Evening Star Newspaper, September 30, 1932, Page 5

ROOSEVELT WIDENS FARM AID PROGRAM Pledges Mortgage Help, Tax Cut and Tariff Slash as Relief Policies. (Continued From First Page.) I can promise you is that I will con- tinus to prea-h th- plight of the farmer vho is losing his hom> and that when T of administretion and ra-cmmendrt placed in my hands I will do ever in my power to Dbring the relfef Gun P Al velt closad with this pledge, his right hand upraiced, his velce vibrating “I shall not wai until the end of a cameaign. cr until 1 have spent four years in the White House." Cets Pledze of Aid. The result cf his farm speech de- | livered at Topeka. two weeks ago. at tize baginaing of O e:nor said. had been assurances of co- overation “from 211 parts of the country | and particularly farm leaders.” ““These.” he continued, “mean a great deal to the program which I submit-d. because to get practicai results we who have the farm problem at heart cen- not afford to 1t the stand-pet Repub- licans and cerizin narrow-minded in- dustrialis's and bankers use dissention and ciscord among farmers e5 an excuse for denying to us the legisiation and the results we see! Listing what he called gic conse- quences of the depression, the Demo- cratic leader asserted: “We were taught to and the savings of prudent people have been discipated by care- less and conscienceless financlers. We wern taught to work. and we have been denied the opportunily. We were taught to increase the products of our labor, and we have found that while the products increased the return was decreased.” Loss to Labor Charged. i The results of labor. he added, “have | been lost in the smash of an economic £rstem unable to fulfill its purposes.” The depression. Mr. Roosevelt main- hich is £o long over- | |to let the stand-pat politicians. and long <rip, the Gov- | | eration of egriculture | the {ained. “cannot b> met by the appeal that Washington has made <o often to| sH-called immutable and unchang:able | economic laws.” | Tt cannot come through saying that| nothing but the slow growth of pros- r will improve the condiion of | er, bacanss the very return oi | erity depends upon the con- the farmor.” two great purposes”—reduction taxss and raising_the purchesing power of the farm dollar—Mr. Roose- | d, “are the basis of my farm m: Will Agitats Tax Question. Although the President cannot take | # hand in local tax_regulations, Mr Roosevelt declared “I shall use this sition of high responsibility to discuss i> and down the country the duty of reducing taxes.” “This 1 pledge you" Roosevelt ex- claimed, “and nothing 1 have said | transcends in importance this covenant with the taxpayers of this country.” As in other speeches, he assailed the | Smoot-Hawley tariff, and called for re- rocal tariffs with foreign countries The Grundy tariff still retains its grip on the throat of international com- merce.” he ascerted. “There is no relief in sight, and certainly there can b2 no relief if the authors of this disaster continue in power.” Tariff Cuts Advocated. Revision of the tariff downward “to | a point that puts the American pro- ducers on a market equality with their foreign competitors” will “injure no legitimate interest,” Roosevelt said. Ho> added, “Labor need have no appre- hensions, for labor knows by long and | bitter experiences that the highly- | protected industries pay not one penny higher wages than the non-protected | ies, such as the automobile in- | Daylight stops at Savannah and Frec- | port, 1l and Beloit, Wis., were sched-, filed before the train arrives in Milwau- | ee. In his motor journey from the train | at Soux City to the ball park last night, | Mr. Roosevelt's escort was the famous | Abu-Hekr Shrine Patrol, all in red- and-white zouave uniforms and mount- ed on white horses. There were at Sioux | City party leaders and rank and file from South Dakota, Nebraska and Min- | nesota as well as Towa. _— { KAWS, CURTIS’ KIN, DON PAINT FOR HIM| Vice President to Be Greeted in, Oklahoma Also by Osages and Pawnees. By the Associated Press PAWHUSKA. Ok'a.. September. 30.— Oklahoma Indians will don tribel paint | and feathers and salute a distinguich>d kinsman—Vice Presicent Charles Curtis ~—here tomorrcw. The Kaw Tri of which Mr. Curtis| 4s a member. will b> joined by thej Osages and Pawnees In welcoming the Vice Presicent when he arrives for a ' campaign speech. A parade, batbocue | and stomp dance are on the pregram.| For teday the Vice Presicent planned a swing through the whoat country of Northwestern Ckla a. with a lunch- | con specch at Alva. a night address at Ponca City and bricf stops during the | dav at Jet and Medfo-d. At Enid last n'ght, Mr. Curtis told an | attentive audence President Hoover's| “splendid leadership snd guidarvce hfiil prevented a penic” and Jzid the Nation's, precent economic {roubles uvon ‘“the ! deflation policy of th» Federa! R:ser\‘ei Board under Woodiow Wilson.” | Vice President devoted most of | i Jems. He assai'ed vtterances cf Gov.| Franklin D. Roo-ev-lt, the Democratiz | 21 nomine-, on agricultural | e the Democratic | plan of a “ccmpetitive tariff for rev- enue.” “We Republizans do not bclieve in such a tariff and wani for-igners to pay their debt in cash,” he said. FLAN FINAL REHEARSALS FOR “STORY OF RUTH” Bible Drama by Washington Fed- eration of Churches Will Be Given at Sylvan Theater. Pinal rehearsals will take place to- morrow afternoon for the Bible drama, “The Story of Ruth,” to be presented @ 4 pm. Sunday in the Sylvan Theater under the auspices of the Committee on Religious Drama and Pageantry of ghe Washington Federation of Churches. The presentation, to which the public 4s invited, is part of a song and drama wvesper service at which evening hymns will be featured. Leading parts will be played by Thomas M. Cahill, Miss Helen Burton, Miss Nina Norman, Miss Mary Katha- rine Holzapple, Wade Rcbertson and Eward Stevlinson. Rev. Allen A. Stock- dale will speak the prologue to the drama. Servants and repeaters will be played by George Hardy, Edward Hen- nessey, Clarence Lenz, Ralph Kiester, John Edson, Leo Bowman, Hugh Stew- art Smith antl others. Elders of Judah will be played by Rev. H. A. Kester, N. X. Gardner, Najib S. Khoury, Herman P. Reiss and others. By the Associated Press. e SIOUX CITY, Iowa, Scptember 30.— | Following is the text of Franklin D.| Roosevelt's speech at Sioux City: | Two weeks ago I presented before an audience in the city of Topeka what I conceived to be the problem of agri- culture in this country, with particular reference to the Middle West and West, | and what the Government of the Na- | tion can do to meet that problem. | 1 have been highly gratified to re- | ceive from =l parts of the country, an particularly from farm leaders, assur- ances of their hearty support and | promises of co-operation, in the ef- | forts that I proposed, to improve the | eplorable conditicn_into which agri- | culture has fallen. These assurances of | co-operatiop mean a great deal to the | program which I submitted, because to get practical results we who have the farm problem at heart cannot afford certain narrow - minded _industrialists and bankers use dissension 2nd discord among farmers as an excuse for deny- ing to us the legislation and the results we seel. Two Factors Necessary. The meeting of the farm problem is going to be successful only if two fac- tors are present. The first is sympathetic adminis- tration in Washington and the second the hearty support and patient co-oj itself and its leaders. The proposals T made in Topeka were set forth in this spirit. I have stated principles in which nearly all farm in- terests can unite. y embrace the mmo# purpose of practicaliy all farm leaders to inauguratc a broad construc- tion policy, and I am confident that sympathetic leadership in Washington can bring about substantial agreement in the actual details and worcing of legislation necessary to put the principles into practical effect. I have set up these proposals as & definite standard to which men and women of all parties will repair, to the end that the desperate plight of ag- riculture may be remedied. 1 come today to the same great Mid- dle West to meet farmers whose prob- lems and needs are similar to those of the Kansans and whose suffering has bzen no less. 1 cannot avoid a word concerning what this plight of agricuiture means to you all. It means that product of your labor brings half of what it brought before the war. It means that no matter how hard you work and how long and how carefully you save, and how much efficiency you apply to your business, you face a steadily diminish- ing return. As a farm leader said to me, you have been caught like a man in a deep pit, helpless in t forces beyond your control. Ii hi meant, my friends, that in spite of the maxims that we have learned when we were in schocl that we cught to work end save, and bs prucent and temperate—in gpite of all of th= rest of the homely virtues, the return on these virtues has belied the hopes and the promises on which we were raised. Tragic Conseguences. That is one of the tragic conse- quences of this depression. The things we were taught have not come true. We were taught to save, and in many paits of this country the savings of prudent peopls have boen dissipated by 2nd conscienceless financial manipulation. Were were taugit to work and we have been denied the op- portunity to work. We wcre taught to increase the products of our labor, and we have found that while the products increased the return has decreased. We were taught to bring forth the fruits of the earth, and we have found that the fruits of the earth have found no market. The results of cur labor have been lost in the smash of an economie sys- tem unable to fulfill its purposes. It is a moral as well as an economic question which” we face. Moral because we want to re-establish the standards that in times past were our goal. We want the cpportunity to live in com- fort. reasonable comfort, so that we may build out of this comfort spiritual values. The consequences of poverty bring a loss of spiritual and moral val- ues. And even more imporiant is the loss ot the cpportunity that we had hoped to give to the voungar generation. We v.ant our children to have a chance for an education, for the sound azvel- opment of American standards to be applied in their daily lives at play and v These opportunities can come only if the condition of agriculture is made more prosperous. This high purpose cannot be met by cynical disregard cf plain necessity. It cannot be met by the appeal that Washington has made so often to so- called immutabl> and unchangeable economic laws. As I have said. men and women and children may starve while we weit. It cannot come thrcugh saving that nothing by the slow growth of prosperity will improve the condition of the farmer, bacause the very return of thst prosperity depends condition of the farmer. Th= farmer—and when I speak of the farmer I mean not only those who live in the Corn Belt. but also those in the East or the Northwest who are ia the dairy business, and those in the South who are raising cotton and those on the plains who are raising cattle and sheep, and those in the many sections of the country who are raising fruits of all kind~—the farmer in the broad upon the | sens= has been attacked simulteneously from two sides. Expenses Rise Steadily. On the one side his expenses, chiefly in the form of increased taxes, have been going up steadily during the past ceneration. On the other side he has been attacked by a constantly depre- ciating farm dolar during the past 12 ve: Therefcre, it seams to me to b2 noth- ing less than old-fashioned horse sense to seek means to circumvent both of these attacks at the same time. That | means, first, to seek relief for him from the burden of his expense account, and second, to try to restore the purchasing vower of his dollar by gatting for him higher prices for the products of the #o’l These two great purposes are the bsis of my farm policy. I have defi- nitelv connected both of them with the brondest aspacts of a new national cconomy, and I shall continue during | the ensuing weeks to argue that pros- perity in its broadest sense—zovering every rart of the Nation, and covering industry and business as well as farm- ing—springs first of all from the sofl itself, ard second from our ability as a Nation to restore our trade with the other nations of the world. First of all I want to discuss with vou one of the angles of the mounting expenses of agriculture in practically | every communitv and in every State— the preblem of the taxes which we have to pay. Let us examine the proportion of our penditures that gees to the various sions of Governmert. Half of what is paid for the support of government in this country goes to local govern- | ment—cities, townships, counties and | other small units. The other half goes to the State and Nation. This points, therefore, to the neces- | sity for attention to local government. As a broad proposition, you and I know | we are not using our present agencies | of local government with real econcmy and efficiency. That means we must require our public servants to give a | fuller measurc of service for what they are paid. That means we must elimi- | nate useiess officeholders. That means | every public official and every employe | of local governments must determine that they owe it to the country to co- overate in the great purpose of saving | the taxpayers’ money. “Too Many Tax Units.® But it means more than this, my friends. I am going to speak very frankly to you. There are offices pro- vided for in the constitution and laws of some of the States thap have an honorable history, but are no longer ~ | ward rec | necessary for the conduct of govern- ment. We have too many taxing dis- tricts. The taxpayers literally groan under layer upon layer of tax units. Relief can come only through resolute, courageous cutting. It means still more than this, In many States we must, through the Leg- | islature and even through constitutional changes, reorganize our local govern- ment for the purpose of eliminating unnecessary machinery and unnecessary positions, and for the purpose of con- solidating functions end concentrating responsibility in fewer hands. Some of you will ask why I, a can- didate for President of the United States, am talking to you about changes in local government. It is perfectly clear that the President has no legal or constitutional control over the local government under which you live. The President has, nevertheless, the right and even the duty of taking a moral leadership in this national tazk. It is a national problem because in its scope it covers every State. and any problem that is national in this broader sense creates a national moral responsibility in the President himself. T conceive the presidency not merely as an agency in which routine execu tive powers are exercised, but as a posi- tion of leadership in which may be wielded an influence for the general good of our American system of gov- ernment. No other official, except the Vice President, is elected by all the pecple of the country. No cther official owes such a direct responsibility to all the people of the country, He is the responsible spokesman of the Nation's policies and the Nation's ideals. I shall ese this position of high re- sponsibility to discuss up and down the in all seasons, at all times, of reducing taxes, of increas- ing the efficiency of government, of cutting out the underbrush around our governmental structure, of getting the most public service for every dollar paid by taxation. This I pledge you, and nothing I have said in the campaign transcends in importance this covenant with the takpayers of this country. | | " Tt is true that less than 15 per cent of the taxes we pay goes to the support of State governments. This does not seem to be & large figure, but actually, 2s you and I know, the cost of State government has increased twofold and even threefold in the past 10 or 15 vears. substantial _reductions can be made. While the President rightly has no au- thority over State budgets, he has the same moral responsibility of national leadership for generally lowered ex- penses. and therefore for generally low- ered taxes. The National Expenses. 1t is in the field of the Federal Gov- ernment th: the offic> of President can, of course, make itself most directly and definitely felt. Over 30 per cent of your tax dollar goes to Washingion, and in this fleld also immediate reforms can be accomplished. There are, of course, items such as the interest on the public debt which must be paid each year, and vhich can be reduced only through a reduction in the debt itself, by the cre- ation of a surplus in the place of the present deficit in the National Treas- ury. It is perhaps worth while that I should tell you that I spent nearly eight years in Washington during the Wilson administration; that during those eight years I had a fair under- standing of the problem of the national expenses. £nd that I knew at first hand of many of the d:tails of actual admin- istration of the aifferent departments. Later in this campaign I propose to analyze the enormous incresse in the growth of bureaucracy. We are not getting an adequate return for the money we are spending in Washington, or to put it another way round, we are spending altogether too much money for Government services which are neither practical nor necessary. = In addition to this we are attempting too many functions and we need a simpli- fication of what the Federal Govern- ment is giving to the people I accuse the present administration of being the greatest spending admin- istration in peace times in all our his- tory—one which had piled bureau on bureau, commission on commission, and has failed to anticipate the dire needs or redured earning power of the people. Bureaus and bureaucrats have been re- tained at the expense cf the taxpayer. I read that the President is at work on a plan to consolidate and simplify the Federal bureaucracy. Four long vears ago, in the campaign of 1928, he as a candidate proposed to do this. Today. once more a candidate, he is still proposing. I leave you to draw your own inferences. On my part I esk you to assign to me the task of reducing the annual op- erating expenses of the National Gov- ernment. Buying Power of the Dollar. Now I come to the other half cf the farmer’s problem, the increase of the purchasing power of the farm dollar. I have elready gone at length into the cmergency proposals relating to our major crops. and now I want to discuss in more detail the tariff and our eco- nomic relationship to the rest of the world, From the beginning of our Govern- ment, one of the most difficult questions in our economic life has been the tariff. But it is a fact that it is now so inter- woven with our whole economic struc- ture, and that structure is such an intricate and delicate pattern of cauces and effects, that tariff revision must be | undertaken with scrupulous care, and only on the basis of established facts. Yet there is scarcely a major problem in our national life, agriculture, in- dutsry and labor, merchant marine, in- | ternational debt and even disarmament, that does not involve the question of the tariff. I must confine myself, how- cver, at this time to the subject as it is more or less dire-tly related to agri- culture, reserving for some later date the consideration of the tariff in its more general aspects. In the course of his 1928 campaign the present Republican candidate for President with great boldness laid down the propositions that high tariffs inter- fere only slightly if at all with our expart trade, that they are necessary to the success of agriculture and afford essential farm relief, that they do not interfere with the payments of debts to us, and that they are absolutely necessary to the economic formula which he proposed as the road to the 2belition of poverty. I must pause here to observe that the experience of the last four years hes unhappily demon- | strated the error of every single one of the propositions, that every one of them has been one of the effective | cavses cf the present depression, and finally, that no substantial progress to- very from the depreseion either here or abroad can be had without forthright recognition of the errors. I ask effective action to reverse the disastrous policies which were based upen them. As I have- elsewhere re- marked, the 1928 Republican prosperity promise was based on the assertion that although cur agriculture was producing a surplus far in excess of our power to | consume. and that, due to the mass and automatic machine production today. our industrial production has also assed far beyond the point of domestic cnsumntion, nevertheless we should | press forward to increase industrial production as the only means of main- taining prosperity and employment. The candidate insisted that, although we could not consume these things at home, there was an unlimited market for our rapidly increesing surplus in export trade, and boldly asserted that on this theory we were on the verge of the greatéest commercial expansion in history. i Cites 1928 Boston Speech. In his Boston speech in 1928 the distinguished gentleman to whom ref- erence has been made said: “To insure continuous employment and maintsin our wages we must find a profitable market for our surplus. The Great War brought into bold relief the utter dependence of nations upon our foreign trade—our total volume of exports ‘ranslates itself into employment for In this field also I believe that | 2,400,000 families, while its increase in the last seven years has interpreted itself into livelihood for 500,000 addi- tional families in the United States. as to how foreign nations would pay their debts to us, and pay also for the increasing surplus he proposed to sell to them, when by almost prohibitive tariffs he would interfere with world commerce in goods, he ventured the astounding suggestion that we should finance our exports by loans to “back- ward and crippled countries,” and cou- | pled with that the statement that high tariffs would not interfere with the re- payment of such loans. |~ Ostensibly for the purpose of enact- ing legislation for the relief of agricul- ture, Congress was, pursuant to the in- | special session. The disastrous fruit of | that scssion was the notorious and in- | defensible Grundy-Smoot-Hawley tar- if. The net result was a barbed-wire | entanglement _against our econcmic contact with the world at large. | As to the much-heralded purpose of | that special session for the relief of | agriculture, the result was a ghastly | Jest. The principal cash crops of our Yfarms are produced much in_excess of our domestic requirements. crop, no matter how high the wall, has the slightest effect to raise the domestic price of that crop. The producers of all these crops ar: as effectively thrust outside the protection of our tariff walls as if there were no tariff at all. But we still know that the tariff does protect the price of industrial products ond raises them above world prices, as the farmer with increasing bitterness has come to realizz that he sells on a free-trade basis; he buys in a protected market. The higher industrial tariffs g0, the greater is the farmer’s burden. The first effect of the Grundy tariff was to increase or sustain the cost of all that agriculture buys, but the harm to our whole farm population did not stop there. Farmer Hit Both Ways. Under recent world conditions the Grundy tariff, by gradually impairing the export markets for our farm surplus, | has resulted in a tremendous decrease in the price of all the farmer sells. The results of both of these forces have practically cut in half the pre-war pur- chasing power of American agriculture. The things the farmer buys, as I point- ed out in my Topeka speech, now cost 9 per cent above pre-war prices: the things that the farmer sells, 43 ver per cent below pre-war pri ‘The fact is that the farmer is hit both ways in consequence of the tariff. It in- creases the price cf what he buys, and by restricting his foreign market that ccntrois the price of his products, re- duces his returns from what he sells The destructive effect of the Grundy tariff cn export markets has not been confined to agriculture. It has ruined our export trade in industrial products as well. Industry, with iis foreign trade cut off. naturally began to look to the home market—a market supplied for the greater part by ferm families. But for reasons I have just explained, when industry turned its eye to the American market, it found that the Grundy tariff had reduced the buying power of the farmer. Deprived of any American market the other industrial nations, in order to support their own industries and taks care of thoir own employment problem, had to find new outlets. In this quest they took to trade agree- ments with other countries than our- selves and also to the preservation of their own domestic markets against im- portations bv trade restrictions of all kinds. An almost frantic movement to- ward self-contained nationalism bagan. ‘The direct result was a series of retalia- tory and defensive measures in the | shape of tariffs, embargoes, import quotas and international arrangements. Almost immediately international com- merce began to languish, and especially the export markets for our industrial and agricultural surpiuses began to dis- | appcar. The Grundy bill was passed in } June, 1930. In that month our exports Were $294.000,000 and our imports $250.- 000.000. In an almost uninterrupted decline, this foreign trade has dropped away so that two years later, in June ar, our exporis were $115.- nd’ our imports $78.000,000. These facts speek for themselves. Program of Retaliation. In the yesr 1929, a year before the enactment of the Grundy tariff, we ex- ported 54.8 per cent of all the cotton produced in the United States, more than one-half_ This means, r. Cot- ton Grower, that in 1929 every other Tow of cotton you grew was sold abroad. And you. the grower of wheat. YOW ex- ported 17.9 per cent of your wheat, ‘but your great foreign market was largely sacrificed; and so with the grower of rye. who was able to dispose of 20.9 per cent of his crop to f n mar- kets: the grower of leaf tobacco had a stake of 41.2 per cent of his income overseas. One-third of the lard pro- duction in this country was exported in that year. This concerns the corn grower. You know, if others do not. that corn is exported in the form of lard. How were your interests taken care of? Oh, they gave you a tariff on corn —chicken feed, liferally and figura- tively. These figures show how vitally vou are interested in the preservation of our export trace. The ink on the Hawley-Smoot- Grundy bill was not dry before foreign hations commenced their program of | retalation. Brick for brick they built their walls egainst us. They learned he lesson from us. “The villany you teach me I shall practice.” The administration had reason .to know that this would happen. It was | warned. While the Hawley-Smoot bill | was before Congress, our State Depart- | ment received 160 protests from 33 na- | tions, many of whom after the passage of the bill erected their own tariff wal's | to the detriment or destruction of much of our export trade. | What is the result? In two years, from 1930 to May. 1932, American man- ufacturers have established in foreign countries, to escape the penalty on the introduction of Amer.can-made goods, 258 facteries:. 48 in Lurope, 12 in Latin | America, 28 in the Far East and 71 in Canada. Every week of 1932 has seen | four American Tactories moving to Can- | ada. * Premier Bemnett is reported to | have said in a recent speech thht a factory is moving every day of the year from the United States into Canada, and he assured those at the recent conferences at Ottawa that by the ar- rangements made there Great Britain | and her colonies would take from Can- ada $250,000,000 of trade which would otherwise go to the United States. This, you see, put more men on the street here who had been employed in the factories that had moved to Canada. There was a secondary and perhaps even more disastrous effect of Grundy- | Fa Time is Here. We are ready to handle your Fall planting, seeding or sodding. Our experts are at your service with ideas and prices that will more than please. Buy evergreens and plants direct fromyollr nursery. We plant them and guarantee growth. ’s Hyatts. FLORIST i NURSERYMEN 785 Opposite Ft. Lincoln Cemetery Atlantic 0162 Confronted by the difficult question | | sistence of Senator Borah, called in | ‘We know, | of course, that no tariff on a surplus | ism. due to this country from abroad. the debtor nations cannot export goods and services, they must try to pay in gold. We started such a drain on the gold reserves of the principal commercial | countries as to forc2 practically all of them off the gold standard. What hap- pened? ‘The value of the money of each of these countries relative to the value of the dollar declined alarmingly. 1t took more Argentine pesos to buy an American plow. It took more English shillings to buy an American bushel of | wheat or bale of cotton. They just couldn’t buy our foods with back upon our markets and prices fell still more. Summing up. the Grundy tariff has largely extinguished the export mai kets for our industrial and our farm surplus; it has prevented the payment of public and private debts to us and the interest thereon; increasing tax: tion to meet the expense of our Gov- ernment, and finally it has driven our factories abroad. ‘The process still continues. Indeed, it may be only in its inception. The Grundy tariff still retains its grip on the throat of international commerce. There is no relief in sight, and cer- tainly there can be no relief if the au- thors of this disaster continue in power. Like the Bourbons, they have learned nothing and they have forgotten noth- ing. ‘They still cling to this deadly fetich. As I say to you in all earnest- ness and sincerity, that unless and until this process is reversed throughout the world, there is no hope for full eco- nomic recovery or for true prosperity in the United States The essential trouble is that the Re- publican leaders thought they had a good patent on the doctrine of unscale- able tariff walls and that no other na- tion could use the idea. Well, either the patent has expired or it never was any good, anyway, or else all other na- tions have infringed and there is no court of appeal. It was a stupid. blun- dering idea and it brought disaster. “The Boldest Alibi.” Do not expect our adroit Republicans to admit this. They do not. On the contrary, they have adopted the bold- est allbi in the history of politics. Having brought this trouble on the world, they now seek to avoid all re- sponsibility for the mismanagement of | the affairs of this Nation by blaming the foreign victims for their own eco- nomic blundering. They say that all of our troubles come from abroad— that the administration is not in the least to be held to answer. This excuse is a classic of impertinence. If ever a condition was more clearly traceable to (wo specific American-made causes. it is the depression of this countrv and the world. Those two causes are inter- related. The second one. in point of time, is the Grundy tariff. The first one is the fact that by improvident loans to “backward and crippled countries,” the po.icy of which was specifically reccm- mended by the President. we financed practically our entire export trade and the payment of interest and principal our debtors and even (in part) the payment of German reparations. When we began to diminish that financing n 1929 the economic struc- ture of the world began to totter. When, in 1930, we imposed the Grundy tariff, the tottering structures tumbled. What does the Democratic party pro- pose to co in the premises? The platform declares in favor of a competitive tariff, which means one which will put the American producers on a market equality with their foreign competitors—one that equalizes the difference in the cost of production— not a prohibitory tariff back of which domestic producers may combife to practice extortion of the American public. I appreciate that the doctrine thus announced is not widely different from that preached by Republican statesmen and politicians. I know that the theory professed by them is that the tariff should equalize the difference in the cest of production (which for all prac- tical purposes does not exceed labor oost) as between this country and competitive countries and 1 know that in practice the theory is utterly dis- regarded. The rates are imposed far in excess of any such difference. look- ing to the total exclusion of imports— prohibitory rates. Instances without number to show the difference between the pious profes- sions of those who control the destinies of the Republican party, and the actual performances of that party under their leadership, could be cited frem the de- bates on the Grundy tariff bill Says Rates Must Be Cut, Of course the excessive, outrageously excessive rates in that bill &s it becamz law must come down. But we should not lower them beyond the point indi- cated. Such revision of the tariff will injure no legitimate interest. Labor need have no apprehensions concerning such a course—for labor knows by long and bitter experience that the highly protected irdustries pay not one penny higher wages than the non-protected industries, such as the automobile incustry. But how is reduction to be accom- plished? By international negotiation as the first and most desirable method, in view of present world conditions— by consenting to reduce to some extent sume of our duties in order to secure a lowering of foreign walls that a larger measure of our surplus may be admit- ted abroad. It is worth remembering that President William McKinley in his Buffalo speech—the last public address he ever made—said “the period of ex- clusion is past. The expansion of our trade and commerce is the present | problem. Reciprocal _treaties are in harmony with the spirit of the time: measures of retaliation are not.” If expansion of our trade and commerce was, as McKinley declared in 1901, 30 years ago, a prime necessity in the then state of our economic life, how much more is it indispensable to our | material and, I may add, our spiritual | welfare, in these distressing times. 1 haven't the fear that possess some timorous minds that we should get the | worst of it in such reciprocal arrange- ments. ¥ ask if you have no faith in | our Yankee tradition of good old-fash- | ioned trading? Do you believe that our early instincts for successful barter have degenerated or atrophied? |not think so. I have confidence that the spirit of the stalwart traders still permeates our people, that the red | blood of the men who sailed our Yankee | clippers around the Horn in the China trade, still courses in our veins. I can | not picture Uncle Sam as a supine, | Knowing Only One Busineas Is the Secret of Our There should be no choice between clean and dirty rugs Call Mr. Pyle ... NAtional 3257-3291-2036 Sanitary Cai’pet & Rug Cleaning Co. 106 Indiana Ave. Members of the Rug Cleaners’ Institute of America their money. These goods were thrown | I do Billions of dollars of debts are | white-livered, flabby muscled old man | which is so long overdue. If | cooling his heels in the shade of our | wait until the end of a campaign, of | goes nothing, until I have spent four years in the | £ White House. tariT walls. We may not have the | astuteness in some forms of interna- | tional diplomacy that our more experi- enced European friends have, but when | | it comes to good old fashioned barter | |and_ trade—whether it be gobds or | tariff—my money is on the American. | There cannot and shall not be any | foreign dictation of our tariff policies. | Next the Democrats propose to ac- | i complish the necessary reduction | through the agency of the Tariff Com- | | mission. “The Log-Rolling Process.” T need not say to you that one of | | the most deplorable features of tariff | legislation is the log-rolling process by | which it has been effected by Repub- |lican Congresses. Perfectly indefen- | sible rates are introduced through an understanding usually implied rather | than expressed among members, each | of whom 1s interested in one or more | such. It is a case of you scratch my back and I will scratch yours. The | evil must be recognized by even the most ardent supporter of the theory of protecticn. ‘To avoid this, as well as| other evils in tariff making, a Demo- cratic Congress in 1916 passed, and a | | Democratic President approved, a bill creating the bi-partisan tariff com- | mission charged with the duty of sup- plying the Congress with accurate and full information upon which to base tariff rates. It functioned 2s a scien- tific body until 1922, when by the in- corporation of the so-called flexible provisions of the act that vear, it was transformed into a political body Under these provisions—re-enacted in the Grundy tariff of 1930—the com- mission reports not to a Congress, but to the President, who is empowered upon its reccmmendation to raise or lower the tariff rates by as much as 50 per cent. How perfectly ineflective this method of removing from the tar- iff some of its inequities—a wag said | its iniquities—I do not delay to detail At the last session of Congress, by | the practically unanimous action of the Democrats of both Houses, aided by liberal-minded Republicans led by Sen- ator Norris, of Nebraska, a bill was passed by the Congress but vetoed by the President, which, for the purpose of preventing log-rolling, provided that |a report having been made on a par- ticular item with a recommendation as to the rate of duty it cught to bear, a bill to make effective such rate would not be subject to amendment so as to include any other item not directiy affected by the change proposed by the bill. In that way each particular tar- iff rate proposed would be judged upon its_merits, and upon its merits alone. I am confident in the belief that under such a system rates would be adopted generally so reasonable that there would be very little opportunity for criticism of even caviling as to them. I am sure thet it is not that any duties are imposed that complaint is made, for despite the effort, repeated in every campaign, to stigmatize the Democratic party as a free trade party there never has been a tariff act passed since the Government came into ex- istence in which the duties were not levied with a view to giving the Amer- ican producer an advantage over his foreign competitor. And I think that you will agree with me that the dif- ference in our day between the two major parties on the subject of the tariff is that the Republican pa whatever may be its professions, wo put duties so high as to make them practically prohibitive, the Democratic party would put them as low as the preservation of the prosperity of American industry will permit. Approves Public Counsel. Another feature of the bill to which reference has been made, designed to obviate tariff log-roliing. contemplated the appointment of a public cours-l who should be heard on all applica- tions for changes in rates before the commission, on the one hand, for in- creases sought by producers, often greedy, or for decreases asked by im- porters, equally often actuated by purely selfish motives, or by other. seeking such reductions. I hope some such change may speedily be enacted It will have my cordial approval. One other factor enters into the dan- gerous emergency in which you farm- ers find yourselves at this moment. For more than a year I have spoken of the actual calamity that impends on ac- count of faim mortgages. Even since my nomination on July 1, I have ad- vocated immediate attention and im- mediate zction looking to the preser- vation of the American home to the | American farmer. I am not at the head of the National Administration. nor can I be until March 4 next. To- day I read in the papers that for the first time the acministration of Presi- dent Hoover has discovered the fact that there is such a thing as a farm portgage. At least we can take a crumb of hope from his proposal for another conterence of some kind to discuss the situation. Ali I can teli vyou is that with you I depiore the in- excusable and reprehensible delay of | Washington, not for months alone, but | for years. 1 have already been spe- cific on this subject in my Topeka speech. All I can promise you is that I will continue to preach the plight of the farmer who is losing his home, and that when the authority of ad- ministragion or recommendation is placed in my hands I will do every- thing in my power to bring the relief Just Think of It— ‘The Star delivered to your door every evening and Sunday morning at 1',c per day and 5c Sunday Can yot afford to be without this service at this cost? ‘Telephone National 5000 and de- livery will start at cnce. 00000000000000000 Every size in stock less than Ordered Sold! FREE TUBE With Every Tabe Purchssed Cash and Carry 1$4.85 l$5.45 28x5.25 29x5.25 30x5.25 31x5.25 28x5.50 29x5.50 30x6.00 31x6.00 $5.95 32x6.00 m.. First Quality—5.25x18 TRUCK TIRES, 50% OFF Sell Entire f Tires Above Prices on More Tires. Ca High- Brand-New TIRES AND TUBES TO BE LIQUIDATED At American Storage Co. 2801 Georgia Ave. N.W. Open Sundays. 8 AM. to 1 P.M. No Phone Orders—Na Deliveries Any Quantity Phone Col. 4138 Open 5 AM. (o 8 P.M. 0600000000000000000000000000000000000000000 2 1 | | 1 shall not |sick patient, and that if the doctor I recommend getting & | new doctor—and I hope you agree with I believe in taking care of a very that, too. Come on! BE {TOUGH Here are [2] trouser suits that can take it! Try to wear out Double-Woven Bolton Twist 618 of them are going at *20 with two trousers Be tough! Be tough on your clothes! Be tough about getting the most for your money! We invite it—and particularly of you men who are fed up with exaggerated hokum and ridiculous price claims. We’re not going into a long song and dance about these Fall suits. Bolton double-woven Twists need no ballyhoo! They stand with the top- notchers on every woolen buyers list. They have won the lasting favor of men who have worn them. They have never been cheapened! Right now, they are being featured in many a 830 stock. We have exactly 618 of these thoroughbreds that are going at $20, with 2 trousers. They are deep Sudan browns, Banker greys, and Grenade blues, (the extremely popular new blue-grays). We are proud to offer them to you, because we KNOW how much they’ll please you. What more can anyone say? ® (2] trousers with every suit —a feature for which most stores charge extra Use our new Ten Payment Plan It's convenient—and costs nothing extral There are no interest charges. Simply pay $5 at purchase, budget the balance over ten weeks. Experienced AdvertisersPreferThe Star