Evening Star Newspaper, June 24, 1936, Page 11

THE EVENING STAR, WASHINGTON, D. C., WEDNESDAY, JUNE 24, 1936 * A-11 Old DebtEtror Bobs Up in Keynote. Barkley Speech Fails to Allow Hoover Reduc- tion Benefits. BY DAVID LAWRENCE. HILADELPHIA, June 24— When it comes to speech- making, adroit phrasing and hard-hitting attack, there is nothing really to compare with the Democrats. They have been a minor- ity party so long that they have not forgotten even in these days of their ascendancy the masterful art of offense. The keynote address of Senator Barkley of Kentucky was a well- written, well-de- livered and clever defensive speech, perhaps the best that could be made from the New Deal viewpoint. It repeated the aggressive phi- losophy of Fed- eralism and cen- tralized control which the New Deal intends to & make an issue this year. The Kentucky Senator was quick to pierce the in- consistencies of the Republican plat- form at Cleveland, particularly its inept handling of the reciprocal trade azreements, which, despite their Re- publican origin, are now denounced by the Republican platform. He made the expected defense of spending ad simply the necessary and inevitable corrolary of the relief problem. One Gross Error. But Barkley made one gross error. 1t is unexplainable because his col- Jeagues in Congress made the same mistake and attention was called in the newspapers of the country from coast to coast at the time the mistake, or rather the trick, involved in juggling fizures. Yet the misstate- ment now is repeated in a speech as {mportant as the keynote address at a national convention. It happened this way: The Kentucky Senator spoke of the ncrease in public debt during the Hoover administration as being about four billion dollars. Then he pointed out that the increase in public debt during the Roosevelt administration was about ten and a half billion dol- lars. He then said: “When we deduct from the net in- crease in the public debt the more than $5.000,000,000 which will be re- paid by those who have borrowed from the Government because of the wil- lingness or inability of other vlendmz agencies, we find that the net increase in the public debt is but little more than that of the previous administra- tion, which had little to show for its extravagance.” Now what are the facts as they can be ascertained from the public rec- > or David Lawrence, Deductions for Hoover, Too. During the Hoover administration the net increase in debt was about $4,- 000,000,000, but, out of this sum, loans and other recoverable or repayable as- sets amounted to $2.225.000,000, s0 that, if there is any deducting done, it should be done as of March 4, 1933, in order that the comparison with the succeeding administration may be ac- curate. In other words, the Hoover net debt increase would then be about $1,775,- 000,000, and the Roosevelt debt in- crease would be $7,725,000,000, or more than four times the Hoover net debt increase. Four times a certain sum is hardly describable as “but little more,” yet Senator Barkley can hardly be blamed for assuming his figures were correct, as they were no doubt furnished him by the publicity experts as a substi- tute for the “three long years” theme song of the Republican Convention. The Kentucky Senator emphasized that the “12 long years” of the Repub- lican administration would be com- pared in the campaign with the “three long years” of Democratic rule. A Break for Republicans. The Republican chieftains will prob- @bly welcome the comparison. For, taking the 12 long years as a measur- ing unit, the Republicans reduced the public debt by having a total surplus over expenses of around $5,000,000,000. Also, if the Republicans are permitted to use 12 long years as a basis of com- parison, it will be found that wages and incomes reached the highest level in American history, and so did gain- ful employment. Likewise, Barkley's proposed defini- tion of “an object of interstate com- merce” as being “every article that is grown or mined or fabricated in one State and destined for another by whatever means of transportation” simply announces that, when the Con- stitution is ever amended to validate that definition, the Federal Govern- ment, byreason of its right to regulate interstate commerce, will have as com- plete control over the business, manu- facturing, agriculture and labor of the United States as any Fascist govern- ment in Europe. On this point the campaign will hear 8 zood deal spoken, for it is the basic philasophy of the new federalism which is espoused by the New Deal. While Senator Barkley delivered the deeper and more penetrating criticism of the opposition party’s platform and promises, the palm must be handed to Postmaster General Farley for political suavity. As he stood before the dele- gates with his typical Tammany ton: of voice, he looked the part of the old- fashioned political boss of the Charlie Murphy, Tom Taggart and Jim Smith days of Democratic politics. But they never had a chance to ascend the ros- trum. The Postmaster General, who is also chairman of the Democratic Na- tional Committee, incidentally made & slip almost as bad as that of Sena- tor Barkley. He said: “Behind the Republican ticket is the crew of the du Pont Liberty League and their allies, which have g0 far financed every undercover sgency that has disgraced American politics with their appeals to race prejudice. religious intolerance, etc.” Flashback to 1928. Farley forgot that the du Ponts financed the Democratic party be- tween 1928 and 1932 and some of them gave substantially to the Roose- velt campaign. Also it will be noted that John Raskob, who is now promi- nent in the Liberty League, was Far- ley's predecessor as chairman of the Democratic National Committee and Alfred E. Smith probably will testify that he was beaten for the presidency in 1928 by religious intolerance and it was net financed by his supporters, tae du Ponts, either. Behind the News Wagner to Deal Out Several Versions of Roosevelt- Drawn Planks for Committee’s Pick. BY PAUL MALLON. HILADELPHIA, June 24.—The delegates think this New Deal national fair is being run by Front Man Farley. They see behind him a few shrewd political publicists like Charlie Michelson and the crowd of Senators occupying the speakers’ rostrum. ‘These men on the scene are controlling factors in the mechanics of the convention, all right, but the political inspiration behind their important moves seems to be furnished by nobody except that even more famous political strategist, President Franklin D. Roosevelt himself. This was hinted in the Barkley keynote. Senator Barkley wrote much of it in his own copyrighted Ciceronian style. But the two most important sentences are supposed to have flown directly from the presi- dential pen: “What we need is a new defi- nition and a new interpretation of interstate commerce. Every article that is grown or mined or fabricated in one State and destined for an- other by whatever means of transportation, is an object of interstate com- merce.” This is almost the same language employed by the President in his horse-and-buggy talk. The only things he left out were the horse and buggy and the idea that the way to attain this objective is through a cone stitutional amendment. Note—The inference behind Mr. Roosevelt’s words as spoken by Barkley is that he is content to wait and change the definition by appointing new Supreme Court members as soon as adherents of the present definition die. The unreconstructed rebel, Senator Glass, is only half reconstructed yet. He announced publicly upon his arrival here that he would not serve on the Platform Committee, but he did not say why. What he told his friends, in no whisper, and out of the side of his mouth, was: “I don’t want to be on it because the chairman is a Socialist.” This is a harsh word for one Democrat to use toward another, even off the record, but the Virginian apparently believes that Senator Wagner's esposual of Federal housing methods, social security and labor legislation entitle him to that classification. Wagner does not. D + e . Democratic arrangers are bearing down more heavily than usual on historic and religious themes. Obviously they are getting ready to match fervor with' the Landonites on the two ground: Bands in the streets seldom play “Happy Di campaign song. They are trying to make “America” convention. Symbolic figures played up on every side are the Liberty Bell and Thomas Jefferson. A big. but bad, profile of Jeflerson casts one eye on the delegates from the most prominent position in the hall, a canvas just below the speakers' microphones. Every lamp post in the city carries the city flag with an imprint of the Liberty Bell. Nobody can turn around anywhere in town without seeing either Jefferson or the bell. A trustworthy spiritualist is going to be required before the campaign is over to establish just whom Jefferson is for, what with Al Smith claiming him, Senator Glass saying he is the only Jeffersonian Democrat left, and Senator Barkley definitely tying him up with Mr. Roosevelt. D the old Roosevelt he theme song of the Senator Wagner's inside coat pocket bulged with papers when he naively told newsmen that he had no platform and did not know what all this talk was about. The anwser is the New Deal fair promoters are getting a little upset about this meeting being called a cut-and-dried “one-man show.” The point is purely technical. All party rallies require close manage- ment. The idea that any platform committee could meet and compose principles within the time allotted by conventions is ridiculous. At the same time appearances must be preserved. The essence of truth in Wagner's assertion is that he has several drafts of some planks, all of which are acceptable to the President. He will hold these in his hand like cards, fanwise, before the Platjorm Committee and let the boys take their pick. The special switchboard operator of the Democratic National Com- mittee was brought from Washington to keep a private leased wire to the White House open and safe. Three well-known Republican scouts are here, seeing all. They had copies of the Barkley keynote as soon as any one else did. Biggest and best scout is a private publicity agent who has a staff of subscouts. A bunch of the boys from Georgia were whooping it up in a Broad street cafe the other early a.m., singing, “Glory, Glory Be to Georgia,” but adding a kick line, “We're all on the W. P, A" Skilled money raisers who formed all these $1 Roosevelt organizations are talking seriously about investing in weather insurance for the outdoor notification ceremonies Saturday night. ‘The only competition to the Democratic Convention is that furnished by a New York columnist who holds a rump Socialist convention wherever he tarries for a toddy. Barkley talked about taxes. but did not mention the new tax bill, although he helped to write it. Few New Dealers around here wanted to be reminded of it. ground. The public futilities (New Deal spelling) also have scouts on the No one has mentioned the name of Prof. Tugwell openly or covertly. Personal office politics is developing inside the controlling political office here. It grows out of conflicting personalities and disagreements over strategy, but probably will not become serious. Tolling Taxes Put On Church Bells By Spanish Town | Levies Placed on Priests’ Public Appearance in Cassocks. By the Associated Press. MADRID, June 24—Tolls on the tolling of church bells and levies on cassocks were decided upon by one Spanish town yesterday as a means of “swelling revenues.” The village council of Casas Viejas, Province of Valencia, notified the parish priest the scale on bells would be: Those announcing daily low mass, $3; Sunday high mass, $6; pontifical high mass, $30. Fees for bells an- nouncing requiem masses range from $3 to $15, depending on whether the mass is low, solemn or high. Levies of $3 were imposed on each appearance in public in a priest’s cas- sock. Priests also must visit the town hall the day before delivering a ser- mon to outline it fully. Sermons con- sidered “to reflect on authorities are subject to fine. a national chairman ever got. Speak- ing of the delegates, they are a good- looking, in fact, prosperous-looking, crowd. The poll made by a promi- nent Democratic newspaper showing that 64 per cent of the delegates here are Federal officeholders, would seem to be borne out by the luxury that surrounds the convention itself. No one would ever suspect that this is “a convention of the people” as William Jennings Bryan used to | speak of it with the pride of a great | Commoner. The observer has to rub his eyes to be sure this isn't one of those fashionable conventions for which only the Republicans were | famous in yesteryears. Platform Has Better Chance. ‘The personnel of the Platform Com- mittee is almost entirely taken from the Democratic side of the Senate. This means that whatever platform is adopted here will have much more of a chance of being embodied in legisla- tion than was the platform of 1932. The trend toward an abandonment of State rights n_:fl a strengthening of the national power is so evident that if the election in November favors the Democratic cause, there can be no doubt that an amendment to the Con- stitution will be proposed to increase the powers of the Federal Govern- ment. Little will be said during the cam- paign about such a proposal except by indirection. The issue of constitutional change in our form of government or change .by judicial construction—that is by appointing New Deal judges to fill vacancies—is by no means clear- cut. But the foundation is being laid here for what will be said after election in the event of a Democratic triumph. ‘This in substance is the significance of Scenator Barkley's attack on the Su- preme Court and his open espousal of a wider power for the Federal Govern= But the delegates applauded Far- ley and gave him as fine an ovation as ment. (Copyright, 1836, N SCHOOL SALARIES . OFFER PROBLEM Board Must Decide Whether Vocational Teachers Get Increase. ‘The question of whether the legisla- tion by which the status of the Dis- trict’s vocational schools will be raised to the level of junior high schools, automatically boosts the salary ratings of vocational teachers loomed today as one of the Board of Education’s most important problems. Board to Meet Today. The board was scheduled to meet | today, but it was thought unlikely the special committee on vocational educa- tion would ask consideration of the problem, pending a complete report by Dr. Frank W. Ballou, superintendent of schools, who contends that the legislation, passed at the last session, does not automatically raise salary schedules from elementary to junior high school level. The 86 vocational teachers, backed by the Teachers' Union, the Vocational Association and the Central Labor Union, are asking to be placed in the higher salary scale of junior high schools. Dr. Ballou argues that the legisla- tion, which becomes effective July 1, was intended not to raise salaries, but to ‘reorganize vocational education and give it a higher and better status.” Hopes for Early Decision. Henry Gilligan, chairman of the board’s special committee, said yester- day he hopes for an early decision on the question. E. J. Murphy, president of the Voca- tional Association, told Gilligan the teachers are asking salary raises to the Jjunior high school brackets on a basis of teaching experience. “It has always been the policy of the schools over a long period of time automatically to place in a new salary scale those already doing the work for which & new salary is provided,” Murphy said, HEARING SET JULY 6 ONW., B. & A. LINE SALE Application of Pennsylvania to Buy Abandoned Trackage Will Be Weighed. The Interstate Commerce Commis- sion today set July 6 for a hearing on the application of the Pennsylvania Railroad for permission to purchase the abandoned line of the Washington, Baltimore & Annapolis R. R. from Odenton, Md., to Bowie race track. A price of $30,000 was agreed on for the 6.4 miles of track, according to the application. The service was said to be needed during Spring and Fall meetings at the Bowie race track for transportation of patrons and horses. The hearing will be at 10 am. be- fore Examiner John 8. Prichard at the 1. C, @& e t Glass Caught "Twixt Duty and Candor. Convention Would Be News if Lid Popped Off on Beliefs. BY MARK SULLIVAN. HILADELPHIA, Pa., June 24.— Some hours before the opening session, Senator Carter Glass, of ¥irginia, arrived. In con- vention after convention he has been a Virginia delegate, and Virginia's member on the Resolutidns Committee, which writes the platform. Because of his clarity of mind, he always has been an important member, often the most important. This time he said he preferred not to be on the committeee. He said he was tired and this was true—a man in his late seven- ties who has just been through nearly six months of grueling in the Senate. But somebody or sev- eral, said Senator Glass must serve. It is not clear whether the pres- sure came most from his Virginia delegation, wish- ing him to keep Mark Sullivan the platform Democratic, or from New Dealers wishing his presence in order to make an appearance of harmony. Finally, Senator Glass flatly declined, he re- mains, of course, under the obligation of voting on the platform when it is presented to the full convention. Effective Critic. Senator Glass has been the most forthright critic the New Deal has had. No Republican in the Senate has been half as effective because no Republican has half the particular kind of ability. Senator Glass and his associates, Senator Harry F. Byrd, have continued their attitude toward the New Deal right up to the last measure the Senate passed—both voted against Mr. Roosevelt’s tax bill last week. ‘This week. Senator Glass faces a trying condition. Some two years ago he said in a newspaper interview that he wished he had died before he saw New Deal come upon his country. His perturbancegnow must be the most painful in his long and extra- ordinarily conscientious and honorable career. He can't possibly, as partic- ipant in a Democratic convention, recant what he has said as a Senator. If he did, he would turn into bitter jrony the words of the six college presidents who have given him hon- orary degrees during the past two years, in considerable part for his courage and candor about the New Deal. But it will take no recollection of honorary degrees to hold Senator Glass to the path of conviction. Hardly any other man in American public life is so sufficiently moved by his own conscience. Between Dilemmas. Yet what can he do? While he loathes the New Deal, he loathes the Republican party even more. At least he thinks he does. To him the Repub- lican party is the “‘carpetbagger” party of post-Civil War days in Southern Virginia, where he began his political career more than half a century ago— began with the belief, not seriously un- justified at that time and place—that the Republican party was evil personi- fled. Senator Glass feels he can't give comfort to the Republicans—and he knows he can't approve the New Deal. Possibly he might have solved his dilemma by writing in the National Democratic Convention something like what he, with others, wrote in the State Democratic Convention of Vir- ginia a week or so ago. I have not seen that Virginia Demo- cratic platform in full, but everybody is talking about it. As described by those who smile about it, an epitome of it would read something like this: “We approve President Roosevelt for all the things he has done that he ought to have done.” One literal sen- tence puts emphasis on the word “sound” in a passage which wished Mr. Roosevelt “the largest success in every sound measure he may hereafter pro- Ject.” ‘Warning to Rooseveit. Perhaps the most significant sen- tence in that Virginia Democratic platform was the one which gave Mr. Roosevelt a warning: “At no time in the history of the Nation has adherence to sound principles of representative government been more imperative than today.” But if the Virginia Democratic plat- form last week, and the national plat- form this week, can by careful words steer a course which avoids approving the New Deal, does that end it? Every | Democratic voter in Virginia must by now or soon realize that the New Deal | is a different thing from the Demo- | cratic party. It is said that if Sena- tors Glass and Byrd should, during thig campaign, repeat in Virginia what they have said in the Senate, Virginia would vote against Mr. Roosevelt. Can this situation be kept repressed? And if the situation emerges to the voters as something half-concealed, some- thing mysterious, will they not be even more disturbed than if they were told plainly? It is not Virginia alone, it is the whole South. What is known pub- licly about the attitude of the two Virginia Senators is known privately about Senators from several other Southern States. Even where nothing is known, much is surmised. Robinson Watched. In this convention, Senator Joseph T. Robinson is to make the presid- |ing’s speech. The speech is said to have been carefully scrutinized in advance by President Roosevelt. Mr., Roosevelt had better. Senator Robin- son might have a lapse of mind and say what he really thinks. Senator Robinson is the official Senate leader. As such he leads the Senate—as often as he can—to do what President Roosevelt desires. With the loyalty enforced by his conception of official duty, he debates against Senator Glass—and most well-informed lis- teners surmise that in nine cases out of ten Senator Robinson’s private and unofficial conviction is identical with Senator Glass". If, when Senator Robinson makes his high-spot speech this week, some lapse into seance, some triumph of the subconscious over official duty, should cause Senator Robinson as Roosevelt’s spokesman to say what Private Citizens Robinson must really think about the New Deal—in that event this convention would provide more real news than it now seems likely to. It is not easy Yo be facetious, and perhaps not right. To see the Demo- S what he called the “disgrace” of the | Roman Circus Analogy in Convention Spectacle Carried Out Like Clockwork by New Dealers. BY SAMUEL G. BLYTHE. HILADELPHIA, June 24 (NA. N.A).—Away back in the ear- lest years of the Christian era there lived in Rome one of the world's greatest reporters from then to now and even reckoning in the B. C. period. His name was Juvenal and he was, in reality, a columnist, only he used tablets instead of tabloids for his writings. For withstanding the pressures of the overtaxed people Juvenal wrote that the government sought to com- pose the situation and to placate the people by “bread and the circus games.” Of course, it is a far cry from the first century to the twentieth, from the battles of gladiators of the past to the battling with the microphones of the present, but, at that, there is an analogy that is quite evident here in Philadel- phia at this Democratic National Con- vention. Biggest Show Saturday Night. ‘We have this extraordinary spectacle now in progress here and to continue in an ascending scale of noise, aug- mentation, splendor and exaltation un- til it comes to the transcendant cli- max and culmination of Saturday night, when the unanimous choice of the convention for President will ap- pear before 90,000 cheering, flag-wav- ing, emotional people and accept the honor that has been conferred upon him, That is the circus part of it, the grand finale of the circusing of the week. It will be a great show. It will follow five days of oratory, vaudeville, entertainment of every kind, both out- doors and in; music by countless bands, loud speakers howling hoarsely on every downtown street corner, parades, pageants and partisan passion flogged to the extreme limit. The plaudits of it and the talk of it will be carried to the ends of the earth. The cheers will be heard in Sumatra as clearly as in Sewickley, Pa. Super-Showman's Show. Juvenal spoke about bread, as well as circus games. That, too, has been attended to in the magnificent man- ner. It is true that not many of the delegates to the convention have been handed bread. So far they are mostly living on cake, but the convention lasts until Saturday and it is not unlikely a few loaves for distribution may come in handy. However, a great many of the people who sent the dele- gates here know all about the bread end of it, and that makes the set-up complete. I have seen a great many national political conventions, but never one before like this. It has been skilfully stage-managed, produced and ex- hibited. It is a great, flamboyant, spectacular demonstration of what can be built about a leading man in such a gathering by pepole who know the show business, especially | when the leading man is a superb | and super-showman himself. was impressive, and, as it plays its five acts to the Saturday night cli- | max, it must grow both in intensity and in excited interest. Those old | Romans were right. They knew their stuff. Magnifying Glass Applied. Owing to the necessities of pub- licity, it is necessary to magnify little things that happen into big things, because, as a matter of fact, this convention has no more news in it than last year's statesman’s year book. Why could it have? There has never been a question about the unani- mous nomination of Roosevelt and Garner. No responsible person has ever thought that the convention will | not indorse the New Deal in every aspect, and no one has even doubted that President Roosevelt, as is his power and privilege, is, and will be, the supreme director of everything that is said and done officially. I have seen a great many con- ventions and I have never seen one yet, where the management was effi- cient, that did not run exactly to schedule. That is how this conven- tion is running and will run. That is politics, and there never was a convention more political than this one. Meanwhile, there have been few, if any, where the spectacular fea- tures, the show, the entertainment, the stage management have been as well worked out as at this one. It is already a great pageant, and it will work along, in ascending scale, to Saturday night when they plan a spectacle that is hoped to impel all American humanity into ardent sup- port of the President and his policies. (Copyright, 1936, by the North American Newspaper Alllance, Inc.) Even in its prologue yesterday it Good-by to Old Heroes Philadelphia Witnessing Last Rites for Democratic Party as New One Emerges. BY WILLIAM ALLEN WHITE. HILADELPHIA, June 24.—Philadelphia will probably be remembered in modern history as the place where the new leaders of the Demo- cratic party bade good-by to its old heroes. At tais convention is the “X"” which marks the spot where the body lies—the body of the old-fashioned, unwashed, unterrified, unreconstiucted party of Jefferson, Jackson and Grover Cleveland. However, spectators here are witnessing more than the last sad rites for the old party. They are seeing here the birth of & new party—a strange and vital party that is beginning to consecrate itself to ideals that here- tofore never have taken form in either major party, ideals that have never been set down in any other American party platform. When the Democratic conven- tion met yesterday, the throngs packing the handsome hall to the rafters realized that the New Deal- ers had cleared decks. The audi- torium showed forth no picture of any of the famous Democratic Presidents. Jeflerson? Not a sign of him in any wall space. His face would burn to a crisp at e party which is about to promise to install @ Government so centralized in Washington that Alexan- der Hamilton would gasp at its audacity. Gone was the old banner that always showed the hickory features of Andrew Jackson, who declared the Constitution must and shall be pre- served. Grover Cleveland’s picture was absent. He stood for gold. He sent Federal troops to quell labor riots. The war President, to whom the Democratic party for 20 years looked in pride—Woodrow Wilson—also was outside looking in. His face was not on any wall here. Franklin Roosevelt, alone of all the Democratic Presidents, blessed the multitude with his portsait, the icon of benign countenance. Was it by accident or out of some subconscious recognition of a pro- found truth that the official band in the gallery before the chairman’s gavel fell played “Massa’s in De Cold, Cbld Ground”? He certainly is. Curiously and notably, in all the first day's proceedings, a studied effort succeeded in avoiding the use of the word “Democrat” or the phrase “the Democratic party.” Only once in a 25-minute pre-keynote speech did Chairman Farley speak the forbidden word and that once he had to use it to identify himself as “chairman of the Democratic Committee.” He spoke of “the New Deal.” He referred to “President Roosevelt,” and to “our party,” but he scrupulously side-stepped any oratorial mention of the once proud rock-ribbed democracy. Never did he invoke any of the old presidential gods of the democracy—Jeflerson, Jackson, Cleveland or Bryan. * x % x Readers of the Republican platform at Cleveland will find that the Republicans also omitted from their platform both the words “Republican” and “Democrat” as though they were obscene, ‘Thus, by sloughing off ancient traditions, by the subtle sublimation of suppressed political yearning are new parties begotten in old bodies. Saturday night, in his acceptance speech, the country will see the birth of a new political organization under Franklin Roosevelt's leadership which will carry the old Democratic name—an empty shibboleth, Last night Senator Barkley of Kentucky, the first recognized keynoter of the convention, used more than 10090 words to strafe the Republicans. He, like Farley, avoided as far as possible the use of the phrase “the Democratic party.” Not once did he contrast specifically the record of partisan Repub- licans with that of the partisan Democrats. He used the phrase, “the Democratic party,” only once in all of his 10,000 words and that once was in the first five minutes of his talk. After that he quoted from the Democratic platform, using the word “Dem- ocratic” as Farley used it, merely for purposes of cataloging and indenti- fication. But in his oratorical flashes, and they were many and keen, and in his big climax, he avoided the phrase which would have glorified the old Democratic party, was so meticulous that the ommission could not have been an oversight. Senator Barkley seems to have heard the quiet word which came to Farley, which came to the men who decorated the hall and removed the pictures of the old Democratic leaders from the walls. The Senator spoke of the old heroes once or twice, Jefferson, Jackson, Wilson, but never Cleveland. In using their names, it was hail and farewell. * % * % The first day closed without a ripple of excitement, No delegate objected to anything in two long sessions of the convention. It was a Rooseveltian convention taking svengalian orders. The President assembled the largest private collection of rubber stamps that ever has been gathered under one roof. which is greatly to the credit of the power and wisdom of his leadership. Fools and weaklings cannot order 1,500 American freemen about and speak no audible word to them of their direction or purpose. Here is a super diplomat, a statesman with tel- epathic talents. but still with tremendous power. His opponents should not be discrediting tMemselves by discounting this power too heavily. Under cover, the President’s wordless ukases were defied by the few conservative Democrats of the old order who managed to make the convention. Bruce and Tydings of Maryland, for instance, and Byrd of Virginia. The President would have been glad to see on the Resolutions Committee men of that type. There is ground to believe that Chairman Wagner asked Senator Byrd to write the “economy plank” of the convention and met a dignified but covertly ribald refusal. The economy plank, in an administration program committed in advance to appropriations by the billions, is not an easy plank to write. ‘The conservative Democrats were smart enough to avoid places on the Platform Committee which might commit them in the future to the platform which the President is sending to the convention by Senator Wagner, * % ok X One of the interesting phases of the platform which even now may not be in ink will be the labor plank. It is reported here authentically that John Lewis, the rival of President Green of the American Federation of Labor, has decided that Green's policy is wrong, which permits legal minimum wages for women and denies minimum wages to men under Government control. Green in Cleveland erased from the tentative Republican platform the provision in the demand for minimum wages under State supervision. But for Geen, that plank might have promised the State control of wages “without regard to age or sex.” After it came out, the Republican platform provided a promise for minimum wages for “women and children in industry.” Lewis now holds that the minimum wage platform should promise governmental control of wages ‘ without regard to sex or color.” Lewis’ announcement pleases the National Woman’s Party and will alienate the leaders of the League of Women Voters. Nothing may appear in the platform from this Lewis rumor. But if the platform does broaden its scope to include minimum wages for men as well as for women and children, the phrase will mark the ascendancy of Lewis over Green in labor circles and in American politics. G In the meantime, within 20 miles of the front door of the convention, 3,500 workers are striking for an industrial union along the lines of Lewis leadership in one of the National Radio Factories. It is primarily a strike for the closed shop. A strike of that proportion under the eaves of the convention will make it easier to write a radical labor plank. ‘The new party with the old name, of which obviously it is sadly ashamed, will have to compete with Townsend, Coughlin and Lemke for the labor vote. But this is the President’s problem. The delegates, under the soothing anesthetic of complete acquiescence, apparently are quite unconscious of either time or space or any other of the major realities of & wicked world. (Copyright, 1936, by the North American Newspaper Alliance, Inc.) BY CARLISLE BARGERON, Staff Correspondent of The Star. PHILADELPHIA, June 24—Of all that¢ wealth which the New Dealers redistributed to the Roosevelt nomi- nator from Tobacco Road with whom this writer has struck up quite an acquaintance, he has only $4.35 left. In fact he confided in that intimate way of his today that if we could not let him have a small loan he would have to do that. It seems that he got $319 of the redistributed wealth for not raising cotton. He has found more little ways here of getting it back into the chan- nels of intrenched greed than he ever thought of. With some feeling he said: “I don’t mind spending the money, but it is the way I spent it.” He doesn’t feel badly about the out- lay of $5.50 which it cost him to be 100 per cent for Mr. Roosevelt—$1 to be a Roosevelt nominator at the sta- dium next Saturday night, $1 to be a Roosevelt courier, $1 to “Go Forward ‘With Roosevelt” and $2.50 for the convention book, which has some of the prettiest liquor advertising that one could lay one's eyes upon. Quick Turnover. “I sort of feel,” he said, “that at least Mr. Roosevelt has tried. So I don’t mind that $5.50 at all. But that cratic party taking America on & course which nine-tenths of the thoughtful Democratic leaders pro- foundly distrust is & sombre experi- ence. (Coprright, 1036.) ~ 1 have to wire home for money. He will | “Nominator’s” 112 New Deal Dollars Go to Intrenched Greed business of going to the Turkish bath —now that is something else and I find it difficult to justify on any grounds.” He was rolled for $112, which would seem to bear out the contention of the Tories that even when Mr. Roose- velt gives the under dog money they let it get right back into the hands of intrenched greed. “To save my. life,” our friend says, “I don't see why I went to that place. But somehow I've had a complex for a long time that there were a lot of impurities in my system. I'll bet my doctor has told me a hundred times that I was all right and that I'd better quit worrying about my system, but when you get to thinking something you just think about it all the time. Somehow I could just feel there were impurities in my system. So off I went to the Turkish bath and the next day I hardly had any system—and absolutely I didn’t have my $112. Sirens Lend Superiority Complex. “Gosh, but you would of died laugh- ing at me, though. I hadn’t had one of the things for eight years. The truth is that I guess I just got to feel- ing sort of expansive. It's enough to make you feel right important the way they ride you around with a screaming motor cycle escort. “Here I no sooner get off the train than they grab me and put me in al automobile and off I go whizzing through the streets and as I draw up to the hotel I never see so much com- | motion in all my life. People stand- bringing in. You know how things like that sort of effect you. And I'm really no different from anybody else. | I guess we all are about the average, don't you? “Well, anyhow, when I finally made up my mind to get the impurities out of my system, I was scared to death. When the fellow put me in the hot room, I says, ‘How long do I stay in here?’ and he says, ‘As long as you can take it, buddy.’ Fine comfort he was, eh? Veteran's Time Trimmed. “But there was another fellow in there and I asked him how long he usually stayed. And he said about 15 minutes. ‘But you take them Iots, don't you?” And when he said he did minutes. Boy, when I came out of there I didn't know whether I was | coming or going. “I also took the lamp treavment. A big burly fellow put me on a cot and mumbled: ‘Every time you hear that buzzer it's one minute, and med- ical science says that it's dangerous to take more than four minutes." “With that he started to walk away. ‘Wait a minute, brother,’ I said. ‘On such a serious matter as this I think we should have a definite understand- ing. Now, just repeat what you said | about what medical science says.’ I doubt the treatment did me much | good because I was so worried while | lying there, “Well, I do feel sort of clean and person should feel. You reckon they'll | give us any more money for not rais- ing cotton?” Buenos Aires Airport. ' Plans for a municipal airport at Buenos Aires to cost about $2,700.000 ing outside and looking to see who the big shot is that the sirens are \ have been presented to the Argentine | minister of public works. A~ pure, and I guess that's the way a | Ralfied 8 Farley Stars in One-Man Battle Swings, Counts G. O. P. Out in Round of Air Flailing. BY JOHN LARDNER, HILADELPHIA, June 24 (NA. N.A).—The Democrats won the first round of the conven- tion here. It wasn't even close. Big James Farley came storm= ing out of his corner at the sound of the bell, threw two savage right hooks in midair and announced that the G. O. P. was flat on its back, a posi- tion made popular by such imported Republicans as Primo Carnera and swooning Joe Beckett and phainting Phil Scott, the swan of S8oho, ‘The delegates had to take big James’ word for it, because they couldn't see the victim. James was the fighter, referee, knockdown timekeeper and radio announcer all in one. He swung. He crquched over the foe. He counted 10. He announced the decision. Then he summoned a couple of attendants to carry away the broken body of the Republican party. Spectators Marvel. The delegates were impressed. “I didn’t see the other fella go down.” said one of them, “but it must have been a h—— of a fight.” “Terrific,” agreed his next neighbor. “I wish we were sitting closer to the ring.” Fight experts in the crowd were unanimous in saying that they never saw such a furious onslaught or such a lethal knockout blow, In fact, they didn't see this one. It was invisible. “It was the finest invisible punch I've come across since the heyday of Jack Sharkey,” said Jack Demps the restaurant man, who sat close by and admired Farley's performance wita bulging eyes. Farley did not even work up a swea®. After disposing of the body, and send- ing a telegram of sympathy to the victim’s relatives, who live somewhere ?m Kansas, he shadow-boxed a couple | of rounds in front of the microphone to give the customers their money’s worth. Then he called upon Senator Alben W. Barkley, a preliminary fighter, who made funeral arrange- ments and raked over the ashes with | what is euphemistically called a keye | note speech And Did They Like It! Owing to some over t on the part of the Invitation Committee there are {no Republicans at this convention | whatsoever. Therefore, there was | nothing but applause for big James Farley’s one-round victory. Your core respondent, sifting through the mo® | with a bull's-eye latern, could not find a dissenter. It locks very much as though this convention were going to nominate | Democrat for President. And I ha !a hunch that the men behind the scenes are plotting even now, in smokee filled rooms, to surprise the convene tion by presenting the name of Franke lin D. Rooseveit. | But what does the man in the street think? Your correspondent, leaving the | Convention Hall to conduct a private |and personal poll of his own, discove | ered that Philadelphia is a city of one« | way streets with one-eyed men fin |them. At least, the first man in the | street I saw was One-Eyed Counolly. Connolly was standing by an ene | trance gate, jerking his thumb over his shoulder. He looked like a hitch« | hiker. | “There is no need to do. that, | One-Eye,” said your correspondent. | “You have already reached your des- tination.” Relents and Talks. Connolly replied coldly, “I am not | bumming a ride. I am employed here, The party told me to get the public inside the hall and fill up them bale cony seats. I am showing the way.” In a few minutes, however, the one-eyed statesman grew weary of permanent employment and consented | to discuss the political situation. | “If Tam the only man on the street that you know by name.” said Con- | nolly, “I will be glad to straighten you {out on my point of view. This con- | vention is in the sack for Roosevelt and I will tell you why. Your correspondent edged away, closely attended by the man in the street. At the next corner it became a race, and at the next corner your correspondent made good his escape, though Connolly was still in full ery. “And I will tell you why.” w 1 last words before aban scene, Returning to the convention hall by a devious route, your surveyor inter viewed some 20 more men in the street, as well as several on the side- walk and a few who were cornered in doorways and could not get away. | They all said this convention would be a Democratic iandslide. It's Usual. A man at convention headquarters explained to me that this was usually the case. | “We haven't nominated a Repub- lican at a Democratic- convention since—well, before my time,” he said. “How about Al Smith in 1928 “He was a Democrat in those days," said the man at headquarters. “At least, a lot of people were being kidded it he wasn't.” Senator Barkley bore out the general belief when he delivered a strongly pro-Democratic keynote speech. By the time the second session opens, the Democrats will have stampeded ths convention. John Hamilton, the Landon leader, says that this is because 64 per cent of the delegates are on the Federal pay roll. But John was always a knocker. I hit upon the happy medium of 10| You can't take away from Jim | Farley and Senator Barkley that they have made this convention safe for democracy. ‘Cepyright, 1836, by the Nor:h American Newspaper Alliance, Inc.) Unemployment Increases. Unemployment is again increasing in Belgium. Peterman’s Roach Food lures roaches from hiding places — they eat, return to nest and die, leav- ing NO ODOR. Roach Food carried back kills young and eggs, too. Efiective 24 hours a day. Guaranteed. Get a can »w. 25c, 35c and 60c at your druggist's. PETERMAN'S ROACH FOOD QUILK