Evening Star Newspaper, January 29, 1933, Page 23

COMPLICATIONS FEARED IN U. S. TREATIES STAND'\ Roosevelt Committed to Doctrine of Up- holding Sanctity Without Use of Force, and This May Bring Far East Trouble. BY FRANK H. SIMONDS. TURALLY the statement of T President-elect Roosevelt —af- firming his faith in the doctrine that the sanctity of treaties ust be the basis of interna- tional relations has created wide com- tment ‘n Europe. Obviously cesigned to give the celor of support of an in- coming administration to th> policy ot the outgoing in the Far East, it never- theless had immediate and far-reach- ing European implications Thus, literally interpreted, Mr. Roose- velt’s statement would seem a blanket indorsement of b us ouo princi- le which is the of th. volicy of E‘ran('(‘ and her Polish and Little En- tente allies. And similarly it would strike fatally at the hopes of Germany and her fellow revisionists, Austria. Hungary, Bulgaria and even Italy. In & word, this Roosevelt statement would seem to put the new administration solidly on the side of one of the two groups of opposed powers in Europe. For the basis of the policy of France and her allies is that the present ter- ritorial situation on the continent, hav- ing been established by the several treaties of the Paris ference, of which the Versailles treaty is the most famous, cannot be changed save by agreement. And since in_practice all such agreement is impossible, any at- tempt to revise frontiers by force would 1ot _only be illegal, but would call for protest from all signatory powers of the treaties and of the Kellogg pact, which is where the United States would come in. If the United States is prepared to undertake to uphold the sanctity of treaties, even to the extent of protest- ing against violent attempts to set them aside, then obviously the United States would be called upon to act in case | any one of the peace treaties of 1919 were assailed. Thus, if Germany sought | to revise the Polish Corridor by force, Hungary to recover Magyar minorities in Czechoslavakia, Rumania or Yugo- | slavia, Bulgaria to liberate the purely Bulgar populations of Macedonia, all such actions would constitute a denial of the sanctity of treaties and would be of concern to the United States. Principle Reaffirmed. In itself this statement by Mr. Roose- velt is patently only a reaflirmation of the principle which has been variously described as the Hoover and the Stim- son doctrine. Called forth by the Man- churian events, this doctrine commits the United States to refuse to recog: nize any change in sovereignty or ter- ritorial status achieved in disregard of the Kellogg pact. Under this doctrine the United States, were Poland to seize Koenigs- berg, Germany to take Thorn, Hun- gary to occupy Kassa or Bulgaria to Jay hands on Monastir, would refuse to give its approval by ignoring the change in sovereignty. And in doing this it would only follow the course which the Hoover acministration has already adopted in respect of Manchukuo. Formally ratified. this Hoover doctrine would have an im ance hardly l°ss considerable than the Monroe Doctrine once possessed and wou'd bind this Na- tion to apply moral sanctions to nations infring international law and breach- ing treaty contracts anywhere in the world. Obvicusly this step is revolutionary in itself and has sull greater impor- nce when associated with that other ncement—namely, that pact abolished neutrality sed upon all signatory states ty to go to conference in case ot crisis. If this is now to be the policy of th: United States. the country is bound to go to international conference in any such event as the recent Man- churian affeir or in such a crisis as was precipitated in 1914 by the German invasion of Belgium. In reality Mr. Roosevelt's pronounce- ment seems to foreshadow an adoption of the whole Stimson thesis that Ameri- can isolaticn is a thing of the past, that the United States must participate in all international meetings called to deal with perils to peace anywhere and that the United States must in addition employ moral sanctio; that is, follow the principle of non- ever it holds a treaty to have been vio- lated But, as was inevitable, this Hoover doctrine has provoked much protest, not merely among the isolationists, but also among those who advocate far- going American co-operation with the world in peace endeavors. Thus, Presi- dent Lowell of Harvard has challenged the whole conception as likely to lead, not to the prevention of treaty viola- tion, but rather to an entanglement of the United States in the consequences ecognition. when- | | of an illegality it has done nothing to prevent. What President Lowell has said, in effect, is that if international action is inadequate to prevent aggression, even when nations act together, the isolated procedure of the United States in refusing to recognize the results of illegality after the fact will only em- broil us with the aggressor without weakening his hold on seized territory or shaking his resolution to retain this profit of violence. And I assume that fundamentally the president of Har- vard believes that effective American action can only come when the United States acts as a member of the Leagu: of Nations and takes steps to prevent an_aggression. Both Mr. Hoover and Mr. Stimson have pioceeded on the assumption that the public opinion of the world when mobilized would suffice to prevent ag- gression or at the very least to force a law-breaking nation to resign its profits. That was the underlying notion of Mr. Kellogg and M. Briand when they un- | dertook to make the Pact of Paris, | which bears their names. It was, in | effect, a rejection of the older French idea that international force was neces- sary to protect international law. Now, it has been clear from the out- set that world opinion has not sufficed to prevent Japanese treaty violation in | It is patent that American | or even world non-| Manchuria. non-recognition recognition of the consequences of Japanese action will not bring Japan to renounce its policy or restore Man- chukuo to Chinese sovereignty. Actual- ly the effect of withholding American approval has been to encourage Chinese | resistance, exacerbate American-Japa- nese relations and protect anarchy and strife in the Far East. It is perfectly true that in the end the strain placed upon the relatively slender resources of Japan may bring about a domestic collapse—a collapse which can hardly fail to be attended by revolution and perhaps by Commu- nist control. But looking solely to the | question of the restoration of trade and commerce and therefore of rms- | perity in the world, it can hardly be | imagined that such a consequence | would be of great value. True, a prin- ciple might seem to have been vindi- cated, but at costs hardly to be dif- | ferentiated from those of war itself. Japanese Danger to United States. On the other hand, assuming that | Japan will be able to carry on for the | present at least, nothing is more cer- tain than that American-Japanese re- lations will become increasingly diffi- cult and that the Japanese press and public, angered by American passive encouragement of Chinese resistance, will speak and act in a fashion which | can only provoke disagreeable and even dangerous incidents. Even now it is | hardly to be questioned that for a dec- ade at least friendly relations between ‘Tokio and Washington are out of the question. It is this circumstance which gives grave importance to the apparent de- cision of the new President to take over the policy of the old in the Far East and to adhere to the Stimson doctrine, which obviously can lead to equally se- rious European involvements at any moment. Actually Mr. Roosevelt seems to have rejected once for ali the old Wilsonian conception of world peace insured by the collective will and force of all nations, employing the league as its_executive instrument. If Mr. Roosevelt’s statement means what it has been interpreted to mean by the general public, we are now to see the United States committed to go to | international conference whenever a | treaty question is at issue and to stand firmly against any treaty violation but | to take no positive action to restrain or coerce the prospggtive or actual treaty breaker. We shall thus have our word to say on the subject of every treaty dispute in Europe. We shail | Recessarily stand with France and her | allies against any attempt forcibly to | revise the status quo of the peace trea- ties. We shall refuse to recognize the fruits of any forcible revision. But we | shall appear only as the voice of the moral law—never as one of the forces to defend or vindicate the law. As T see it the issue raised is two- fold. We are undertaking to assert the doctrine that the sanctity of treaties must be preserved but refusing to em- ;plo_y force in their defense. We are ‘nctmg on the assumption that in the |end the force of world opinion will | prove adequate to maintain treaties and | that it is possible to continue a moral offensive against a law-breaking nation Wwithout running any risks of becoming involved in actual conflict. And these are large assumptions. by McClure Newspaper ndicate.) How Hitler Trains “Army” (Continued From First Page) | Gen. Kallenbach told me that the men were more than usually tired, because they had been out on maneuvers the night before. Two or three times & week these are held. A staff officer follows these exercises and then makes & relief map of the terrain. Toy sol- | dlers, guns, tanks, etc. are placed in strategic positions. carefully to scale and is used in lec- tures to drive home the lessons. Training Cost Too Much. The cost of this and other Nazi train- | dng camps is not much—in cash. The men are housed in wings of various castles, or in elaborate stables. Their food comes from the regular estate supplies, or is donated by nearby peas- ants who are eager to show their Nazi sympathies. The Nazi have probably the least expensive and among the most efficlent “militia” camps in the world. ‘Three days later, after a tour of the Polish-Silecian border, I was given an opportunity to witness the work at an- other camp, where training exercises and a formal review were combined. Forty-five miles west of Breslau is Cas- tle Furstenstein, the 450-room central building on the estate of the Prince of Pless. The part of the estate which is still in Germany includes more than 10.000 acres But since the partition 1, r> than 10 times this terri- o 1ded in the Pless Polish : B: the war the Prince of Pless was reputed to have been richer than the Kaiser and to have owned more landed property than any one else in Germany. Gruppenfuhrer Heines and his staff, together with a 34-piece band, visited Castle Furstenstein to review the squad in training there. Heines and his staff were entertained at lunch by the Prin- cess_of Pless. After lunch the Gruppenfuhrer or- dered the men assembled, and after they had paraded before the Nazi flag the exercises were turned over to the major in command. Next to the Prin- cess of Pless and Heines, he was the most interesting person present. His name is Staatz and his history helps ty explain an important element of the Germany of today. After the armistice he itched for further fighting. He en- listed finally with the French Foreign Legion, served six years, fought against Abdel Krim and won commissioned rank. Two or three years ago he heard that there was “something doing” in Germany, resigned his Legion commis- sion and joined Hitler's forces. I watched him in action for three Sours. Talk about your hard-boiled top sergeants or sergeant majors! Staatz m toughest ¢ri)l sergeant of States Marines looking like This map is built | milksop sucking a lolly pop. His voice has a raucous hoarseness from barking out orders. The iron of discipline has been burned into his vocal chords by the sizzling sands of North Africa. As Gruppenfuhrer Heines and his 21-year-old adjutant followed every ma- neuver with a critical and constructive intensity. Staatz put the men through their paces. Some were signallers, others carried dummy machine guns land a few lugged ammunition boxes, also dummies. There were two minne- | werfer sections ‘The men deployed in open and close formation. The “minnie” sections were drilled at the double. As each shot was “fired” there was a “pop!"—the noise being supplied by a detonating cap. Then the men were ordered to race across broken ground, jump hedges 4 feet high and 2 feet thick, and then reform their 1lines in double-quick time. The jumping was quite a feat for some of the shorter soldiers, and several stuck in the hedge. The Prin- cess of Pless witnessed the damage to her ancient hedges without an pbserv- able wince. Address to Troops. After the training there was more marching, and then for 10 minutes Gruppenfuhrer Heines addressed the troops. It was a tirade, a patriotic clarion call, an inspiration and a bene- diction, all rolled into one. He reminded | the men that they had come as volun- teers, not conscripts; that they were there to prepare to fight for freedom of the Reich, untrammeled by foes from with- in or without; that 1,000 of their com- rades were in penitentiary cells and 400 had dled soldiers’ deaths. “We have crossed the rubicon! Be- hind us is vassalage and slavery. Be- fore us German freedom. We greet the day when our banner may constitution- ally be raised! In a Germany where there is honor and food Hitler’s flag will bring German freedom!” Heines walked along the drab-brown ranks and shook hands with each sol- dier. They had learned all that seemed possible to patriotism and discipline 101(1’ er‘s'm the most intensive three weeks’ urse. As I motored back to Berlin I still felt the magnetism and the enthusiasm of this amazing man, Edmund Heines. I wondered if the Silesian unit was typi- cal of the other Nazi commands, and I speculated on the future of the whole Nazi movement. Hitler’s is a movement which cannot stand still. It must go forward, or fall. In the election of July 31, 1932, there were almost 14,000,000 Nazi votes cast: tn'xx\d in the Novemberhl. 1932 i\;%flgfl ere were something less than 12,000,- 000. Some observers argued that Nazism, which previously had shown steady had passed iis peak and Was on the way down and out, But jusk . THE SUNDAY STAR, WASHI) GTON, D. C, JANUAKY Ozaki Faces the Dagger 29, 1933—PAKT WO, Liberal, Sentenced to Die Should He Return, Has Written Death Poem and Gone Home. | “The | BY UPTON CLOSE. Revolt of Asia” Etc. | | VERY deaf old man, scarcely five | 74 years old, has made his wili f and written his death poem: a 'and ponderous forces of militarism in | ihis native Japan. He has sailed from “Patriotic Blood Brotherhood” to come home and die for his convictions. There ifor it is unofficial, and the ruffians who have pronounced it cannot back down 'bluffers before the people whom they now rule. sordid Pacific Asian conflict the color of a picturesque and courageous hu- |ultimate. And after all nothing could more illuminate the larger issues behind whole world's peace and which has made the Pacific Basin the world's cen- issued by the T74-year-old Japanese | statesman, Yukio Ozaki, to the fanatical | whole story of Japan in China and | Japan in Geneva. a nation whose internal political life is perhaps the stormicst in the world. In statesman and the idealim of a prophet mingled with the tricks of the ist which seem in tne Orient to surpass in childishness even those known in | ance, in his eccentric tastes and un- | expected actions and in his hold on the | trymen, Yukio Ozaki is the most pic- | turesque figure among a people Who | who deify eccentricity. Was Mayor of Tokio. | of Ozaki’s life was when, due to the call for a modern system of administration | mayor of Tokio—in 1913 and 1914. He was known as the “bachelor statesman™ and a domestic life do not mix. Fas- ously dressy. often appearing in a shooting in the Japanese mountains, he was constantly caricatured as a tiny self blazing away at monsters of graft. On the other hand, he was violently |in assisting the consolidation of public | | utilities. When his term of office was | addressed to him in its care, the sig- ! nificant gift of a dagger and a shroud. | mayoralty. He was constantly receiv-| ing the mail of another Ozaki, and | this person up. He discovered her to ibe the delicate daughter of the old { wife. Miss Ozaki, reared as an Eng- lishwoman of gentle breeding, had come ! paper work. The old mayor promptly | | slipped from his bachelor principles. | ‘called “the outstanding flappers of i Japan.” ultra-modern in their habits, | ,the reverence of the old customs, con- | ‘Author of “Eminent Asians,” feet tall, straight as an_ arrow, | call of defiance to the ruthless iLondon to accept the dare of the is no appeal from this death sentence, without themselves appearing as mere ‘Thus there has been thrown into the iman being—"human interest” at its the clash which is threatening the tral arena. For behind the Chflllenge‘ patriots of his own country lies the Yukio Ozaki is the stormiest figure of his career one finds the vision of the professional parliamentary obstruction- Washington. In his physical appear- imagination of 80,000,000 fellow coun- take delight in picturesque figures and Perhaps the most picturesque period in Japan'’s great capital city, Ozaki was | —outspoken in his views that a political | huntsman’s uniform, particularly fond of fellow with a gun twice as big as him- | attacked for “toadying to big business | about over, a Tokio newspaper received, | One thing Ozaki got out of his finally his curiosity impelled him to look | diplomat, Baron Ozaki, by his English | to the land of her father to do news- | | And now his two young daughters. often i but, addressing their father with all| |are his constant and strikingly trastive companions today. They have !won him over to woman suffrage, although his wife remains a conserva- tive and an opponent of political rights for women. Ozaki was born in the fateful year,| 1859, when, as a reaction to Commo- dore Perry’s well armed visits to Yoko- | hama Harbor Japanese clansmen had risen and overthrown the 250-year-old usurping House of Tokugawa. What was to come after that was not plain | at the time. It is very clear now. The clansmen demanded stricter seclusion than Tokugawa was able to enforce | and they got, instead. a countr~ thrown | wide open to the industrialism and the competitive spirit of the West. The| clansmen wanted to substitute them- selves for the Tokugawa. and in the | confusion that followed they got gov- ernment by a group of young Ozakis— despised foreignized youngsters who had taken too much milk from the breast| of white civilization. And then came | something old and yet new in Japan. Growing out of the spirit of the clans- men, but destroying them and now making a desperate attempt to destroy the Ozakis also, came the Napoleon and Bismarck militarism of today. 1914 Political Drama. Dimunitive Ozaki, with the mustaches like exaggarated parentheses, was in 1914 the martyr of the Oriental po- litical drama which made Japanese mil- itarism supreme over parliamentary government. Today his quiet, unresent- ful statement that he is going back to challenge the militarists to kill him is more embarrassing to them than the disapproval of the League of Nations or the organized political opposition and widespread idealism at home. The Blood Brotherhood and reserv- ists’ associations have told Ozaki that no one could say the things that he has been saying in America and Eng- land during the last two years and live—provided they could ‘get their hands on him. Yet, so great is his hold on the Japanese people that all through last Summer Japanese nNewspapers, con- trolled by these same organizations, re- produced Ozaki's articles and speeches, which angered the pli:sen’t rullmg:xll‘g:;ii in Ja like a douche of water S ‘anhorll’\aert“s nest. For Ozaki is the cool conscience of the war-mad Japanese nation, pricking it. Only tpwo grega! men in the very large fold of Japanese liberal thought have remained unclouded expressions of this conscience. One is the still young Christian, Socialist, novelist and lec- turer, Toyohiko Kagawa. He refused to leave Japan, and so great is his mystical hold upon the imagination of the Japa- nese peasantry, whose support the Japa- nese military must retain, that they have not dared to kill him. No one kn_;)_;\l's wt,l;\eu hey‘lulgl‘;l‘: opponent of the e other unyiel military is Yukio Ozaki. Dr. Inazo Nitobe, Japan's Petronius, v.'hos? family lives in neighborly intimacy with the Ozakis through the Summer months at the famous retreat in the Japanese mountains, where the two are worshiped but democratic figures, and where they entertained Col. Lindbergh and his wife, began slipping when he accepted an appointment to the House of Peers some years ago. Ozaki point blank refused & similar honor. When the Japanese Army went into Manchuria in the Fall of 1931, upsetting —_— two weeks ago Hitler registered a vic- tory in the legislative election of Lippe- Detmold, in Northwestern Germany. Small though this state is, the large gain in votes revived the drooping spirit of the Nals. At the end of 1932, however, the Nazis were heavily in debt. Can they survive the financial, social and politi- cal perplexities of the rest of another hard Winter. Will Hitler and Von Schleicher discover a formula which will permit co-operation? Hitler’s forces so far have been kept within legal, or at least extralegal chan- nels. If they can be disciplined and controlled they should prove of immense aid in working out Germany's salvation. If they should ever get out of hand, then Germany may expect a repetition of the days of the Rossbach Free Corps, the black Reichswehr and roving guer- illa bands. Germany may find salvation or dam- nation, depending on what use it finds for Edmund and ha¥f & million other restipss KI AND SHINAVE, ONE OF HIS DAUGHTERS. —A. P. Photo. the liberal government of which Oz:ki was a friendly critic and Nitobe a sup- porter, both men were forced out of the country under threat of death. But Nitobe, co-founder with Woodrow Wil- son of the League of Nations, became under stress of patriotism his nation's chief apologist in this country. Oziki. the man who brought about the first naval limitation conference, continued to express himself everywh in my studio in New York West have been very unfair to Japan. But the military in my country are riding it to ruin. For them I have no apology. only complete condemnation They must be ruined, and probabiy Japan with them now. Then my nation and maybe the world will have learned its lesson—then my nation and maybe the world can be rebuilt.” Three Times a Refugee. Three times Ozaki has been a politi- cal refugee in this country. He went out of his college classes to become 2 precocious henchman to the florid old politician, Marquis Okuma, who led the first fight for constitutional government in Japan. In the course of that fight a bomb took off Okuma’s leg. and during his shaggy old age he punctuated his aphorisms most effectively with the stumping of his wooden leg. His young disciple. Ozaki, was ordered- out of Tokio by a public safety act end en- joved his first experience in America and England. But the constitution was | granted just the same. and Ozaki's con- stituency elected him in absentia to represent them in the first Japanese Diet. He arrived home just in time to take his seat, and his constituency has re-elected him regularly during the 43 years since, even when he was holding cabinet office and acting as mayor of ‘Tokio. Ozaki conducted a relentless fight to make the Japanese Parliament the power in government instead of merely the advisory body ordained under the Bismarckian constitution which Prince Ito had drafted in Berlin under the advice of the great Prussian. Ozaki became the professional crisis maker of Japanese governments and the best newspaper copy in the empire. l Time after time his diminutive figure would arise at its desk and shoot ar- rowlike interpolations at the ministers of state. AL last came his supreme chance. In a sweeping popular election Ozaki | helped establish the first party govern- ment in Japan, in which he was given the ministry of justice. Yamagata bit his lip and waited for a chance to ruin this, to him. utterly un-Japanese set- up. Ozaki went out on a fervent cru- sade against graft. Japanese soldiers had been supplied canned rations filled with sand and pebbles. This was only one of a hundred cases. In the course of a speech, Ozaki. who turns into a firebrand on the platform, let himself €0 in this wise: “The protection of cor- ruption by men hiding behind the Em- | peror is the worst feature of Japan | Now. if Japan were a republic like the | { United States and had a President in- | | stead of an Emperor—" | He never finished. He was promptly seized by Yamagata's police. charged with lese majeste and the en- tire cabinet was immediately over- thrown. Yamagata took the helm. dic- tated the annexation of Korea and laid all of the plans which today Gen. Araki | out on the plains of Man- | is carrying churia and tervention Ozaki was broken, for he had been misrepresented in regard to his greatest loyalty. Constituency Is Loyal. For years Ozaki fought on, his home constituency at least remaining loyal | He consistently attacked Japan's mili | tary cabinets during the Great War, Mongolia. Through the in- of the Emperor | charging that, under guise of fighting | Germany as a loyal ally, Japan was | copying German methods and giving | haven to Germans in the Far East. He | declared that 50,000,000 yen bribes had | been given Chinese officials to procure acceptance of the 21 demands. He at- tacked vigorously the Japanese expedi- tion into Siberia. His name became a curse to the Japanese military. Thirteen men of Ithe assassination squad invaded his AM writing this as a suggestion to men tired out by busi- ness worries, men who ought to go away, but cannot. A brilliant resident of my town was on the verge of & nervous breakdown. He went to a specialist and said¢ “I am distracted. I ought to go to Florida for three months and be on the sand, but what little business I have left would be gone when I got back. What in the world can I do?” The doctor’s prescription was as follows: “Go home Saturday at noon and go to bed. Stay there. You may read if you like, you may smoke in moderation. But eat little and stay in bed until it is time to dress for the office Monday morning.” With no medicine or diet or psychiatry or treatment of any sort the man adopted this prescription and made a full recovery. Sir Henry Lucy, in his memoirs of English social and political life, tells of a certain “Lady A.” a high-speed old dowager whose vitality and youthful enthusiasm were the wonder of London. He says: “Amongst the stories told to account for her phenomenal vivacity is one to the effect that on a day of each week she remained through the 24 hours in bed in a darkened room shuttered from noise. Here she renewed her yauth like the eagle.” A large part of the present troubles of the world arises from the fact that its affairs are being conducted by tired men. nerves. that they can no longer act. Statesmen lack the punch that comes from fresh Business executives are so worn out with conferring ‘Wise old Talleyrand, when he was confronted with prob- lems so complex that he could see no solution, used to give out word that he was “in conference,” wherepon he would go to bed. When he decided to get up he usually found that some of the problems had settled themselves. rest looked easier. And all the So I pass on the helpful hint. It is a good one. I have (Coprright, 1038.) ! tried it myself, He was | himself | saved, but he was heart- | humble Tokio home with and revolvers, but were sprawled on the mats by four alert servants who had {made a spectal study of jiu-jitsu in |order to protect their master. Mean- while Ozaki’s 13-year-old daughter, who |is now much taller than he, tied her | kimono around the little man's slender | waist, threw something over his head and led him out the back way. His nonchalant statement on the affair made him a hero in Japan and burned | the military: “These attackers are a | nuisance, Publicity seekers. They are il disgrace to Japan and I shall not allow them to hinder me in my work.” | Ozaki was the father of the clause | demanding racial equality which the Japanese delegates presented at the Versailles conference and which Wood- row Wilson rose to kill. Ozaki felt be- trayed by Wilson, whom he revered, and by the Japanese delegates who traded his idealism for a hold on Shantung. But in a couple of years Ozaki was at it again, conducting perhaps the most remarkable single-handed campaign in | modern international history. Up and |down Japan he went, addressing some- times 10 audiences in a day, advocat- ing the novel idea of a conference for |arms limitation in the Pacific. For at this time, 1921, he saw America and Japan heading down the broad avenue | of armament race into war. In 1921 the idea that governments would sit down and agree on how many battleships themselves and their rivals would possess seemed fantastic to the point of absurdity. Through ridicule at home and gasps from abroad Ozaki carried on and when the tens of thou- |sands of post cards which he handed out at his lectures began flooding the Japanese cabinet. statesmen in Japan. American and Great Britain were forced | to take cognizance of the idea. Call by Harding Favored. “Who are you going to get to call this conference?” Ozaki was asked. “I | want President Harding to call it,” he |answered, “but if he does not, I want | the Japanese government to do so.” | It was the world’s first move toward |armament limitation on a quota basis and immediately out of it grew the nine-power treaty, guaranteeing the territorial integrity of China and the four-power pact for peace on the Pacific. But Yukio Ozaki's enemies at home the successors, of Yamagata. have got the upper hand again. They have made travesty of the nine-power pact and the four-power treaty. They have put through the greatest budget in Jap- anese history for army and navy. They | have brought a declaration from Pres- ident Hoover that naval limitation will perforce be abandoned if the conse- | quent treaties continue to be ignored. Yukio Ozaki sees them bringing about the dreaded clash of the two great | powers of the Pacific. which he con- | ducted a visionary and energetic cam- | paign to avoid. He sees them forcing | China to militarize—to become eventu- ally a greater militarism than any | mailed fist showing in the world today. Yukio Ozaki was forced to see the one man who sat down with him in Japan's first Parliament in 1890 and who, like himself. was elected to every succeeding Diet. Ki Inukai. made first| a puppet premier by the military clique | and then assassinated. And so he is geing home to die like . his aged fellow Inukai. but he knows | that in him one Japanese liberal has | remained true to the faith. And that whereas Ki Inukai became notorious | as the “Old Fox.” he, Yukio Ozaki. will | £0 down as “the noblest Roman of them | all” Some day he will live again as | the hero of a new Japan. He has writ- ten a poem in the Japanese epigram- matic form to the men who will kill him. It is a typical Oriental barb: Praise for “kill-me” men, if they for their country die! And he added in his letter to his daughters. “One should die with a smile, my mother taught me. I do not dread death, but would not like to die in a sick bed I should like a death which would prove a lesson to pos- terity.” ‘South Africa Paid Up On All Its War Debts JOHANNESBURG, South Africa— | The next time the United States decides to lend money for war purposes it should make the advance to the Union of South Africa exclusively. South Africa has never taken advan- tage of the Hoover moratorium. When President Hoover submitted his propos- als for a debts holiday in 1931, Prime Minister Gen. Hertzog announced that South Africa could afford to go on pay- ing and proposed to do so. South Africa’s war debt is a small one, but South Africa is a small country in population and a burden of $37,000,- 000 is not to be regarded lightly. That is the total of South Africa’s debt to Great Britain in respect to war charges. With other loans from Britain contract- ed since the unification of the South African provinces, South Africa is pay- ing annually to Great Britain near $8.000,000, no small achievement for a country with fewer than 2,000,000 white inhabitants and heavy development costs to meet. ‘While South But that is not all. Africa has continued to honor its bond, it has treated its own debtors entirely in the spirit of the Hoover moratorium. Gen. Hertzog immediately concurred in the world-wide action to help Germany, and there is no question of South Africa calling upon Germany for its share of reparations for a long time to come, if at all. In 1928 Germany's pay- ment to South Africa in respect of the campaigns in Southwest Africa and East Africa amounted to $2,000.000. A year later it had been cut to half that figure. In the present state of depression— although South Africa is not nearly so badly hit as most countries—the union government's action is considered by many observers to be quixotic, but it is all part and parcel of the government's policy of making South African credit ‘unassailable. (Copyright. 1933.) o Pope Receives 10,000 Newly Wed Couples ROME, Italy—More than 10,000 brides and bridegrooms were received by the Pope during the last five months of 1932, it was learned today. These s;r)e::'hllynudimceu were begun at the end of uly- The Pope gave each person a rosa and a medal.. From now on each bridal couple will be given a ticket for the Lateran Missionary Museum and for the room where the Lateran treaties rec- cm:ulnxby the churg ”:I.I%‘ mzl:nl wer: signed Premier N [usso] an Cardinals Gasparri and Patti, (Copyright, 1933.) Canada Has Advantage In Emigration Property OTTAWA, Ontario.—If the inter- change of settlers is an illustration of comparative conditions in the United States and Canada, then Canada has a distinct advantage. During the seven months of the pres- ent fiscal year the export of settlers’ effects from Canada to the United States was valued at $1,746,000, whereas the export of settlers' effects from the United States to Canada in the period was $4,655,000. (Copyright, same 20808 <>t Momentous 'LATIN AMERICAN PROB IDIFFICULT FOR ROOSEVEL?Y Developmenie Rest om Whether Paternalistic Polloy op of 'Non-Intervention Is BY GASTON NERVAL, HAT will be the Latin Ameri- can policy of the State De- partment after March 4? Will the incoming admin- istration revert to the old patenalistic attitude of Woodrow ‘Wilson, who, in this respect, had more in common with Theodore Roosevelt, Willilam- Howard Taft and Calvin Coolidge than Herbert Hoover has? Or will it follow the Hoover-Stimson record, which has departed completely from the traditions and prinicples of previous Republican and Democratic administrations and regained, thus, much of the good will lost on the other side of the Rio Grande? And in this latter case, will it endeavor to round up that record and correct the few shortcomings and mistakes still out- standing? Only time can tell whether the in- novations introduced by Messrs. Hoover and Stimson in the Latin American | policy of the State Department—non- intervention with domestic questions, withdrawal of Marines, recognition of revolutionary governments in South America, disavowal of the spoils of war, etc—or those {paugurated in the larger field of world affairs will be con- tinued by the next administration. The next four years will tell the story. But in the meantime there are certain international problems stand- ing out today which, because of their imminent seriousness and their signi- ficance to the United States, will im- medtately require the attention of the incoming authorities. And they are not few in number. Forelgn Questions Pressi As he is inducted into office, on March 4 next, Franklin D. Roose- velt will be at once confronted by a series of international questions of pressing importance. The conferyces which the President-elect has hedd in the last few weeks with PreMfant Hoover. Secretary of State Stimson, ‘Ambassador-at-Large” Norman H. Davis, and his own advisers on fofeign affairs, testify to the prominent role which foreign relations will play in the calen- dar of the incoming administration. Although the White House com- munique on the British debt situation was the only public announcement fol- lowing the latest interview between the ) President and the President-elect, it is only logical to suppose that the drafting of that one-page memorandum did not tike up all the time of their unusual meeting. The Sino-Japanese crisis in the Far East; the debt defaults by France, Bel- gium and other European countries; the forthcoming world economic conference the disarmament problem: the tangled European political situation: the Tecog- nition of Russia; the independence of the Philippines are only some of the major m:;rm:‘lio)x(lal (Problems lying to- Y on the desk of th ik e Secreiary of As far as Latin America is concerned, the questions which will demand con- sideration immediately after the inau- guration of the new Chief Exccutive are not less numerous. Down in South America two unde- clared internationa] wars are in prog- ress. The Kellogg pact has* not done away with war. It has done away with declarations of war. For more than six months Bolivian and Paraguayan troops have been battling in the tropical Chaco regions. The United Stites has been playing an importznt part in the efforts | to, bring about peace and a solution of the territorial controversy pending be- | tween the two countries. ~Although the withdrawal of the Paraguayan delegate from Washington has momentarily in- terrupted the peace negotiations, the | governments of the other American re- | publics still look to Was] peaceful arrangement. el o i Conflict Over Leticia. n the meanwhile the confli - tween Colombia and Peru over 1;llllcet pfi- session of Leticia, the Colombian port seized last September by Peruvian ir- regulars, is approaching the deadline. Besides the economic consequences which open warfare would have for the United States, with vast interests in both countries. the result of hostili- ties between Colombia and Peru could not fail to affect her politically also, | Last year the State Department an- nourced that its new doctrine of non- recognition of territorial gains acquired by war would be extended to the West- ern Hemisphere. Although the doctrine does not apply to the Chaco dispute, where boundary lines have not been settled by treaties, it does apply to that of Leticia. What is the United States going to do if Peru retains Leticia, ceded to Colombia by the Salomon-Lozano treaty of 19222 Has not the President-elect just indorsed the 8 [ " o e R with two international related the question of to warring nations, whenever the cir- cumstances would warrant this course. And provided that an agreement has been reached with other arms manufac- t countries for a similar procedure on their part. Of course, these two | provisions leave entirely to the judg- | ment of the Chief Executive the de- clsion @s to whether he would listen, in each instance, to the petitions of the pacifisy delegations which dwell in the | shadow of the Capitol or to the protests | of the influential manufacturers of | American arms and munitions. | In Central America, as usual, the | problems outstanding at present are in- | timately connected with domestic po- | litical ~ conditions. The Washington treaty of 1923, barring the recognition of revolutionary governments. has just | been denounced by two of its signa- tories, Costa Rica and El Salvador. The | United States is not a party to the treaty, but it has followed the policy embodied in it and declared its inten- tion to abide by its provisions. in o far as the Central American nations are concerned. | Question to Decide. _Now that the treaty has been par- tially denounced and a new policy of recognition has been put in practice with respect to the South American governments, will the State Depart- ment adhere to the former. which, after January 1, 1934, will still be in force for the other three signatory states? And in this connection, the new ad- ministration will have to decide wheth- er to extend recognition to the present government of Gen. Martinez, which, since December, 1931, has been in power in El Salvador. In Haiti, the only Caribbean republic where United States Marines are still on duty, the new Secretary of State will find a very delicate situation. Re- cently a treaty of friendship between i the United States and Haiti was re- J=cted by the Haitian Parliament, which ‘J growing more and more outspoken < its condemnation of American inter- vertion. The presence of Marines and Amprican officials, and the fact that the mAMR reason for their presence there is the collection of & large loan, appears disconcerting, to say the least, in view of the recent changes in the policies of the State Department toward other Latin American republics. Although the present state of affairs is appar- ently sanctioned by treaties. President- elect Roosevelt will most likely have to alter it, once in office, in order to re- move one of the oufstanding bones of contention and misunderstanding with the southérn peoples. Guatemala and Honduras the in- coming adndnistration will have to see that the arbrtral zward pronounced last week by Chief Justice Hughes in the 100-year terriiorial dispute betwcen the two “countries is faithfully and peace- fully carried out. In Panama there are sharp differ- ences. arising from the 1903 treaty, to be smoothed out. For years the United States and the Panaman government have held conflicting views on cer- tain provisions of that treaty, which gave the former the right to construct the Panama Canal. Lately, the differ- ences have grown more pronounced, and a prompt solution of them is de- manded by all sectors of public opin- ion in Panama In Cuba, where the United States occupies a peculiar position by virtue of the Platt amendment. the elements opposed to the Machado regime are seeking the intervention of the State | Department in the domestic political | situation. Besides these specific instances of a political nature, the new administration will have to deal. at once, with the larger matters of economic, commercial and financial relations with Latin America, to which the world-wide | economic crisis lends unusual impor- | tance. Adjustment of the Latin Ameri- |can governmental debts and reciprocal tarift arrangements between the United | States and the Southern republics are the chief items in this field. And they must be taken care of before British, | French and German endeavors to con- {trol Latin American trade have gone | too far. | Just as the political issues must be settled before the seventh International | Conference of American States opens in Montevidec, next December, and finds Uncle Scsm unprepared.” (Cop: L1833 Boom in, War Machines I; ig Problem, Issue Dropped Quickly at Geneva (Continued From First Page.) Sea .knnd into the Baltic. crew knew what cargo they were carry- ing. Being anti-Red, they mudnrl?('l, and the ship put into a Swedish port. The British In the inquiry that followed the British | arms dealer was exonerated. Re - bility Tor the maneuver was charged 1o another agent. But he was an Ameri- can citizen. They had to let him the intricacies of international la Extent of Interest. Outside special zones in which big Powers, adequately equipped with secret services, coast guards. frontier guards and fleets are interested, gentlemen of | “the business” do not find great - culties in the way of profitable dd!xfl]& During 1932 enough stuff to arm and equip several army corps went floating down the great canal-and-river system which runs from the English Channel south through Holland and Germany into the great Danubian water high- way which emits into the Black Sea— the “lawless sea,” they call it. “Greas- ing” the waterway has been found easier than ‘“greasing” the railway. A mass of arms got into the Irish Free State after the advent of Mr. de Valera. Stacks of 7 mm. Mausers reached Mexico. Two shiploads of stuff were successfull; et Lo ly run into Brazil 455 revolvers, bombs, small field guns, arms and ammunition of all mrLs‘ un- loaded at obscure ports along the Chi- nese coast and the eastern seaboard of South America, and disappeared in- land—arms and ammunition needed m '\gb;rmlnlbl; wl:‘l of tuchun chun and milita junta against military junta.' R Some lots failed to arrive, In one case diplomacy thought it best to dump 8 gun-runner’s cargo into the sea and let him go. In another case the cargo of a captured gun-runner was confis- e S o S B cargo, which w: offcially admitied to be war materis, was unloaded and held pending inquiry, and it was held so long, with charges mounting all the time, that the owners at last allowed it to be seized to pay charges, whereu it was carted off 2nd never heard of again. And there was one rusty old tramp that went up 8 burst of smoke and flames and human fragments in the Yellow Sea. Mi_ghv. have been & bomb in her bunk- ers,” observed the secret service man who told me the story, “but it looks mo;ril ll:]ke a 0.” ly, among the more intriguing incidents of “the business” in 10?2‘.“0:14! may select the sad case of the Greek 80— | Innumerable boatloads | of Mannlichers, Mausers, .303 l'mleso:n;- some time before he had sold a ware- house full of arms to a revolutionary group, collected his money, seen the Stuft’ afloat. But two of the leaders sold out to the government group and Joined them in a coalition ministry— an el%unable distribution of the spoils of office. The betrayed ones fled, reg- istering vows of vengeance. They were in time to prevent the landing of the arms and their seizure by the govern- ment. But they had no use for those arms now. They wanted money, time. In due course they sat in the trad- er's office again, proposing a res:‘lir. The man of business agreed to take the stuff back for a third of what they had pald him. They had to accept Eighteen months passed. The unnat- ural coalition broke up. the revolution- aries’ hour struck again. They came to the dealer again for arms. His price was higher than it was before, and for the same lot of arms. They argued, Pprotested, but he was obdurate, and they had no time to waste. They cabled their backers, got the money, paid, and took delivery of the arms. But they left one of their number behind. The police held this gentleman for ques- tioning after the discovery of the corpse of the Greek with a knife sticking in him, but they got nothing out of him. They had to let him go. But they ad- vised him to leave by the next boat. He had. in fact, already made that ar- rnrl:)geerlx;em. als involving 250,000 rifles were intercepted by international police work during the year, but four times that quantity got through. I had this fig- ure from a good source. But it is ap- proximate only. For no one knows the whole truth. Too many parties are interested in concealing it. Ask at Geneva about every other sort of in- ternational phenomenon, from the in- cidence of disease to the facts about dope and white slaving, and the indus- trious officials will smother you in offi- cial facts and figures, the fruit of years of busy probing and collecting. ~ But ask about the {llicit traffic in arms, and you find that not a single official document giving the facts and figures exists, The government doesn't care to tell tales. ley might prove embar- rassing. For the ethics of gun-running, like the ethics of whole armaments business. are all mixed up, and it depends upon circumstances whether governments and individuals regard it as a crime or & crusade. Mourness. Prom the Schenectady Gazests. The man who offered to tell knew about crimes is a wife and 4 what ived