Evening Star Newspaper, July 2, 1933, Page 17

AMERICANS T O CELEBRATE JULY FOURTH WORLD OVER 800,000 in Foreign Lands Recall Inde- pendence Day by Patriotic Exercises, Natives Taking HE seven Americans who live in| Arabia and the 23 whom fate has marked out to pass t.he; fleeting vears in the far-off | Fiji Isles will not forget to| commemorate Independence day. When blaring bands march down a thousand main streets and orators wax eloquenty thrcughout the United States, nearly | 500.000 Americans scattered in remote corners of the globe; in fashionable European capitals and in the interior of China, in the jungles of Africa end in the Australian bush, will figuratively Jjoin hands around the world and cele- brate in both solemn and joyous spirit. ‘They have always done so when the| calendar points to the Fourth of July. It is their favorite holiday. ‘Whether comfortably placed in the embassies of Paris or Peking, or dan- gerously set apart as one of the 90 Americans in Madagascar or the 60 in Ceylon, these travelers who carry the Stars and Stripes on commercial, edu- cational, political and religious missions everywhere on earth suddenly are drawn close to their homeland on the “glorious Fourth.” The contrasting notes of sadness and mirth which char- acterize this day strike a chord deep in their hearts and make both sides of the international date line vibrate in honor of the United States. Majority Are Homesick. ‘The animated patriotism of Amer- dcans residing permanently abroad often surprises tourists who happen to reach a_foreign port on Independence day. The tourists discover their countrymen are aggressively proud of the fact that they are Americans. Shattered is the post-war legend concerning the dis- gruntled expatriate who fled his native shores, liberally supplied with money, and found a cynical solace in the so- | called superior virtues of European or | Oriental civilization. The majority of | Americans abroad are just as homesick | for their native land as Frenchmen in the wilds of Indo-China have always| been for their beloved Paris. ¥ Today 1t is hard to find a traveling American who is not openly and often belligerently boastful about his country. | ‘The spirit of intense nationalism which spread over the world in seven-league m;slylr;nl,ge‘}us% dsecade sunk its teeth ncle Sam'’s fore: - sentatives. - | Independence day is the annual cli- | max in the drama of his life away from home. It gives him his greatest | chance for making a show of his pe culiarities in the midst of yellow, brown, | black or white natives of a strange Jand. Every American consul, merchant, mis- | ::c:n:jry, snlddle:. saiLor and beachcomber | nds ready to take advantage of the | “glorious Fourth.” e To take part in an Independence day celebration in Shanghal, China, is tc become suddenly aware of the differenc between the significsnce at home and abroad. Most persons in the United | States regard the Fourth as a day which permifs them to duck work and 1}:: gto to the beach or park to escape the | eat. dcans are wedged in between 2,000,001 Orlentals and 60,000 Europeans. the Fourth of July means an oppertunity for them to reassert their broad, human convictions before people who have dif- ferent ideas about life and government. It makes them aware of a basic pride— the possession of a country and a flag. It is their reward for the job of bein; on guard a whole year, day and night, against foreign people and un-American desires. And finally, it serves as an emotional exhaust valve which reduces | for a day the ineluctable pressure of the | Orient. Chinese Enjoy Parade. That is why every American in| Shanghai rises early on July 4 and | takes an active part in the ceremonies. | At 8 o'clock in the morning they go | to the recreation grounds in the heart | of the International Seitlement to| watch the parade of the 4th Regiment, | United States Marines, Detachments of American youths who belong to the | Shanghai Volunteer Corps also take | part in the parade. Young men from every State in the Union, they march | with bright eyes and smiling lips. | ‘Thousands of Chinese mass along the sidelines. | Surrounded by the gabled roofs of | sooty Shanghai, the Marines hold sol- | emn flag-raising ceremonies amid a | genera, hush. American boys and, girls stand qulet with their ~fathers | and mothers as the Stars and Stripes are hoisted while a_ bugler blows “To | the Colors.” Tne Chinese do not un derstand why the “mei-kua” have grave, proud faces. Why should any- | body grow so serious over the mere| raising of a flag? But the Americans, | who used to think it was not proper | to display patriotic emotions, have | learned a lesson from the English, who | always speak of home with the “H” in majescule. Receive Foreign Friends. In rickshas, -autes and busses they proceed merrily to the American con- sulate, where the consul general and his staff are waiting to receive them as well as numerous Oriental and Eu- ropean friends. The consul general is dressed in a dark blue jacket and white | drill trousers. In a big room decorated | with flags, gay pennants and bunting, the guests appear to pay their respects | to the United States. Passing down the | line in their varicolored uniforms move | army and naval officers from Japan, | China,” England, France, Italy, Portu- gal, Germany and Holland; also Parsees, Mahometans, Buddhists, Europeans, Australians and South Americans. All the dignitaries in Shanghai must' Keen Interest. appear personally to pay their respects. America 1s & major power; her recep- tions bag the big gal no vice con- suls come to say “hello” to Uncle Sam. The high officials come—and are grate- 1ul for any little favors. Or so it seems in a rosy perspective of a Shanghai “glorious Fourth.” The perspective grows brighter as the day progygsses. eral's wifé has given miniature flags to the children the men depart en masse for the Amer Club. At least 1,500 Joyful Americans congregate in the club’s grand kall m and a lively spirit soon pervades the whole assembly. When the consul general makes his customary speech about the Declara- tion of Independence the Marine band prepares to strike up the tune of “The Star Spangled Banner.” It is nearly 3 o'clock and the great event draws nigh —the Shanghai amateurs clash with the Marine nine for a leg on the Navy Cup! gnly Americans who have passed many years in foreign lands can appre- ciate the importance of this epic dia- mend battle. No matter where Uncle Sam’s citizens may be in this world, they always try to get up a base ball game on the Fourth of July. Liguor Fast in Manchuria. Our covntrymen abroad have a pa: sion for going to extremes on the ¥ourth. They enjoy immensely the united shaking of foreign heads and the exclamations of -“Ah, these Ameri- cans!” and “Wild Yankees!” In Harbin, Manchuria, the small American community has made a com- pact that nobody will drink a drop of liquor for a whole month preceding In- dependence day. The theory, no doubt, is that one month’s abstinence keeps them in good health during the re- maining 11. Everywhere in the world Americans choose the Fourth as the best day on which to show the quiet, indigenous foreigners that they are strong, virile and often a trifle mad with the joy of vouth and power. The celebration in Shanghal is typical of the festivities in all cities—except those in Europe— where there is a large American col- ony. 1In tropical Manila, American soldiers go marching down broad highways, lined with thousands of cheering Fili- inos. There is a good deal of conciliatory maneuvering. The veteran Americans who fought the Spaniards in 1898 and then, a few years later, subdued the Filipino revolutionists led by Aguinaldo, now shake hands every Fourth with the proud old rebels. Both white and brown-skinned veterans are growing old, so Gen. Aguinaldo, still alive, always issues a statement about brotherly love, and everybody is happy. Meanw] American civilians are en- tertaining the convicts in Bilibid Prison with a program of boxing and gymnas- tics. Thus, for Filipino thieves and Malayan outlaws, the Fourth means & day free from jail routine. American sailors are also doing their share of en- tertaining the children in orphan asy- lums and hospitals. In India, Australia, Java—wherever there is an American consulate—an in- formal reception is held. But in Europe the receptions tend to be more formal and less spectacular. Many important persons are absent from Paris, London and other Continental capitals during the Summer. Ceremones Fewer in Europe. In Europe the Fourth has not the inspiration of the Far East. The Con- tinent does not give one the full feel- ing of being a stranger among forelgn people. There are too many similarities between the United States and Europe. It is only in a land of Oriental people that an_American feels completely re- moved from his home ties. Then he is deeply stirred by Independence day and his response to the call for com- | memoration is most sincere. Far different from the festivities in the big foreign metropolises are 'the celebrations planned by Americans who live singly or in tiny groups in distant corners of the world. There are only 16 Americans in Dutch Guiana, 36 in the Barbadoes, 18 in the French West Indies, 2 in Gibraltar, 20 in Malta, 37 in Esthonia, 34 in Prince Edward Island, 80 in Ethiopfa and 57 in Tunisia. In most cases it is difficult for them to congregate on the Fourth. But they try their hardest to meet each other and have some simple celemonials, such as the raising of the flag and the read- ing of a patriotic paper. _ Many beautiful tableaux are engraved in the minds of travelers concerning the celebration of the Fourth in far- away cities. In Hankow, far up tus Yangtze River in the interior of China, an American gunboat sometimes is in port on Independence day. The ship's company invites American children to a party on board. The gunboat is in full dress, with flags and bunting flying: | Old Glory waves from foremast andi | mainmast. The dreams of 10 or 20 American children are fulfilled at this party. A few of these boys and girls were born in China and have never set foot in their homeland. To have the freedom of a United States gunboat for a whole afternoon, to mingle with the sailors, then eat ice cream churned in the galley, to see the big guns, ship's ermory, bridge and tower is a thrilling adventure. It makes them stanch patriots for life. The “glorious Fourth” has become the chronological milestone for Ameri- cans abroad. In the far reaches of the Argentine or in some exotic South Sea le they say to themselves, “This is my second Fourth. Two more years will see me back home.” Lepers Remain Philippine Problem With 1,000 New Cases Each Year MANILA, P. I—With 8,000 victims isolated from society, with 1,000 new | cases discovered every year, and the | fact of marriage at Culion, where 7,000 lepers, men and women, are incar- cerated on a dismal island, Dr. Cristo- bal's pathological research into leprosy is bringing to the attention of the Philippine health service that leprosy is still an incurable disease and that therefore the sum of $15000.000 or | $20,000,000 that the Culion leper colony has cost may te charged merely to| hopeful experimentation. Bg the g‘.:UDD isolated lepers in the islands, about 7,000 are at Culion. From that colony and from leper stations elsewhere m the islands, more than 3,000 lepers have been discharged and returned to society as cured by treat- ment with chaulmoogra oil. Dr. Mana- lang says these cases are not cured; the malady is merely arrested and may at any time become active. Conclusions Published. Dr, Manalang’s cnnclusic;ns, urron: ears of painstaking experiments a Tlion. " 'are being published in the Philippines Free Press, which, says Dr. Manalang, has examined “more than 25,000 sections of skin or_tissue from lepers of different ages and in different stages of the disease, and from all parts of the islands.” 3 One of Dr. Manalang's main con- clusions is that leprosy is contracted by children before they are 3 years old; after that age it is scarcely to be caught at all, and children younger than that seem to catch it by contact with some one, usually & parent, suf- 1 from it. This fact approves a bit of the gen- ism practiced at Cullon in from their parents at once. Adults can contract leprosy only by the most per- sistent contact, over many years, with one who is a leper. No Survey Complete. As even in the Philippines no full survey of leprosy has ever been made, discovery of 1,000 more cases a year tells science very little. It is unknown whether leprosy is increasing or de- creasing; it is only known that the search for lepers is now more thorough there are no_ accurate records. (Copyright, 1033.) Japanese Breweries Compete in Hawaii HONOLULU, Hawail—Hawali's re- turn to the “wet” ranks after many years of prohibition is being heralded by a rapid growth of brewery enter- prises, in which Japanese “sake” brew- eries apparently will play a prominent part. Several Japanese companies have been formed and are about to be launched with the object of making | sake, which is & sort of rice beer or rice wine, with an alcoholic content that will bring it under the 3.2 classi- fication legalized by Congress. Meanwhile two or three other brew- ery enterprises are preparing to brew in the old-fashioned way, and a large number of mainland brewers are es- tablishing local agencies. As this is written the day beer be- comes legal on the mainland it is not legal in Hawali, the territorial Legis lature not yet having made sufficien provision for its manufacture and sale. bill Legisla- eral empiric! the blind effort to fight leprosy, which i3 {9 take children born to lepers away After the consul gen- ! | Acora. than ever before, and from times past | JULY 2, 1933—PART TWO Government Goes to People Administration Makes Direet Appeals to Citizens to Aid Great Reconstruction Processes. BY SILAS BENT. UIN at arm’s length stared the country in the face. Dreadfal forecasts were current of the collapse of a civilization. o severe was the depression and s0 intolerable the suffering among farmers and small tradesmen, heavy laden with debt, that revolution ap- peared to impend. Having been in- i trusted in this crisis with powers al- most dictatorial, and having set in mo- | tion emergency relief measures, such as | lowered interest rates to relieve debtors jand currency depreciation to buck up | business, Solon gave an account of his stewardship. It was Solon’s notion to take Ahenian business into a sort of partnership with | the government. Moreover, he wanted to engage the interest even of the la- boring and producing classes, thereto- from political privileges. He was ex- tremely “progressive” for the sixth cen- tury B. C., but he was no reckless radi- cal. His legislative measures were sug- gested in large part by a “Brain Trust” 400 strong, the celebrated Senate of the Areopagus, which consisted of men of superior education and attalnments. { Their influcnce with the Assembly and | with the masses arose from their | ability and merit. Laid Foundation of Democracy. Now, one is tempted to press a paral- {lel of this sort too far. Solon was not the president of the city-state, but its principal archon, and his name has en- riched our vocabulary with a synonym. It is refreshing to recall that the Greeks had a profound respect for law, vir- tually identifying it with justice. Thus the Spartans had thought Lycurgus in- spired by Apollo, and the Cretans had supposed Minos heard directly from Zeus. I find no record that Solon was credited with Olympfan authority, but there is abundant evidence that he laid the foundations of modern democ- racy. To be a citizen in those days meant active participation and co-operation in the affairs of government. In modern times we have seen nothing approach- ing that, I suppose, since a provincial Frenchman wandered about the streets of Paris asking to be shown what was to him an actuality, “I'Etat.” In Attica the citizen, not a king, was the state, and the citizen thought it quite congru- ous (although such a matter of perso- nal deportment as wine-bibbing was exempt) that legislation should deal in detail with clothes, houses, food, chil- dren, servants, horses and dogs. Aura of Aristocracy. To be a citizen was to wear an aura of aristocracy and the archon's ex- tension of the suffrage was a drastic irnovation. Solon did not dismiss the tariff as beneath his attention, as Plato was to do later, nor did he think that tyranny, oligarchy and democracy were about equally reprehensible, as Aristotle was to d He was unique in his atti- tude toward business and in his demo- cratic predilections, yet it must be said that his innovations, if I read history aright, were responsible for the rise of Cleon, a tanner, 2s a demagogue. When Solon gave an account of his stewardship it was a comparatively | simple matter. The theory was that while 10 citizens were too few to make a state, 100,000 were too many, and all Solon had to do was to address his fel- low citizens in the Assembly and the Thus he talked over, as man to m the legislation he had in mind and was getting enacted into law. Roosevelt Inherits Much. Franklin D. Roosevelt, Inheriting over a gap of 2,500 years some of the responsibilities, some of the ideas and some of the legal devices which fell to Solon, can talk to the 39.000,000 who voted in our last National election as easily as the Archon could talk with his thousands. On a Sunday evening, eight days after he moved into the White House, he sat before a micro- phone in his study and discussed the banking ‘“holiday” in terms which a subway guard could understand. “Franklin,” said the First Lady, not unmindful of the talking motion pic- { tures which were being made, “fix your hair.” The Secretary of the Treasury moothed out an insubordinate lock. My friends,” said the President of the United States, “when you put money in a bank— And two months later, from the oval room, Mr. Roosevelt, in that ingenious and disarming way he has, discussed with a Nation his legislative program and purposes, in order that every man and woman—yea, every child—might see the wheels of Government go round |and experience a personal interest in the machinery. Thus across the void of millennia, like a lightning bolt from Solon to Roosevelt, sprang the experi- ment of Government by publicity. Inventive ingenuity, which has so contracted the area of the State that the human voice may reach 100,000,000 persons concurrently, lies at the very heart of the industrial revolution, and we are wont to suppose that this revo- as to put them bezyond the comprehen- sion of the man in the street. We sup- pose, for example, that the outcry against the gold standard is distinctly modern, forgetting that Plato said that “the world's colnage (of gold) has been the cause of countless impieties.” Discussed Problems in Comedies. Aristophanes discussed many of our present-day problems in his comedies; in “Ecclesiazurae,” Praxagora and Blepsyrus analyzed the fundamentals of the Union of Soviet Socfalist Republics in Russia with extreme penetration. Plato’'s “Republic’ was distinctly a Communist state. Every man is likely to think, as Job thought, that his af- flictions and his problems are the first and the worst in the world. The ques- tion is not whether our difficulties are more delicate and dangerous, but whether we have the capacity, as Franklin Roosevelt believes we have, to think them through. Although the radio and the talking motion picture are the novel and spec- tacular agencies available in Mr. Roosevelt’s attempt to set up a Gov- ernment by publicity, they are not the only agencies. At every important con- ference Charles Michelson, the sagacious director of publicity for the Demo- cratic National Committee, is an in- fluential figure, frequently referred to in the phrasing of public utterances and as regards legislative provisions. His bureau, through the daily press, exercises a profound educational and propagandist sway. Mrs. Roosevelt her- self is a factor by no means negligible in holding the attention and enlistirg the support of the public. People Consulted. Officia! radio talks are widely pub- lished, that all who run may read. This is not to say that every cabinet dis- cussion and all governmental plans are an open book; but it is true, beyond peradventure, that the people of this country are being consulted to a greater extent than ever before in our history, and are making known their opinions, their wishes, their disapproval, both to the White House and to the Congress, to_an unprecedented degree. This is a more deep-seated and revo- lutionary change in American govern- ment than is commonly realized. It re- stores to the newspaper a_power and & prestige long in eclipse. It restores to the obscure voter a privilege of consent or dissent never before within his grasp. And it must revive, in every Bourbon bosom, the fears which the Founding Fathers felt about “the mob.” Already it has given to som® of Willlam Jen- nings Bryan's most derided theories a quite respectable currency. Conceiv- ably it may mean the rise of another A frlend of mine, whose business took him to Washington to consult & fore heartily despised and excluded | lution has so complicated world affairs | minor official, a farmer university teacher, said, on entering the office: “Good_morning, professor.” Instantly the official, recalling “The Virginian,” retorted: “When you say that, smile. (Continued From First Page) majority, and that, once Austria was added to Germany, Nazi demand for leste, the historic outlet of the Ger- man world on the Adriatic, would be renewed and could hardly be resisted | successfully. ‘Today, then, that system of encircle- | ment which the Germans charged was | being created by Edward VII in the pre-war era actually has been estab- | lished by Nazi action. Germany is iso- lated as she never was at any time between 1870 and 1919, and immediate isolation in Europe is accompanied by American dislike and distrust as well Thus the possibility of obtaining inter. | national support for any German prof- |ect, however moderate, is practically | non-existent. All about her Germany has active and powerful enemies, but | nowhere in this world can she discover friends. The situation perhaps would be toler- | able if Germany were in the condition | today in which she found herself after | 1870. Then she was recently victorious | in war, possessed of the best army in the world, containing within her fron- | tiers all the essentials for an industrial development destined to surprise the world in no long time. Inevitably, other nations sought her or and her alli-| (ance. At home she was impregnable, | on the Continent she was irresistible. Can't Hope for Victory. But today Germany is surrounded by | armed nations bound together by a | common peril. _still relatively disarmed, | | she cannot hope for victory in war, but | |on the other hand, by reason of the | purposes and policies she proclaims, she can hope for no support abroad for peaceful realization of her more reaso: able aims. Practically, the world has| |drawn a fence around the German | Reich and left the Hitler movement to | | wear itself out by excesses at home, | which must in the end weary a people | they cannot profit. For & period of years, the extent of which cannot now be calculated, Ger- many is now out of the reckoning so far as international co-operation and com. bination are concerned. She has con- | solidated enemies who are together too | powerful for her to conquer. She has | alienated other people whose sympathy | | could have been important. Her de- | | faults upon her private borrowings, , which will continue, abolish all chance | of new borrowings in present time. | flight of Jewish capital from Germany | has been considerable and will con- tinue. The hope of bringing back the relatively large amounts of German | capital invested or hidden abroad has| | been destroyed. For all practical p , the Ger- many of Hitler is now in the situation of the Russia of Stalin, so far as the |rest of the world is concerned. No| | country will interfere with the domestic | experiment in violence which is being conducted there. No country will un- NE of the falsest of the false gods to which the modern world bows down is the so- O called “favorable balance of trade.” The common notion in every country is that if the people of that country can only contrive to ship out more products that they take in, the answer will be prosperity. John Stuart Mill took a crack at this fallacy long ago. Said he: “The only direct ad- vantage of foreign commerce consists in the imports. A country obtains things which it either could not have pro- duced at all, or which it must have produced at a greater expense of capital and labor than the cost of the things which it exports to pay for them. * * * The vulgar theory disregards this benefit and deems the advantage of com- merce to reside in the exports; as if-not what a country ob- tains, but what it parts with by its foreign trade, was sup- p':s‘%q' to constitute the g: Leading economists, from Mill's time to the present, have held this point of view. More particularly since the World War, during which we bought back our obligations from foreigners and made large loans in addition, be- coming thus a “creditor” in- stead of a “debtor” nation, the economists have insisted that we must be willing to re- ceive goods from abroad. Otherwise, our trade lan- guishes and our debts are unpaid. But we cling very hard to the old notion. We insist on doing all our own unpleasant tasks; we refuse to let foreign PRESIDENT ROOSEVELT ADDRESSES THE NATION ON THE d NATIONAL BANKING HOLIDAY. Decoration by J. Scott Willlams—A. P. Photo. The term “professor,” as applied to ‘Woodrow Wilson, was intended as a reproach; and Mr. Roosevelt's “brain trust,” recruited from academic shades, is subject to s similar opprobrium. Hitler’s Demands and Fight on Jews Unite European Nations Against Him dertake any aggression against the Reich, but every country adjoining the Reich will multiply its means of defense and intensify its nce. In inter- national conferences, nations whose territories the Nazi regime claims will stand together. Germany, to be sure, will not be the only sufferer. On the contrary, the whole process of economic reconstruc- tion and political adjustment in Europe must now wait upon one of two things —either the actual overthrow of the Nazi regime in the Reich or the far: reaching modification of the interna- tional program which Hitler and his followers have adopted. But the funda- menta] mistake of Nazi calculation lies in the assumption that because the Professional politicians either distrust Raymond Moley, R. G. Tugwell and A. A. Berle, with their assoclates, or openly detest them. Certain captains of industry are disquieted that their advice goes unheard or unheeded. Yet the inner group is not a wall about the President, but a filter of ideas and suggestions as well as a fertile source of remedies and devices. From this group sprang the bright idea of persuading Congress to delegate to the President powers which otherwise, un- der the Constitution, he could not exer- cise. From it sprang the notions em- bodied in the farm relief bill and the rider thereto opening the way to infla- tion; from it came the plans for rai road and industrial regulation and con- trol, which the President prefers to call a partnership with government; from it came the Muscle Shoals-Tennessee Valley scheme: from it came the sug- gestion that Mr. Roosevelt ask congres- sional “advice” about war debts and tariffs before asking senatorial “con- sent.” The boldness and fertility of the “brain trust” may be guessed at from these illustrations. All members of the inner group are highly articulate, and they are versed in the uses of publicity. They have their chief’s permission to write for news- papers and magazines; they know how to regiment public opinion; they are artful in persuasion. And they evi- dently are able to distinguish between the kind of propaganda which is often & public menace and the kind of pub- licity which can be made a public serv- ice. Never has government been wholly divorced from propaganda in the United States; George Washington profited by the activities of an obscure printer, and Thomas Jefferson set up the first semi- official organ of an administration; France, for that matter, has appropri- ated more than $1,000,000 to win over sentiment here, and we have our spokesmen, whether or not they be offi- cal, in every world capital. Held Congress in Line. By the canny expedient of withhold- ing patronage until Congress had fallen into line, the Preident established for himself a position comparable with the status of a prime minister in European parliamentary systems, of' originating legislation. The ancient warfare be- tween the White House and the Cap- jtol was abated and at the end of Pennsylvania avenue & truce prevailed. “Congress has abdicated,” salarmists shouted; this was not true, but the surrender of certain obstructionist powers was necessary to a government by publicity. Mr. Roosevelt did not have to crack his whip; | rather than patronage, was employed world must suffer through Germany's| plight it will be ready to meet Ger- man demands. Demands Will Be Repulsed. ‘The truth is otherwise. On the con- trary, the more violent German de- mands become, the more completely the Reich of Hitler will come to ap- pear a common danger in the eyes of to keep Congress obedient and atiptoe. On every desk in the House and Senate were messages from constituents which sprang from an unmistakable interest; these telegrams and letters were not the stereotypes inspired by propa- gandist organizations. Nor has the President, I am assured, received such masses of mail from | distant and obscure correspondents as all peoples. And consequently the more | firmly all Germén demands will be re- pulsed. What the Nazis have to learn is that the rest of the world,cannot be frightened into the surrender of its territories, populations or interests; that concessions can conceivably be ob- tained by a sane and moderate Ger- many, but only concerted and unyleld- ing opposition must await all appeals to physical force or verbal violence. No one will fail to recognize the tragedy which underlies the present situation—a tragedy in which German suffering must be greatest, but world- wide loss must follow. Masters of Ger- many for less than four months, Hitler and his associates have brought it back tc the moral isolation of the last days of the war and abolished all the sym- pathy and support for the German peo- ple which was the slow fruit of the wise statesmanship of Stresemann and his policy of reconciliation in accord- ance with the agreements of Locarno. The last time I saw Marshal Foch was just after the Germans, by refusing to lower the flag on their embassy in Washington when Woodrow Wilson died. had provoked a wave of criticism in this country. The great French sol- dier said to me: “Ah, I see the Ger- mans have made another blunder. Oh, those German blunders, how much we French owe to them—where would I be now if it had not been for such German mistakes?” old colonies now held by the British was something graver than only one| more in the long series of mistakes, since not impossibly it may prove to have been the last straw which broke the back of British patience and abol- ished the final vestige of British sym- pathy for those German wrongs which were real and might have been righted. (Copyright, 10: What Is Favorable? BY BRUCE BARTON. peoples lift any of them off our shoulders. Take sugar, for example. Sugar grows easily in Cuba, and the Cuban people ask little for their labor. They are willln% to sell sugar at a fraction of what it costs us to grow it for ourselves. Do we Iet them do it? We do not. We hold up our hands in hor- ror and cry out: “No, no!” We erect a wall in order that large groups of our fellow citi- zens in the West and South may have the blessed privilege of crawling around on their hands and knees, pulling weeds out from between the sugar beets. The Russians are willing to do the hard, dirty work of cutting down trees and sawing them up into boards for us. But we refuse. “We will use up our own trees,” we reply Rm\xdly, “and do our own ard work.” Obviously, a world structure built upon the high-tariff and “favorable - balance” theories can be changed only gradu- ally, and those industries and individuals which are tem- porarily hurt by the changes must be compensated. But the ideal toward which we ought to be moving is this: ‘To let the people 0 want to serve us cheaply do it; to distribute the resulting in- crease in leisure in this coun- try on a basis by which all will benefit and none will be permanently harmed. S If I am given my choice be- tween wearing myself out by doing all my own work or ac- cepting the offer of some one to do part of my work for me at a low cost, I say: “Give me the latter.” That is my idea of something favorable, (Copyright, 1938.) b 0n for Such |reaches of publicity. German demand for the return of the | yngertaken to make democracy, the has Mr. Roosevelt. These messages voice hopes, opinions and criticisms. Mr. Roosevelt calls them his “bed- time stories” and reads them, after his secretaries have sorted them, before he falls asleep or when he wakes. It is clear that he is as anxious to hear the electorate as to reach it. To say that he took office at & propitious juncture of public alarm and public demand for a change of leadership— any change—is greatly to understate the matter. have been conferred upon him, as upon Solon, not by passive assent, but by | popular acclaim. And his invitation to every man to participate in govern- ment has been accepted wholesale. ‘With the uncanny sixth sense, which makes a successful politician, he has apprehended a new national mood and he has not only encouraged it, but expressed it. In the corridors and cloak rooms of the Capitol, in the streets and the ante- rooms of Government departments and bureaus, there are such throngs daily as Washington never before saw in | peace time. Washington, like ancient Athens, has become a national focus and a radiant center of ideas, de- partures, innovations. There is a newly aroused public animation about Uncle Sam’s policy. Transmitting that im- petus to the Hill, Mr. Roosevelt clearly is endeavoring, to an extent hitherto unknown in our history, to make the | national will effective in the executive and legislative branches. He has re- discovered and expanded the higher In the only way possible o a modern ruler, he has functioning of organized self-control, workable and actual. British Surrender 6,755 Guns to Police LONDON.—As a result of a novel scheme of disarmamen: proposed re- cently by Lord Trenchard, commissioner of metropolitan police, a formidable ar- senal of all sorts of firearms has been surrendered to the police by Londoners and other Brtions. Of the 6,755 wea- pons handed over to the polce during April and May, 5,558 were pistols or revolvers. But in the clearing out of attics and old bureau drawers by house- holderf anxious to be rid of lethal wea- pons for which they held no licenses, many wartime rifles and grenades also came to light. It has been the belief of the heads of the Londcn and provincial police forces that as a result of burglaries and housebreakings many revolvers were stolen and then disposed of in the underworld to bandit gangs. So long as there was the prospect of a fine for possessing firearms without license the householder owning a re- volver, especlally of wartime origin, thought the best thing to do was to hide the weapon and keep quiet about it, despite frequent nightmares over the illegal harboring of a piece of artillery. Fully aware of the state of mind of such lawabidi citizens, the metro- politan- police chief anmounced a pe- riod of surrender, during which no ques- tions would be asked or prosecutions undertaken. Then the weapons qulck.l]; emerged from hiding. Strangel enough, & new machine gun was sur: rendered in a provincial city. (Copyright, 1933.) . . South Africa Liberals Win Sweeping Victory JOHANNESBURG, South Africa— South Africa, the land of political sur- prises, has produced the strongest dem- ocratic government in the world as the result of last week’s general election. ‘There are 150 seats in the House of Assembly and the Hertzog-Smuts co- alition government secured all but 12. The government actually secured a ma- jority without & contest, 78 members being returned unopposed. Nothing ap- this has ever happened un- der the British parliamentary system as_used hout the empire. It is & big result in every way and the public of South Africa expects big things. Broadly speaking, it expects wholesale relief for hard-pressed farm- ers, substantial reduction of taxation, higher wages for all and a_ shorter working week. And if you ask people exactly how all this is to be done, the mmu,ble reply is: “Oh, tax the gold The government {s prepared to tax the gold mines and tax them heavily, but it cannot tax them out of existence. It is estimated roughly that about $80,000,000, or nearly two-thirds, of Africa’s total revenue, will come it mflmar than that. (Copyright. 1933.0 publicity, | Unprecedented powers | | LATIN AMERICA MAY JOIN IN FORMING TRADE UNION Nations in Good Position to Fight Rest of World, Due to Vast Natural Resources. BY ‘GASTON NERVAL. ECENT reports from the other side of the Rio Grande, that Latin American statesmen are seriously considering the possi- bilities of regional customs unions or multilateral trade agreements, are particularly significant at a time when the World Economic Conference at London is trying to add new impetus to all forms of international trade. Of course, the Latin American coun- tries are separated by geographic and political barriers very difficult to over- come in the case of an economic union. But, then, what other road would be left for Latin America if, as a conse- quence of a lack of understanding at the London meetings, the leading com- mercial powers were to embark on a policy of extreme nationalism and eco- nomic self-sufficiency? Hard as it is to conceive of a Latin American economic bloc under the pres- ent circumstances, it is plain that the only alternative for Latin America in 8 world beset by insurmountable high tariffs and trade restrictions would be to find relief within herself. It is, un- doubtedly, upon the realization of this fact, that Chilean, Argentine, Brazilian and Cuban statesmen have lately in- dorsed the idea and even taken the first | steps in its direction. Previous articles have described such steps. To stress the importance of a Latin American trade compact. if it were possible today, and the effect it would have upon the whole economic_ struc- | ture of the world, one need only bear in mind the potentialities and capacity of production in that region. Most Productive Area. ‘The Latin American continent un- doubtedly is the most promising of the non-exploited regions of the earth. Europe, with some 450,000,000 in- habitants, has an average of 45 in- habitants per square kilometer. Asia, with a total population of a billion, has about 25 inhabitants per square kilometer. Africa has an average close to 5 inhabitants per square kilometer. But Latin America, with nearly 100.- 000,000 inhabitants, has only an av- erage of 3.6 per square kilometer. | In the northern hemisphere the temperate zone has been exploited | almost to the limit of its capacity. | Europe is unable to increase her pro- duetion of food or raw materials. Asia, neither, with her tremendously large population and enormous desert regions. will be able to augment hers, and will | continue to be dependent upon_foreign sources of production. Even the nat- ural reserves of the United States may some day be endangered by this coun- try's growing population and over- whelming industrial development. Outside of the temperate and trop- ical zones of Latin America, there are only two other regions where the world can seek new sources of production and natural resources still undeveloped, Australia and New Zealand, but Latin | America has many advantages over them. All of Argentina. all of Chile, all of Uruguay, the South of Brazil, the higher zones of Bollvia, Peru, Ecuador and Colombia, already are producing large amounts of grains and possess great quantities of live stock. Lead in Other Products. Mexico is the third largest producer of oil in the world, the largest producer of silver. and has almost a monopoly | of the “henequen” or “sisal” thread. Cuba is the first producer of sugar in the world. Venezuela is already the second largest ofl producer, after the United States. Bolivia is the second producer, after the United States. Bo- | livia is the second producer of tin in the world. Chile possesses the world monopoly of nitrate and is the second largest producer of copper. Argentina is one of the most important sources ! of agricultural products in the world. Her meats and grains are exported in large quantities to Enrope and the United States, and she also has the mo- nopoly on ‘“quebracho.” Brazil is the world’s greatest coffee producer, and the rest of the produc- tion is almost exclusively raised by other Latin American countries. Nearly all of the cacao production of the world also comes from Latin America, prin- cipally Brazil and Ecuador. Colombia is today the largest producer of plati- num. The sugar and cotton crops of Brazil, Peru, and other Latin American republics already are among the im- portant ones in the world. As for rubber, Brazil and Bolivia can very well recuperate their old predominant | position by means of plantations of the | type existent in Malaya. The greatest oil reservoirs are also in Latin America. | It is impressive to watch the growth of | the oil’ production in Venezuela, Co- | lombia, Peru, etc., in the last few years. The decrease in the Mexican production probably is only temporary. As for the power sources used for the | Our Allies—1 (Continued From First Page.) for reduction of arms at the Geneva Conferencs. Jtalian government has liquidated the fears which greeted its formation. It is unnecessary to review in any detail our relations with our other as- sociates in the war. Every one knows the revulsion of feeling against Japan on account of her Manchurian adven- | ture. That question, however, is so remote from the reasons for the change of feeling toward Europe and has so little relation to the war in which we both participated that it merits totally different treatment. So also is the question of cur relations with Russia. Here we have not any series of disputes, but a profound disagreement as to the fundamental principle of government and of life. made possible the bolshevik experiment. Disappointed by Treaty. America was, on the whole, deeply disappointed in the treaty of Versailles. We felt both that it was unjust and that in its terms were embedded the seeds of future wars. Our enthusiasm for the freedom of Czechs and Poles cooled precipitately when we saw the extent of their territorial demands, and | cooled even more as we recognized the | growth of a peculiarly selfish and ex- treme nationalism. We saw them met- ing out to the minorities within their unreal borders the same treatment to which they themselves had been for- merly subjected. If we realized at all the inevitable- ness of this movement, we deplored it just the same. We had never felt toward Austria and Hungary the same bitterness that we had felt toward their senior partner, our sympathy was more quick to revive, and with it came & curious dislike for the spoilsmen. We were sorry for the Croats and the Slovenes under the hard yoke of the Serbs; for the Hungarians of vania under the corrupt and often ignorant rule of the Rumanians. It would be unfair to say that this revulsion of feeling was just, but it was a fact. America had gone into the war full of high spirit and generosity. Tt :ame out of the war largely disillusioned. It resented the lack of appreciation of what had been done, resented the grow- ing trade barriers which were the na- tural results of becoming a creditor nation. We often saw willful slights and discrimination in what was the in- exorable working of economic law. We were no more and possibly no less to blame than were our former allies. The difference was that the American Gov- ernment never lent itself to propaganda | free transit of merchandise | Argentina, may pass through the Ar- The performance of the | This again has nothing to | do with the war except as the war | prciuction and distribution of natural and industrial products—coal, iron, wa« terpower and oil—Latin America does not even know approximately the limits of its riches. It already has been said that Brazil possesses 23 per cent of the iron reserves of the world. And of the mineral reserves of the otber Latin American countries very Jittle has been |'so far disclosed. Although the idea of a Latin Ameri- can trade union has only recently been discussed formally, a certain amount of international co-operation has existed for years, in commercial matters, among the countries of the Southern Hemisphere. This co-operation may be classified into two categories: One involving gen- eral conventions for the promotion of trade, and the other, special agreements between two particular countries. Among the former, the Central Amer- ican convention of 1923 is the most important. It provides for the free in- terchange of natural products or man- ufactured articles originating in the re- publics of El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras and Nicaragua. Exception s made, however, to coffee and sugar, and “those articles whose sale in the con- tracting republics is now, or may be- come in the future, a state monopoly, or unlawful.” Conventions Set Up. A number of inter-American conven tions, to which most of the Latin American republics are a part, may also be cited. although these do not refer to the abolition of customs duties, but are, either directly or indirectly, con- nected with the development of com- mercial interchange among the Ameri- can republics. Outstanding among them are the following: Convention on inventions, patents, designs and industrial models; conven- tion on copyright; convention on trade- mark and commercial protection, and protoccl on inter-American registration of trade-marks; convention on the pub- lcity of customs documents; convention on commercial aviation; convention on customs procedure and port formalities; convention on the uniformity of nomen- | clature for the classification of mer- chandise, and others of minor import- ance. Among the special agreements mav | be mentioned those between the United States and Cuba, Chile and Bolivia, Peru and Bolivia, Argentina and Para- guay and Honduras and Nic4ragua. The first one establishes a prefer- ential rate on certain commodities ex- tering the trade between the United States and Cuba. Except for those ar- ticles admitted free of duty, it provides that all articles of merchandise being | the product of the soil or industry of the Republic of Cuba imported into tne United States shall be admitted at a Teduction of 20 percentum of the rates of duty provided by the tariff act of the United States, approved July 23 1897. or “as many be provided by tariff law of the United States subsc- quently enacted.” On the other hand. the convention stipulates that certain commoditier products of the soil or industry of t United States, shall be admitted Cuba at reductions varying fro per cent to 40 per cent below the rs charged by the tariff laws of the F public of Cuba upon similar comme: ties from other countries. Trade Treaties in Effect. The special agreement between Ci. and Bollvia, an outcome of the War « the Pacific, which left Bolivia withc ports, specifies that the government Chile guarantees the through ™ its territs stined for Bolivia, or that, from that country, "is Shipped. aoe: through Chilean ports. As between Bolivia and Peru, a si ilar treaty is in effect providing for | for 1 livia which arrives at th t of M lendo, in Peru. T Rt Between the republics of Argent:. and Paraguay a special agreement ¢ ists, providing that Paraguayan pr ucts destined for export, as well as { eign goods entering Paraguay through gentine territory without the payment of customs charges. On January 30, 1930, & treaty of free trade and exchange and a supplemen- tary convention were signed by repre- sentatives of Honduras and Nicaragua. | tending to develop commercial relations between these two countries. On the whole, these special agree- ments between individual countries, and the general conventions aimed at the increase of. and facilities for, commer- cial interchange among the republics of the Western Hemisphere, provide the basis on which further arrangements of a reciprocal nature may be gradually established by any number of coun tries. (Copyright. 1033)) 5 Years After against them as in some cases did the European governments to propaganda against America. We still have the sense of disillusion- | ment and somewhat of bewilderment. Led by our enthusiastic and sentimer.- tal internationalists we have experi- mented with internationalism and have | been sadly disappointed. We have been | misunderstood and misrepresented. We | accomplished something at the London | Naval Conference. Geneva so far has | been a failure. The London Economic Cenference may set_the fires of good | will_burning more brightly. But the | grim fact remains that the vast major- |1ty of people in the United States feel | that they have been deserted by their | allies of the war; that their attempts | to improve world conditions have becn thwarted largely by these very allies; that when sacrifice is demanded for the common good it is America which is ex- pected to make the sacrifice and it is for the others to reap the benefits. All this is driving us back on our- selves. We see the vast problems of the depression which must be solved, and are wondering whether the higher duty does not lie in trying to solve our own problems in our own way, whether we may not actually attain greater success and incidentally be of more use to the world, if we forge ahead on our own road. 2,000,000 Are Facing Starvation in China PEIPING — Reports reaching here from Kansu province, in China's Far ‘West, state that “roughly 2,000,000 peo- al’e there now are facing starvation, due prolonged drought, banditry, confis- catory taxation and the absence of proper communications with the agen- cles of relief elsewhere in China.” Kan- su is the third largest province in China, with an area of 125483 square miles and a Sino.Turkish population of over 7,000,000. It is feared here that the Moslem Tebellion, meager reports of which staie that the entire province of Sinkiang in Chinese Turkestan is now endangered, may spread to Kansu, where there is a large Mohammedan population. Such apprehensions are confirmed by Mr. Ma ‘Yuan-fung, an official of mi govern- ment, who recently returned from the ce. In a statement issued at Nan- king he described conditions in Kansu as “appalling,” and said that “thou- sands of farmers have been forced to sell all they own in order to pay extor- tionate taxes levied by unscrupulous militarists.” -