Evening Star Newspaper, May 19, 1935, Page 36

D2 THE EVENING STAR With Sunday Morning Edition. WASHINGTON, D. C. BUNDAY.........May 19, 1935 THEODORE W. NOYES. . . Editor _— ¥he Evening Star Newspaper Company Business Office: 11th 8t and Pennsylvania Ave, New York Office: 110 East 42nd 8t Chicago Office: Lake Michigan Building Burovean Office; 14 Regent St.. London. Enslan Rate by Carrier Within the City. Regular Edition. The Evening Star o . 45¢ per month The Evening and Sunday Star (when 4 Sundays) . 60c per month e Su?d Star s ~65¢ per month 5c per copy 2y a The Sunday Star.. ... 3 Night Final Edition. teht Final and Sunday Star 70c pel ight Final Star.. ... .. 55Cper month Collection made af the end of each month. Orders may be sent by mail or telephone National 5000 Rate by Mail—Payable in Advance. Maryland and Virginia. 11y and Sunday . aily only .....1¥yr. Bunday only. 1I1l1yr" $4.0 All Other States and Canada. y and Sunday 1 yr.. $12.00; 1 mo.. $1.00 Daily onl. 1yr. $8.00;1mo. 75¢c Suuday only. ...1yr. $5.00:1mo. 50c Member of the Associated Press. The Associated Press is exclusively u‘- titled to the use for republication ot all news di:patcl es credited to it or not other- wise' credited in this paper and also the local news published nerein All rights of publication of special dispatches herein are also reserved. = T month Dail: Social Security Amendments. As passed by the House, the social security bill would not have recog- nized such State unemployment in- surance plans as that of Wisconsin, where, instead of a State-wide “pool” into which employer tax contributions are paid for the benefit of all em- ployes, each employer accumulates his own unemployment reserves under State supervision for the protection of his own employes. Under the Wis- consin plan the pay roll tax decreases as the reserves are accumulated. When the reserves reach a specified sum per employe, the employer re- ceives the benefits of tax reduction as | long as he stabilizes his employment. Senator La Follette was successful in having the Senate Finance Com- mittee amend the social security bill reported out last week to recognize the company reserve plan along with the pooling system. That is & sound amendment which should be retained in the law finally to be enacted. The most direct incentive to the employer to stabilize employment lies in the| possibility of tax reduction. Under the pooling system, as con- tained in the recently enacted New York law and proposed for the Dis- | trict of Columbia, there is no immediate incentive for the employer to stabilize his employment. He pays a pay roll tax, local and national, regardless of whether his own employes are likely to suffer the injurfes of unemploy- ment. Both the District bill and the New York law contain provisions for future study, to determine the feasi- bility of rewarding in some manner the employer who stabilizes his own employment and thus makes a tangible contribution to general employment stability. One of the sound recom- mendations from the Administration Business Advisory Council in refer- ence to unemployment insurance laws is for the establishment of different pay roll contribution rates for differ- ent industries in accordance with the differences in unemployment in those industries. Certainly that principle should be contained in any unemploy- ment insurance law, and it is a seri- ous question whether provisions em- bodying the principle should not be | edopted at the outset, rather than de- layed for several years of study. Dur- ing the interval the courts will cer- tainly be asked to pass upon the validity of a pooling principle under which all employers are arbitrarily @essessed at the same rate, regardless of the hazards of unemployment in the different lines of Lusiness and in- dustry, and regardless of the employ- er's success in keeping his own men 8t work. Senators Clark of Missouri and George of Georgia were unsuccessful in their initial endeavor to have the Benate bill amended to recognize and make allowances for pension and re- tirement benefit plans which have al ready been adopted by individual companies. Under the House and Senate sections of the bill for old age pensions beginning in 1942, no allow- ance is made for the private company that may already have adopted a re- tirement plan for its employes superior to the provisions of the national law. It would seem reasonable as well as fair to provide tax exemptions or other- wise to reward concerns which already have a retirement and pension system which meets or exceeds standards of the national law. Senators Clark and George will doubtless renew their ef- forts on the Senate floor in benalf of such an amendment. ————— The Drivers of Tomorrow. The lads with bright and shining faces, all slicked up for the parade, who marched yesterday under the banners of the Boy Patrol are active participants in a traffic safety cam- paign that has really shown results. Why? Because they take it seriously. ‘Their responsibility as Boy Patrols is visual and tangible. They are en- trusted during certain hours of the day with the duty of safeguarding younger children at street corners. ‘The white cross-belts and glistening badges worn as emblems of office set them apart from other children, center upon them a responsibility that no Boy Patrol can dodge if he wants to remain a Boy Patrol. Most boys do. ‘The records of trafic fatalities point to the success of the Boy Patrol idea. While traffic fatalities among age groups under five and over twenty have shown a great increase since 1922, when the Boy Patrol movement was begun, the increase in fatalities ameng school children has been con- fined to less than one per cent—an effective demonstration of the value of the Boy Patrols who in many cities of the country are guarding some 5,000,000 children daily on their way to and from school. Any city that lacks its Boy Patrol is behind the times. 1t is possible that another beneficial sesult may lie in the fact that most ‘ of the youngsters who paraded today as Boy Patrols will be driving auto- mobiles within the next ten years. The elementary traffic safety rules they learned as Boy Patrols will remain with them as drivers. Before taking the steering wheel of an automobile they will have undergone a pretty thorough lesson in traffic dangers as seen from the curbstone. Having been Boy Patrols, they should be better and more careful automobile drivers. If the adult automobile driver could in some manner be made to feel the responsibility for safety of others that the Boy Patrol assumes when he dons his cross-belt and badge a large pro- | portion of the accidents caused by automobile drivers today would be prevented. Thoughtlessness, careless- ness and recklessness are the greatest contributors to accidents and death. o A Veto in Person. President Roosevelt’s determination to deliver in person his veto message | on the Patman “greenback” bonus | bill should set at rest any idea that | may have germinated in congres- | sional minds that he would not seri- ously object if his veto were over- | ridden. The President is taking a | definite and courageous stand on this inflationary bonus measure. That his presence at a joint session of the | House and Senate and his delivery | of the bonus veto will assure the | death of the Patman bill is the Presi- | dent’s hope. The drive for the payment of the soldiers’ bonus, amounting to $2,300,- | 000,000, at a time when the Nation | | is vastly in debt and its credit isi | required to sustain the destitute and | | needy, is ill timed. Disabled veterans | are generously cared for throughout the land by the Government. Needy veterans receive benefits under the | relief laws, and the veterans are given i preference in the matter of Govern- ment employment, The full face value | of the bonus certificates held by the veterans is not due and payable until 1945, That is the law. What the veterans are demanding is an extra | bonus when they insist upon being | | paid today. | The Patman measure, called a bonus | bill, s more than that. It provides | |for an inflation of the currency| through the operation of the printing presses of the Government. Its friends call it a bill for controlled “ex- | pansion” of the currency. They do not like the sinister sound of the word inflation. Whether it is called ex- pansion or inflation matters little. The effect is the same. It is the opening wedge. Other demands to pay obligations of the Government through fiat currency will follow as surely as night follows day. The worker, paying vastly increased prices for food and shelter under the infla- tionary cheapening of money, and with no comparative increase in his wage, will be the first to suffer. With him will suffer all those who have ac- quired modest competences upon which to live and support their families. There is not the slightest doubt of | the seriousness of the inflationary | problem. This bonus bill has been seized upon by the friends of inflation as the Jever with which to break through. No one believes that they will be content to rest there if they succeed in this attempt. The veterans are allowing themselves to be used. For this temporary gain, they are will- ing to jeopardize the future. The President is taking an un- | precedented course in going to Con- | gress to deliver his veto message him- | | self. 1t is warranted by the serious- ness of the issue. Furthermore, ef- forts have been made to cause it appear that the President would not | at heart be displeased by a vote over- riding his veto, permitting the bill to become law. The political-minded who have urged such a course say that it would in reality advantage the Presi- dent and the Democratic Senators and Representatives who must come up for re-election next year. It is a specious argument, Its consummae tion would place the Democratic ad- ministration in an unfavorable light. If the President by this latest move is able to roll up a considerable vote in opposition to the bonus bill it may have the effect not only of killing the Patman bill but of halting effec- tually other such measures if and when’ they are presented during the remainder of the present session of Congress. The inflationists and the bonus advocates have announced that they will fight on and that they hope finally to get through a bill that will become law before adjournment. The latest threat to reach the Capital is that another bonus army, similar to that which marched on Washington in 1932, is being organ=- ized to come here if the President’s veto of the Patman bill is sustained. It is doubtful, however, if the Demo- cratic members of Congress who en- couraged the bonus army to come to Washington in 1932 will be so eager to have such an army appear in the Capital in 1935, People may grow a little weary of elephants and donkeys and welcome a parade that introduces camels for a change. British Cabinet Shake-up. Great Britain still glories in its relatively “splendid” isolation from the interests and entanglements of Continental Europe, but certain cur- rents across the Channel, it is now in- dicated, are capable of diverting the stream of British politics in unexpect- ed directions. London is now busily discussing the possibility of a far- reaching shake-up in the government as the result of conflict over foreign policy. The principal victim of reputedly imminent cabinet changes is to be Sir John Simon, foreign secretary. Be- cause of a strong attack launched against him by Sir Austen Chamber- lain and Winston Churchill, there are circumstantial reports that the tamous Liberal barrister who has ruled the forelgr. office since the Fall of 1931 will be removed from that post to make way for Ramsay MacDonald, who would relinquish the prime min- istership to Stanley Baldwin, now lord i THE SUNDAY STAR, WASHINGTON, president of the council. Sir John Si- mon, it is suggested, may be gracefully eased out of Downing street by trans- fer to the House of Lords by way of a peerage to be bestowed upon him in jubilee honors on June 3. Never regarded a virile or positive exponent of British foreign policy, Sir John now finds himself under heavy fire on grounds of pro-German sympa- thies and for having aroused the ire of Premier Mussolini in connection with Italy’s plans for war on Abyssinia. Simon is held directly responsible for | provoking Il Duce to issue his recent warning to Britain and France to keep hands off the Ethiopian conflict. British overtures at Rome looking to a peaceful settlement of Mussolini’s controversy ~with Emperor Haile Selassie were curtly rejected. Mr. MacDonald is supported for the foreign secretaryship because of the belief that he would take a firm stand toward Germany and the Nazi menace to British security, especially in the air. If Sir John Simon is deposed, he will pay the penalty for having failed, while in conference | with Hitler at Berlin last month, suffi- ciently to impress the Fuehrer with British determination to match force with force in case the Reich persists in menacing European peace with its vast scheme of rearmament in deflance of the treaty of Versailles. This country hears with special interest the suggestion that Mr. Mac- Donald’s first move, if he becomes foreign secretary, will be to summon another World Economic Conference, to tackle currency stabilization end other issues which were shipwrecked at the abortive London conference of 1933. The British have taken due note of Secretary of the Treasury Morgenthau’s recent homily on sta- bilization, but look upon it as a pla- | tonic utterance designed merely for home consumption. ———— One of the notable triumphs of Hit- ler is that of the fashion autocrat. In the old days no one suspected that a Charlie Chaplin mustache would ever be taken so seriously. e Much educational attainment in science, as in music or mechanics, de- pends on the mastery of symbols. The alphabet, beginning the AAA, is now full of them. The attitude of Carter Glass is con- sistently courageous in seeking to di- rect attention to plain kitchen stove economics when the air is full of fire- | works. —— e Gambling has its social and even aristocratic side. sent the king of sports quite apart from the sordid racketeer game that looks for nickels and dimes. The District of Columbia maintains an orderly civic responsibility. no vote, but its position is still more dignified than that of communities which have votes but do not know how | to use them —_————,——— Germany complains of efforts to surround her by a ring of steel, which permits apprehension of developments tending to reduce modern civilization to scrap iron. - Japanese are vigilant and it is pos- | | sible that they know more about de- tails of maneuvers in the Pacific than the American people do. — e A hungering European public can- not be expected to enthuse over a political economy that boasts of more and cheaper torpedo boats. B SHOOTING STARS. BY PHILANDER JOHNSON. The Big Smoke, A flery orator we found ‘Who caused a general shout; Quite frequently we stood around And wished the fire was out. He brought a misty atmosphere As he with words would stoke. Some flery stuff is surely near ‘Where there is so much smoke. Some would applaud from day to day. While others sighed, “Oh, Fudgel” The fiery stuff now on display Is only just a smudge. First Philologies. “Do you think the English speak better English than Americans do?” asked the educator. “No, sir!” answered Senator Sorg- hum, includes basic monosyllables that the English forgot years ego.” Distinction of Terms. It's pleasant to obey the law As it is laid before us, And join the general hurrah ‘That sounds in loyal chorus. But when we're put upon the spot, In serious consternation, We may suspect that law is not The same as litigation. Romance, “Do you find any romance in politics?” “A great deal” answered Miss Cayenne. “In politics, as in love- making, a whispered word may mean far more than a public declamation.” “Fear must be mingled with affec- tion,” said Hi Ho, the sage of China- town. “No affection can be sincere unless it carries with it the fear of offending.” Crime Wave, A crime wave is a fearful thing. A signal of such error As may eventually bring A general state of terror. And though we tell it to behave, As peace we try to nourish, - It says, “Long may the crime wave wave!” And makes another flourish. “Dis is one of de times,” said Uncle Eben, “when I ain’ really got nuffin to say. Like de rest of de folks, I's Jes' tryin’ to keep on talkin'.” Horses still repre- | It has | “Why, our political vocabulary | D g, BY THE RIGHT REV. JAMES E. followers upon an errand, giving them certain directions pertaining to it. We read that they went their way and, “coming to a place where two ways met,” there they found the object of their search. This fragment from the narrative is suggestive of an experience that hap- pens to us frequently in the course of life. We are constantly coming to a fork in the road, and when we come to it we pause to determine which road we will take. At such a time we are compelled, not only to | determine the course we shall pursue, | but the objective we have in mind. | So long as the highway over which we travel remains level and straight we move along our way uninter- rupted and secure in our confidence | that it leads in the right direction. | Once we come to the place where the | road forks we are met with a new situation. The one road may seem | the way to travel and full of promise; the other may look less attractive and | suggest difficulties ahead. Many, pos- | sibly most of us, hastily reach the | conclusion that the more attractive, | well-paved road is more appealing, hence we take it without any definite | conviction as to whither it leads. The | youth inevitably takes not only the easy road, but the one that promises | a “short cut” to the object he seeks. | Frequently he finds the need of re- | tracing his steps and following the | more difficult but secure way that | leads to attainment. The whole world | today seems to be standing without | definiteness of decision at the fork of the road. The advocates of the two ways are strong and appealing. grams and systems that suggest the solution of our problems; they seem to indicate an easy solution of our ills. Their program appeals to the unthinking and superficial. Its whole purpose is the satisfaction of our physical and material needs. Satisfy these and all will be well. gram has in it nothing that calls for self-discipline and self-restraint, nor is it suggestive of the course we have pursued at other times when we found ourselves in a like situation. WHERE THE ROAD FORKS ishop of Washington, ‘The Master sent a group of His The advocates of one way have pro- | Their pro- | FREEMAN, D. D, LL. D,, D.CL, ‘The other and the more difficult way has its earnest and sincere advo- cates who recognize that all attain- ment is secured by those who are will- ing to pay a consistent and reasonable | price for that which they seek. The | way ahead may look difficult and it may call for self-accepted restraint and imposed self-discipline, it cer- tainly calls for that kind of moral worth that is able to stand trials and, if need be, suffering, that jt may come at length to the object of its desire. | It is a way that is bound to develop | the strong muscles of the mind and of the soul. Whether in our individual | or corporate life, the fork of the road |calls for and demands decision, and | the choice we make involves not only | the kind of highway we would fol- | low, but the kind of objective we seek | ultimately to attain. Obviously, if in this life only we have hope, if all that it consists of is getting and spending, [ leading ultimately to a dead end, then it will not be difficult for us to make | | our choice. If, on the other hand, we believe we are put here for the pur- 1 pose of developing the finer things of our nature—in fine, that we are | put here to “grow a soul” with the | assurance that at the end of the road a larger and fuller life opens up be- fore us—then we will carefully con- | sider the cost in the light of that which' we seek to gain. | The whole purpose of the ministry of Jesus was to indicate to men when | they came to the place of decision | the only way that leads ultimately to | satisfaction here and the fulfillment of their highest hopes and aspirations in & world that lies beyond the out- | most boundaries of time and place. The Master never promised that the way He proposed should be an easy one. In His own life He strikingly illustrated its difficulties and perils. His own highest attainment was ef- fected on the cross, but from that cross He has laid a strong grip upon the hearts and minds of men the world over. He chose the hard way and He did it deliberately, and in doing so He furnished an example to those who, coming after Him, would | achieve life’s choicest gifts and know the “peace which passeth all under- | standing.” | BY OWEN L. SCOTT. Modern lobbying technique is mak- ing something of a madhouse out of Congress. It bothers the President, definitely increases the hazards of po- litical life, and, if persisted in, is going to take much of the fun out of being a Congressman When tied in with the propaganda machinery now functioning full tilt both inside and outside of the Govern- ment, this new-style lobbying can be highly effective. But the politician, needing to keep his ear to the political ground, no longer can tell so well whether the: noise he hears reflects some special interest or the voice of the people. That adds to his troubles. There was a time not long ago when lobbying carried a stigma. byist was pictured as a suave back- stage operator, who pulled wires and held out rewards to those members of Congress who did his bidding. Most of this activity was carried on by in- dustries interested in tariff favors and by other ousiness and labor groups seeking Federal bounty. But look at the situation today. e ‘The country’s leading lobbyist 1is Father Coughlin, radio priest of De- troit. He does not even operate from Washington. His appeal is through the radio. His persuasion is applied on Congress in the form of telegrams and letters from large numbers of in- | dividual followers. He insists that, if wanted, he can produce 1,000,000 tele- grams with 5,000,000 signatures almost overnight. Senators and members of the House | like to reply to each letter sent them by a voter. They establish a personal contact in that way. Of late congres- sional letter-writing had reached the stage where the office of an average Senator was turning out around 1,000 a week. Then came Father Coughlin and the whole machinery broke down. Members of the Senate complained on the floor that they no longer were able to write individual replies to their constituents. xx x The telegram and letter lobbying technique is being applied by more and more groups. Utility interests, financial interests and other interests use it. Yet that is but one form of lobby- ing. Another is offered by the Amer- ican Legion and the American Fed- eration of Labor. They base their activities on the knowledge that Con- gressmen definitely fear organized minorities of voters. Elections turn on a relatively small number of votes. Groups that definitely can swing solid blocks of ballots command a high premium in politics. The Anti- Saloon League showed that and pio- neered the way to power and influ- ence through that form of lobbying. The Legion and the A. F. of L. | can point to results accomplished as a testimonial to this form ~f influence on legislation. An older method of lobbying is pro- vided by the Chamber of Commerce of the United States, the National American Manufacturers’ Association and the Liberty League. These busi- ness groups can point to control of fewer votes, but they represent influ- ential business and industrial interests in whose livelihood Congressmen are interested. There was plenty to think about fluencing legislation before this week came around. Now there is even more. * ok * % The reason is that Washington has been supplied with yet another typs of lobbying, and one that suggests almost endless possibilities. It was in the form of a far.ners’ march on the Capital, designed to convince members of Congress that the farm voters back home had their eyes centered on what is happening here. Speakers emphasized that from now on agriculture was going to see that it got a fair share of the favors handed out by a benevolent Govern- ment and would not stand idly by while industry took its tariff benefits, unless something equally as good was given the farmer. President Roosevelt nraised the 4,000 marchers who came to Wash- ington to make known their views, and told them: “It is a good omen for Govern- ment, for business, for bankers and for the city dwellers tbat the Nation’s farmers are becoming articulate and that they know whereof they speak.” ‘That raises the question whether the Nation's 10,000,000 unemployed should organize a lobby for a march on Washington to make known their demands. It suggested the idea to some business men to stage a march in favor of extending the life of N. R. A. If direct persuasion by mass demenstration is to be tried, then Congressmen have something more to think about. They see themselves subjected to steadily increasing pressure from spe- clal groups in the population. And » Lobbyists and Propagandists Causing Confusion in Government’s Procedure The lob- | in the modernized technique for in- | | | those groups must be recognized. The | | reason is that a seat in Congress is | good for $10,000 a year, and there | are not many $10,000 jobs going beg- | ging these days. To fail to heed the | demands of voters' groups is danger- | ous politically. i R | What lies back of this sudden | spread of lobbying over a broad front? | It is the recognition that the Fed- eral Government can be used to ex- tend special privileges to larger and larger groups. Henry Wallace, Secre- tary of Agriculture, asserts that in- dustry and banking long have en- Joyed these privileges. Now farmers and unemployed and other groups are | getting a taste. | There are nearly 5,000,000 families dependent upon the Government for | their existence. Industry no longer supports them. Then 3,000,000 farm- | ers have contracts with the Federal Government guaranteeing them pay- ments in return for their co-operation | | In the Federal farm program. Another | 2,000,000 farmers are interested in A. | A. A marketing agreements. About | 1,000,000 city home owners have saved their homes through the use of Gov- | ernment credit resources. Having had a sample of the bene- fits and privileges that Government | can extend, large masses of voters are expected to be ready to fight to retain those benefits and privileges and to extend them if they can. With their votes they can command more than industry or banking ever could, in the view of the politicians. Conflicting groups of interests, all looking to the Government for favors of one kind or another, find that to advance their interests they need to gain recruits among large numbers of voiers. They seek these recruits by skilled use of the radio, of news stories where they can, and of other agencies for reaching the people. % v % ! Washington is fully as overrun with | propaganda organizations as it is with lobby organizations. Often the two 8o | together, Then the Federal Government, to uphold its end of the argument, is | forced to go farther and farther into the propaganda business itself, The result is that more newspaper men are working for press agents of various kinds and for the Government departments than are working for | newspapers. Their services are in de- | mand as specialists dn the business of influencing public opinion. | On one side are lined up the prop- | agandists for individual industries and | for associations of various kinds, seek- | ing to influence the people to ac- cept their prescription for dealing | with naticaal problems, or to lend them assistance in seeking to defeat | the projects of other industries and associations. On the other side are lined up the | propagandists for the Government. They seek to influence the groups of | citizens affected by Government activ- | itles into support for those activities. Goverament interest in propaganda is defended on the ground that it is only through making known the ob- jectives of the various plans that voters can judge results. The defense also is made that without skilled de- fense against the attack of those who oppose the New Deal programs, the .;d‘e“dl.nmt naturally would be one- sl (Copyright. 1935.) | Britain Feels Japan’s Trade Rivalry Keenly BY A. G. GARDINER. LONDON, May 18.—Japan bulks so formidably in the popular imagina. tion of the world today that any new light on her activities, whether polit- ical or commercial, commands atten- tion. Here, as elsewhere, the bogey of Japanese trade competition has as- sumed alarming proportions, and there has been a tendency to attrib- ute the depression, not merely in the cotton and other textile industries, but in various sections of the rubber, engineering and electrical trades, mainly to that factor. But it is clear that there has been much ex- aggeration in this anaiysis of the sit- uation. This is evident from an {llumi- nating pamphlet on the subject, . T. E. Gregory, which has just been published by the As- sociation of British Chambers of Commerce. From this investigation the fact emerges that between 1929 ] the total MAY 19, 1935—PART TWO. Capital Sidelights BY WILL P. KENNEDY. Under the New Deal and the relief program most of the more important activities have hired in well known newspaper men to run their editorial and publicity (or information) depart- ments. But there is one editor de luxe in the Capitol who has been on the job for 20 years. He does a unique job of editing the spoken word of the most important Government officials—in all activities of the Gov- | ernment—explaining the needs for ap- propriations to be made by Congress for support of Uncle Sam’s extensive workshop and his matchless army of selected workers from every State in the Union. Meet James F. Scanlon—from Ken- tucky. His job is editing the hearings | millions of school children, from the very young ones, known for some ob- scure reason to comic strip artists and sob vriters as kiddies, to high school students are worrying, cram- ming and hoping. Final examina- tions are near for them and the is- sue will mean in so many cases whether they will pass and go on with their classmates to further classes, whether they will join in graduation honors, or whether they will igneminiously fail. Yet the minds of these striving youngsters are not nearly so keenly exercised as are the minds of slightly on all the appropriation bills, and the books that have passed through his hands in manuscript form make a large library, which carries informa- tion regarding the work of the Gov- ernment which cannot be found any- | where else. But those who see “Jim” at his desk | each day know little of the varied life he bas led and its interests. It has been one generally of service and kind- 1y help to his fellow man. His heart is of pure gold and human sympathies and the spirit of brotherliness and helping the lame dog over the stile. Being & Kentuckian, he has always loved horses. He “followed” the sport of kings since he was a small boy— followed it through every State in the Union, down into Mexico, up into Canada and to the Cuban tracks. He has occupled every position on a race track. And he’s “straight”—mo man can be squarer than “Jim” Scanlon. And he is deeply religious—not in | any holier-than-thou sense; not in a | proselytizing way. But he has found help and comfort in religion and has helped others in hour of need to find it, too—but not through any preach- ing—just beirg a sympathetic friend. | He’s always had to work for his own living, but he has always been ready to share it with those in need—and he has a legion of friends, not only around the Capitol, but wherever he has been. This is the testimony of those who work with him. * ¥ ¥ X “Por forms of Government let fools contest; Whate'er is best administer'd is best.” Thus quoting from Alexander Pope's “Essay on Man,” Senator John H. Bankhead of Alabama in a speech on | the classified civil service listing 1,094 persons with college degrees who have been appolnted to positions in the Agricultural Adjustment Ad- ministration, at a salary ranging from $840 to $2,600 per annum, concludes: “We may have the best form of Government in the world and a poor personnel functioning under that form, and we will have poor Govern- ment; or we may have a poor form of Government and & good persdnnel functioning under such form, and we | will have good Government.” | Senator Bankhead contends that there must be vested in the Chief Executive ample power to protect policy-forming positions, to the end that the President as well as the heads | of the several executive departments and independent governmental estab- | lishments may have in key positions persons who are in full accord and sympathy with the aims, purposes and ambitions of the administration—be it Democratic or Republican. On the administration in power, he argues, | rests the responsibility for carrying out | its program and policies; it should not | be denied sufficient latitude to enable | | it to secure both loyalty and efficiency | on the part of those who execute the | administrative program. tensification, Prof. Gregory concludes | that neither the low :tandard of liv- | ing nor the depreciation of the yen | can be accepted as the main reason | for Japan's success in the export mar- ket, though both have helped. The decisive factor has been the | very great increase in ihe efficiency | of Japanese industry, resulting from | “the adoption of rationalization in a | very whole-hearted way.” Take the | cotton trade, for example. Prof. Gregory quotes figures to show that the output of the average worker in the cotton spinning industry has in- 10 years. Lancashire cannot show | any figures comparable to that. and in so far as greater efficiency has been the secret of Japanese success, there is clearly no excuse for char- | acterizing it as unfair, %% % ‘The idea that Japan's irruption into world trade on a spectacular scale is s flash in the pan is dismissed as untenable. Japan has come to stay as an increasingly good customer for | the raw material producing countries and an increasingly formidable com- | petitor to the industrial countries. It is significant of the trend of things that, while Great Britain is protest- ing against the raising of the tariffs on British manufactured exports to Australia, that country is profiting by the increasing sales of her wool to Japan and is making vigorous efforts to improve her trade relations with that country. How is Britain to combat this com- petition? Its full force is felt in the Far East, in the colonies and in South America. So far as the foreign coun- tries are concerned, Britain is ob- viously powerless, and in the case of the colonies she could only attempt to influence their commercial policy at the risk of creating grave difficul- ties such as those which have recently arisen in Ceylon. Moreover, even if Britain succeeded in keeping Japa- nese goods out of the empire the re- sult would be that Japanese compe- tition in foreign markets would be intensified. In the face of these considerations, it is suggested that the best course is for Britain: (1) to come to terms with Japan over a division of markets and (2) to recognize that Japan can beat us at the cheaper goods, leave that market to her and concentrate upon goods of finer quality. That has been the tendency of British trade for & half century, and it is argued that as the standards of living of Eastern peoples rise they will provide an in- creasing market for the better goods Britain can supply. Wk The plain fact is that it is not Japanese competition which is the chief trouble, but the alarming re- striction in the purchasing power of the world everywhere. The extent to which that restriction is world trade is shown in the annual report of the London Chamber of Commerce. It states that in 1933 world trade had fallen to one-third of its value in 1929 and that in 1934 there was a further fall. Every coun- try, in seeking to establish a trade balance, has endeavored to increase the ratio of its exports to its im- ports; this has involved a continuous reduction of imports, and, if presisted in, must lead to the complete ex- tinction of international trade. Every economist in every natlon is aware of the vicious circle. ‘The economic ice age that has set ot be broken up by a com- war with Japan. It can only creased by more than 60 per cent in | older persons, prospective teachers, who have been studying in normal or teachers’ colleges in order to pre- pare themselves for pedagogical work. To the younger element, a passing mark seems important. To those in | the normal schools and teachers’ col- leges a passing mark is vital. It may mean a job or prospective un- employment and unemployment today is a serious matter. The day has passed when any young man or woman with a high school education and trying, or not, to work his way through college can fill in odd time by occasionally teaching a term at school. That plan may still obtain in some sections of the rural regions but not so in the cities. Preparation for teaching has become, in the larger cities at least, a‘Imosc as arduous a task as prepara- tion for the bar or medicine. Even after the subjects of the teachers’ college curriculum have been passed there now are extra tests applied to determine particular fitness for the teaching profession. Interview and Class Tests. _In the world of music, for example, it is rare indeed that a great virtuoso is a competent teacher, and by the same token it is to be noted! that some of the teachers of great mu- sicians could® not perform themselves |at all Realizing that this is true of school | teachers, school authorities are con- stantly devising new systems to assist in the selection of those best qualified to instruct pupils. It might be, in some cases, that an individual who had inferior marks in his own studies might still possess aptitude of special value in the imparting of knowledge to others One of the ordeals dreaded by teachers’ college graduates is the in- terview test. It is recognized that the school teacher must be constantly appearing before the pupils. For that reason, personality, the personal con- tact, has much to do with the teach- ing capability. What is regarded as a supreme and and especially grilling experience is At this season of the year some,what is Teaching Teachers to Teach BY FREDERIC J. HASKI known as the class test. The candidate for a teacher’s position, after passing other tests and exami- nations, is brought face to face with a class of pupils ranging in age, as a rule, from 13 to 17 years. This is a somewhat mischievous age and a decidedly restless age. The thoughts of youth are long, long thoughts and it requires a teacher with no little personality to capture and hold the attention of such a group. It is a real test. Perfcct Teacher Is Rare. Youngsters between 13 and 17 years are highly critical. Any affectation alienates them. They resent patrone- | 1zing, or what might be called & high- hat attitude. They are particularly conscious of any trace of incompetence and do all they can to bring it out. These tests are watched by experts who pay their attention not to the candidate in this case but to the children. The children are the real judges th such a case and the Rating Committee intently sczns the faces of the youngsters to note their responses to the manner in which the candidate teacher handles himself. If interest | lights in the faces of the young imps, the candidate rates high, for it is recognized that the very first prin- ciple of pedagogy is the capture of the pupils’ interest. No one can learn if he is not interested. There has been some criticism of these tests. It is urged that the can- didate faces them in a condition of high nervous tension and cannot do justice to his or her actual abilities This objection has long been urged against any kind of an examination, | whether written or oral. Indeed, an entire school of thought is developing against the examination idea. On the other hand, it is stated that while such a scheme might work as to or- dinary study-hall examinations, it would not meet the necessity for see- ing how the prospective teacher op- erates in action. But again, it is rejoined. that opportunity for class tests should be provided over a period, perhaps, of years. Class tesis might be a part of the going curriculum from first to last. Peter Abelard, a teacher at the Sor- bonne, fell under the displeasure of the rulers of that great institution of learning and was banished from his position. He went deep into the coun- try, intending to become a hermit. He found himself a little hut in Britanny, but had been there but a brief time when he looked out one morning to find a camp of some 500 Sorbonne students around his hermit’s cell. They had been so enthralled with his teaching. his ability to strike the light of interest and impart knowledge, that they followed him into exile. There are not, today, many teachers of that ilk. Power Commission Reports to President BY HARDEN COLFAX. Power needs and problems are very much to the fore nowadays. Engineer- ing experts, both in and out of the Government, are telling us that, owing to slowed-up development during the last few years, industry in the United States, as well as private comfort in the way of light and heat, faces a possible shortage of electric power. ‘While the future of the T. V. A. Is engaging the attention of Congress, and the Wheeler-Rayburn bill for eliminating what are called “unneces- | sary utility holding companies” is | port to the President on the result of | the first engineering study of the elec- | tric light and power industry ever | made on a national scale in the United States. This national power survey is not an academic inquiry. It is a prac- tical undertaking of enormous future significance. not only to the Gov- ernment but to every branch of the electrical industry and to the con- suming public. The results presented in the report | deal with our power resources and | the problem of transforming them for public use. The use of electricity in the United States for domestic purposes, as well as in certain branches of industry, has increased at such a rate since 1930 that when our normal industrial activity is resumed, it seems certain that the demand for power will be at least 4,000,000 Kilowatts in excess of that available in 1920. This is the equivalent of the capacity of some | 50 large generating stations. * % x x | Since 1930 very little new generat- | ing capacity has been launched by privately-owned utilities. As a result, | existing plants have a capacity of | 2.325,000 kilowatts less than the de-| mand that will “most certainly exist for power upon the resumption of pre- | depression industrial activity, assum- ing the maintenance of normal re- serve tapacity.” This shortage, more- over, is being rapidly increased by the | obsolescence of plants which. under normal conditions, would have been | replaced. At the beginning of the present year more than 56 per cent of the total installed steam-electricity ca- pacity of the United States was at least 10 years old, 11 per cent was 20 years old or older, and about 1 per cent was at least 30 years old. The experts believe that, within the very near future, inefficient and obsolete plants with a capacity of at least 2,000000 kilowatts should be| “scrapped” and replaced. | This shortage of available and po- tential power is distributed all over the United States. According to the report, the only regions in which sub- | stantial surpluses of capacity now exist to meet normal demand are | Florida, part of Michigan, a certain area along the lower Mississippi, North Dakota, Idaho, Utah, New Mexico, and parts of Texas, Minne- | sota, Montana, Washington and Or- egon. Only one major private power development and one major municipal plant are under construction at pres- ent, while Federal Government plants provided for or under construction will meet these shortages only in cer- Many of the regions where it is now seen that the greatest power markets exist, and where the need will be most acute when industry resumes its nor- mal swing, have no projects under construction which appear sufficient to carry the loads that may be ex- pected. Moreover, it takes time to plan and construct large generating plants, hydro or steam, and the report asserts that the early construction of new plants involving capital expendi- ture of at least $300,000,000 is imper- ative. The shortage of generating capacity most seriously affects the great in- dustrial districts of ‘the East and Middle West. This phase of the problem, the report says, involves real danger in case the United States becomes involved in war with a for- eign power. The experts recall the situation during the World War, when, in many districts, it became ctions under which international trade is perishing. (Coprright. 10350 necessary to withhold electric service from domestic and commercial cus- Fifty Years Ago In The Star A letter printed in The Star of May 13, 1885, written evidently, to judge from the Schools and nom de plume “Trustee,” by a Hoodlumism. S Board of Education, thus discusses the question of juvenile delinquency: | “In a recent interview with Com- muissioner Edmonds, published in your | paper, reference is made to the opin- | fon of certain policemen to the effect | that the expulsions of boys from the public school is the most efficient cause of vagabondage in the District, | cation implies to the competing na- | working its way through the national | and it is hinted that the school au- tions in the markets of the world. |Legislature, the Federal Power Com- | thorities should refrain from resort- | In discussing the causes of that in- | mission has made its preliminary re- | ing to expulsion as a punishment. On pretty thorough knowledge of the facts I dissent from that opinion. The number of boys, both white and colored, expelled from school and not restored averages about 100 & year. Some of them are put to work, others leave the city, and a few are sent to private schools; the rest are not numerous enough to constitute the gangs of hoodlums that infest this city and Georgetown. “Besides, the boy does not become a hoodlum because he is expelled; he is expelied because he is already one. He shows himself in school insolent, | shameless, turbulent and disobedient; he is too tough to be molded by school drill; too far gone in vice and black- guardism to be reached by advice, ex- postulation, entreaty or the moderate punishments permitted in the schools. At least a point is reached when the | question is, shall the boy be expelled or the whole school demoralized? How can he be kept? The school building is not a police station with | & prison annex; nor is there a whip- ping post, and the teacher is a lady who has no taste for wielding the cowhide. The public school is not a reformatory. “The true cause of hoodlumism lies not in the public schols, but in de- fective or bad homes; in orphanages, in the neglect, ignorance or brutality or vices of parents. Hoodlums do | not come out of happy family circles, | out of homes where the hearts of children find the affection they crave and their hands and minds natural occupation; but they abound where | peevishness, sulkiness, drunkenness, | selfishness and stupidity have de- | stroyed all the loveliness of home. | Children run in gangs on the streets | at night, because there at least they find something to interest and make them forget the tiresomeness, discom- forts and il-humor of the dwelling. There, too, they learn vice. “Who can make the homes attrac- tive? Not the teachers or the schools. These can help good parents; they can’t reform bad ones. This is the work of the preacher, the priest, the church and the press. When par- ents learn to make home attractive there will be no hoodlums to speak of and no expulsions from school. “The extent of parental remissness may be grasped from the fact that in December, 1883, the whole number of white children on the school rolls was 16,479 and in the following June the average dally attendance was only 13,273. Here was a falling off of more than 3,000, of which number not more than 50 were caused by ex- pulsions! The greater part of the re- mainder may fairly be attributed to the indifference, weak indulgence and thoughtlessness of the persons having charge of children. Speaking gen- erally, the discipline of the public schools is far better than that of the homes; and, in very many cases, it is the only means of teaching boys punctuality, promptness and obedi- ence to law. But it is folly to expect it to counteract all the bad effects of wretched home surroundings.” tomers and “non-essential” industries in order to meet the war needs for power. The safety and welfare of the Na- tion, the report asserts, require care- ful planning under Federal super- vision for new power plants and facli- itles for transmission. In the inter- est of a broad national poilcy, not only of economic development. but of defense, the Federal Government, it is declared, should proceed to select sites for hydro or steam plants, to be developed either by public or privals agencies. (Copyright. 1935.) [y