech translator is used. Wires connected with a microphone in front of the speaker carry his voice to expert translators, each of whom can translate the language used into a second lan- guage. These interpreters speak into telephones connected with earphones on delegates’ desks. By turning a knob they can hear the language they understand. Q. Is there a black rose named in honor of Justice Oliver Wendell Holmes? -W. G. A. This name has been given by Father Schoener, a Santa Barbara priest and rosiculturist, to the velvety black rose which he has grown. Q. If a person outside of Italy has property in that country and sells it, will the money be sent to him?—R. D. A. Italians cannot send money out of the country without special permission from the authorities. Q. Why are Eskimo dogs called huskies?—N. A, A. Husky is a corruption of the word for Eskimo in one of the Algonquian Indian dialects. The American use of the word husky, meaning strong, pow- erful, stalwart, derived from the dog so named, because of its strength and endurance. Q. How many people apply to the radio Good Will Court for hearings?>—E. M. A. About 1,200 applications a week are received. From these the applicants to be heard during the broadcast are se- lected and the remaining letters are answered fully by mail or the writer is told that a case similar to his will be discussed on the air. Q. How far apart are the traffic po- licemen in the Holland Tunnel sta- tioned?—R. H. A. There is a policeman every yards to see that drivers stay in line, Q. How many of the signers of the Declaration of Independence also signed the Constitution?—C. P. A. Only six of these were signers of the original draft of the Constitution. They were Benjamin Franklin, Robert Morris, James Wilson, George Clymer, Roger Sherman and George Read. 160 Q. What is a dewworm?—L. W, A. This is the British name for the earthworm. Q. Please name some of the famous actresses who have played in Ibsen's “A Doll's House."—R. H. A. Among those who have enacted the role of Nora in that play are Eleanora Duse, Mme. Rejane, Mme. Modjeska, Agnes Sorma, Mrs. Fiske, Mme, Nazi- mova and Ethel Barrymore. Q. Was there a famous stone called the Dudley diamond?—M. L. A. The Dudley diamond was found in South Africa in 1868. It originally weighed 89 carats, but was reduced to half that weight in cutting. The Earl of Dudley bought the stone for $150,000. Q. What is the Ear of Dionysius? —M. P. 8. A. This was a famous quarry near Syracuse, in which the slightest whisper was audible at a great distance. It was connected by a secret passage with the palace of Dionysius, the elder. The termt is also applied to an acoustic instru- ment. 2 Q. How much cotton was produced this year?—H. L. T. A. The indicated supply of American ;otlwn for the 1936-37 is about 18,100,000 ales. Q. What is meant by the musical term monody?—W, H. A. This is music in which one voice or part carries the melody. .Q. Which is the oldest of the Marx brothers?—J. L. A. Chico is the eldest of the comedians. Q. What is the origin of Dolly Varden l!E x&phed to dresses and material? A. Dolly Varden was the coquette in Dickens’ “Barnaby Rudge.” The au- thor’s description of her dress of flower- sprinkled dimity led to the adoption of a style of dress that was the vogue from 1865-1870. The name is also applied to & light dress material figured in flowers. Q. Who established the first Men's League for Woman Suffrage in the United States?—A. R. A. Max Eastman founded the first organization of this kind in 1910. Q. How are tite sand dunes along the shore of Lake Michigan formed?—I. N. A. They are formed by the wind, A stiff breeze blowing along the beach carries some sand with it. It meets some obstacle, a piece of driftwood or perhaps merely a tuft of grass. Some of the sand is deposited and & tiny dune is formed. More and more sand is added until a large mound is formed, sometimes rising to a height of 300 feet. The wind not only builds up dunes, but tears them down, so that the sand dunes are con- stantly changing in form and position, Q. Have jockeys in this country al- ways worn the distinctive clothes that they do now when racing?—T. T. A. In the original charter of the Maryland Jockey Club which dates back to 1745 it is prescribed that jockeys be dressed in the following manner: Jockey f,:gi,m Jjacket, pantaloons and half A Rhyme at Twilight B : Gertrude Bkae Hamilton He Giveth His Beloved Sleep. Lord, am I then unloved that I must lie And hour by hour feel the night drag by To the dawn sky? Or is it Thy full love I may not know ‘While my heart beats too fast and quivers 80 Under its woe? Teach me to love and trust, no more weep; And e‘er the dawn clouds to fresh beauty leap Grant. me Thy sleep. Undersecretary T. Jeflerson Coolidge, jr., were to disclose their respective atti- tudes. Both of them, ‘I’: is mun.f}hy suspected, are working the same of the street as Lew Douglas. (Copyright, 1936.)