Evening Star Newspaper, July 7, 1929, Page 27

DEMOCRATIC LEADERS FEEL PARTY IS MAKING PROGRESS Look for Better Fortune in Congressional Elections Next Year and Presi- dential Campaign of 1932. BY MARK SULLIVAN. HE Democratic leaders in Wash- ington feel they are making progress towards better fortune in all respects, and concretely with respect to the congres- sional elections of next year and the presidential election of 1932, For this feeling thére is some tangi- ble justification. True, the progress is more apparent to leaders with their eyes on events here in Washington than it would be to one surveying the &cene from what politiclans call the “grass roots” throughout the country. ‘That there is serious cleavage in the Democratic rank and file in many States, especially the border South, is sufficiently proved by recent news from Virginia, ‘There, in a State election for gov- ernor uncomplicated with national of- fices or national issues, a considerable fraction /of the Democrats described as “anti-Smith” held a separate conven- tion and named a ticket which the Re- publicans indorsed. That sort of thing happening in Virginia must be inter- preted as symptomatic of conditions in a ‘considerable Democratic area. It re- flects a fundamental condition which the Democrats must take into account, if they fairly appraise their assets and liabilities, Party Organization Alert. ‘But from the point of view of Wash- ington, it is a fact that the party or- ganization—that is, the Democratic national committee—is in a finely functioning condition, alert, energetic and apparently harmonious—some of which, at least, must be taken as a tribute to the ability and personality of Chairman John Raskob. Similarly, the Democrats in the Sen- ate have achieved, in several roll calls, a solidarity in which they were able to hold together all but four of their Senate membership, which is 39. By coraast with Republican disunity, and in aif respects, this Democratic solidar- ity in the Senate is a party achieve- ment. The contrast with the Repub- lican party in the Senate is vivid. The Republicans have 55 Senators, but on practically every decisive roll call just about a quarter of the Republicans. ranging from 13 to 15, have departed to the Democrats. These Republican insurgents added to the practically solid body of Democrats compose what Senator Fess doubtless would call a “pseudo-Democratic” majority in the Senate. Senators Follow Borah. ‘Here again in this Democratic situ- ation also there may be a flaw not ap- parent on the surface. The Senate Democrats achieved solidarity; they ex. hibited party discipline; they followed their leadership—but their leadership was Borah, an insurgent Republican. There is a political tradition, almost an adage, to the effect that no political party ever gets far through following the leadership of a rump of the op- posing party. For a party to unite with the rump of the opposition is orthodox enough and carries no liabilities, but the leadership should be provided, the ideas should come from the principal pasty—in this case from the Demo- crats. The spectacle of the tail swing- ing the dog skould be avoided as a spec- tacle not appealing to the public. Such, at_least, is the tradition of practical politics. Also, the most conspicuous measure on which the Democrats united them- selves, and in turn united with the in- surgent Republicans, was the debenture plan, which is contrary to orthodox Democratic doctrine, and was severely condemned by some of the leading Democratic newspapers and other spokesmen throughout the country. Build Around Two Issues. ‘The Democratic leaders say they are going to build their rejuvenated organi- zation and their reinspired morale around two main issues—the tariff and the “power trust”—coupling with the latter agitation for a more drastic en- forcement of the laws against trusts and monopolies. As to the latter, there can be no doubt that the “power trust”—one ac- cepts, for convenience, the Democratic terminology—provides a potent political issue. Among all the practical poli- ticlans in the acquaintance of the pres- ent writer, whether Republican .or Democratic, there is no materizl ex- ception to assent to the idea that the questions revolving around power and public utilities provide material for a dynamic political issue. The Democrats, for the moment at least, seem in a po- Zition o profit by it. One of many States in which this issue crops out vividly is New York, where the question has been alive for several years, and has recently come again to the front through a proposed - merger of the State’s most important power corporations. New York has a * Democratic governor, Franklin Roose- velt, and Gov. Roosevelt, in the talk o Democrats everywhere, is counted as one of the party’s three or four most promising possibilities for the Demo- cratic_presidential nomination in 1932. Gov. Roosevelt, by reason of his official position, by reason of his party’s local New York State policy of opposition to actions of the power corporations— in- deed. by all reasons, Gov. Roosevelt is qualified to be a spokesman of the anti- power issue. Willing to Crusade. Gov. Roosevelt's attitude, as reported by a New York Democratic newspaper last week, is one of willingness to cru- de. He was quoted as saying: ‘We_in New York are showing the way. In New York at present only the lives of the vernor and lieutenant governor stand between the retention by the people of their property and its alienation. * * * The public service corporations have gotten little by little that which, in the first instance, they never expecled to get. With dozens of corporations hopelessly mixed up to & condition where it is necessary o go through a maze to reach the real owners, the average man has become greatly confused. The public will get the facts after a while, but it will take Gov. Roosevelt says, that ils, as to the multitude of :m:rdnte questions involved in what is the power issue, the “average man has become greatly confused.” But it is equally true that the average man has disturbing suspicions—suspicions to the effect that a good many things have been going on which are detrimental to “Power Term Misused. One ht not to use any term o itions” or “Dub'll:eu as 2 group are mow in &nctlu!ly the same position that the railroads were in during the period between about 1885 and 1906. The practices unearthed by many investigations into public utilities have a curious identity with those by the railroads which, 20 to yet .TD' made the railroads a para- mount itical issue, which provided the whole material for the leadership of La Follette, and much of the material for the leadership of Roosevelt, Railroads Only Recovering. The iniquities of the railroads were ended by the passage through Con, in 1906 of regulatory measures so dras- tic that the railroads are only just be- Etnnlng to recover from them. As often appens—and this is the rule in such matters—the railroads, during the pe- ! riod when they felt arrogantly secure, went further and further and yet fur- ther in their iniquities. Thereupon the public went further and further and yet further in its resentment. When the climax came, when Congress acted, it went further in its regulatory retali- ation than was really called for. Some things were done to the railroads in 1906 which we are just now trying to undo. That the public utilities should now follcw the parallel of the railroads is almost inevitable. Only the public utilities themselves can avert it. In- deed, it is doubtful if they could lvcl’t’ it now, for the practices have gone too far, and too much latent sullenness has been worked up amcng the public. ‘The minuteness of the parallel be- tween the railroads of the 1890's and the public utilities of today is curiously illustrated by some things that each did in connection with the press. The railroads universally, until 1906, prac- ticed a small-scale subsidizing of news- papers and newspaper men, as well as public men and office-holders, by means of free passes. In a comparatively few cases some railroads owned, or other- wise controlled, some newspapers, di- rectly or indirectly. In a wholesale way, there was organized on behalf of the railroads a bureau which kept 1:;nrn-u records of the indebtedness of newspapers, mortgages updn them, and other details—through knowledge of which the railroads could know what wire to pull in order to make a weak newspaper dance. One Exception fo Parallel. ‘The parallel practice of the public utilities is of too recent public knowl- edge to need repetition here. The par-| allel runs to many aspects of the two groups. ‘There is one exception. The railroads were accused and convicted of secret | discriminatory freight rates, favoring one shipper and handicapping his rival, often fatally. That was the one of the railroad iniquities that most enraged the public. No charge has been made that the public utilities practice any parallel to that. Parenthetically, it is possible the power issue may not remain available to the Democrats. In Washington, in the Senate cloak rooms, one hears that Republican Senator Couzens of Mich- igan is studying this subject, and that he may introduce regulatory legislation for sublic utilitles comparable with the Hepburn act of 1906 as respects the railroads. Senator Couzens has, among other qualities, the industry, and the kind of expert acccuntant mind, which is essential to penetrating the financial chicaneries that accompany some of the public utilities. Senator Couzens, as a Republican, may be the man who will, in Gov. Roosevelt’s phrase, en- lighten the average man, give the pub- lic the facts, and bring about cure. Twenty and thirty years before Gov. Roosevelt, another Democrat, William Jennings Bryan, occasionally had the experience of seeing his = promising lssgfis taken n:w: . l‘(:mm him by a Re- publican, a Republican who was name: Roosevelt—Theodore. e In any event, whoever does it, and whatever party, it contains the pos- sibility of & major political issue. May Fight Against Tariff. The other issue which the Democrats say they will have is the tariff. As to that we shall see shortly. In the coming fight in the Senate the Democrats may possibly make a real night against the tariff. v sible—but one prefers to wait and see. Nearly every Democrat in the Senate— though there are perhaps half a dozen exceptions—has in his State at least one important industry. The industry wants a high tariff and the Senator from the State, as a rule, takes his po- litical life in his hands if he fails to work for what an important local in- dustry demands. A whole group of Democrats, the Southern one, are em- barrassed, for example, by the demand for a high tariff on jute. As a matter of practical politics, if the Southern Democrats in the Senate realy want a tariff on jute, and really work for it, they are fairly certain to find them- selves involved in the heart of the log- rolling process. They cannot work for a high tariff on jute and at the same time oppose high tariffs on manufac- tured products demanded by Republic- ans from the North and East. They cannot do this on principle—and most certainly they cannot do it in prac- tice. If any Senator is known to want a tariff on jute, he will hardly pe the obligation of paying the price, which will consist of assent to high tariffs on all products, manufactured or other- ‘wise. Under the circumstances it will be interesting to see, during the latter part of August, whether the Democrats will be in position to make an issue of the tariff. All present speculation is futile, The tariff situation, in its .&r:; ent phase, is so confused that anything may come out of it—including as one quite real possibility no tariff tevision at all during this session. Free State Is Urged To Democratize Bar In Ireland, as in Great Britain, the legal profession is a close corporation. It is not regulated by legislation. Bar- risters are examined and admitted by the benchers of the King’s Inns, who reciprocate uncontrolled. ‘The King's Inns date from the days of Henry VIII, and as their Latin motto is “Nolumus mutari,” freely translated: “We won't budge an inc F ment of the Free State is being urged ] it % E B H -1 ] § RS H : i 1 E 14 g 55 g E of g g 4 i Eg i g THE SUNDAY STAR, WASHINGTON, Do O JULY 7, 1929 -PART 2. Science Aids Civilization Mankind Will Profit by Lessons of Past and Is Not Speeding Toward Decay, Is Claim BY WILLIAM A. WHITEY. Former President American Psychiatric As- sociation; Director St. Blizabeth's Hospital. ILLA CATHER'S war novel, “One of Ours,” closes on & high and happy note—the death of the hero in battle. What would normally be regarded as a tragedy becomes in this story a happy ending, because in his last hour the young American feels that his sacrifice is part of some divine plant to lift humanity to a higher level than it has ever trod be- fore. He catches a vision of the slow but steady upward struggle of civiliza- tion and is proud to have played his gart. in it. At the moment of losing is own life he has the supreme hap- piness of knowing that life itself is worth while. ‘There aré thousands of people in the world, mostly those of the highest intel- lectual types, who would give their every material possession if they could share this boy’s confidence in the ul- timate destiny of mankind. Such peo- ple, observing the chaos or the utility of isolated periods in their own history or that of the race, have come to be- lleve, with Macbeth, that life is A tale told by an idiot, sound and fury, Signifying nothing. So believing, they sometimes throw their lives away. full of Other people, just as pessimistic at!| THE HUMAN BEING IS SLOWLY CRAWLING TOWARD THE LIGHT. | heart, drown their inner conviction in | lives of strenuous action, or seek the | Lethe of drink or drugs, or even be-| come professional optimists, whistling in the dark. Science Always the Villain. In the literature of pessinrism, of which there has been a great deal since the war, the villain in the drama is al- most ys sclence or her sinster off- spring, the machine. To their baleful influence is credited the undermining of faith, the crushing of individuality and the stifiing of idealism by a gross materialism. This is somewhat the view taken by M. Caillaux in his recent article in this paper. Science, he says, pro- gressed by leaps and bounds, placing man in control of nature to an extent never before dreamed of; but this sci- entific development has not been paral- leled by a corresponding development in what M. Caillaux calls morality. One of the handiworks of science which he particularly bemeans is the coming into being of a machine age and the ten- dency of the machine to standardize us, thus tending to eliminate individual dif- ferences which are of such prime im- portance in evolution and progress. Siace science has beén accused of be- ing the Frankenstein that will ulti- mately destroy its creator, it seems only fair to let science answer the charge. What can it say, generally speaki: to assure us that mankind is not headed bound? I believe it can say a great deal, and that what it will say will be not only encouraging but convincing. Crawls Toward High Goal. Life on our planet crawls very slowly toward its high goal. Through millions of years the initial protoplasm has been working upward into a creature of self | will and conscious power, but it has reached this rank—that of the human bell’]\s—cnl}' within the last 20,000 years, or_less. ‘We can get some idea of the steps of | this progress by a study of the animal from the lower to the higher forms. In this study we cannot Relp being struck by one fact, which even the op- ponents of the theory of evolution will not deny—l.e, the gradual develop- ment in living things of what may be called a moral sense. A fish can feel no shame, and certainly has no con- sciousness of right or wrong; it knows neither gratitude nor loyalty. But a dog, which represents a higher effort, a more recent experiment on the part of na- tuse, has a complicated equipment of emotions, and gives every sign of pos sessing, at least under the influence of man, the evidences of the simpler dis- tinctions of right and wrong in the sense of what is permitted and for- bidden, and with respect to which he may ke taught obcdience, even to the extent of exercising self-restraint. Man is, in a moral sense, many de- f#ées beyond any of the animals, and |the for destruction, but is really upward ! is the only anithal capable of develop- | ment to an even higher plane. Possibil- itles for a free development are quite clearly evidenced when we come to study the structure and functions of the brain. It seems evident as a result of these studies that man has reached no- where near the limit of his possibilities. As indicative of both how much and how little has been accomplished, we may consider very briefly the three great crimes which, according to Prof. Freud, man has had to deal with throughout his development period, namely, cannibalism, incest and murder. Cannibalism Not Conquered. 1t may surprise the layman to learn that the first of these has not already been conquered. Though it is true that more progress has been made against it than against the other two, it still as- serts itself now and then in abnormal personalities or situastions, or under pressure of circumstance. Man on a desert island or in a far Arctic waste, confronted with certain death from starvation, naturally and instinctively reverts to thoughts of cannibalism. This is not nearly so shameful a re- action as the protected man with food at hand and his life insured would think. It is a throwback to the be- ginnings of the human being, when only the fit and ruthless could survive. ‘The instinct toward cannibalism has not yet been completely eradicated. but repulsion which such incidents (Continued on Fifth Page.) The Story the Week Has Told BY HENRY W. BUNN. HE following is a brief summary of the most important news of the world for the seven days ended July 6: * K K K GREAT BRITAIN.—King, George returned to London on July 1, if not a well man, yet, it would seem, definitely out of danger. At the Borough of Kensington he left his automobiie for a horse-drawn carriage. Scldom las any human being been greeted with such genuine popular enthusiasm as that displayed by the spectators of the royal cavaicade as it passed through Piccadilly, St. James street and the Mall, to Buckihgham Palace. The outstanding development of the week was the speech from the throne; the first Labor speech from the throne and therefore, though moderate, epochal. Usually the speech is read by the King himself to the two Houscs in joint session, with superb ceremoni- ous accompaniment, but the Kini condition did notspermit him to present on this occasion, so most of the ceremony was dispensed with, and the speech was read in the House of Lords by Lord Chancellor Sankey and in the House of Commons by the Speaker, Capt. Fitzroy. ‘The main heads of the new govern- ment’s policy as set forth in the speech are as follows: 1. Vigorous action looking to mnaval , in general, improvement of relations with the United States. 2. Acceptance by Great Britain of the "nptwn::l clause” of the statutes of the ‘World Court. 3. Ratification by Great Britain of the Young plan; and evacuation of the Rhineland. 4. Resumption of diplomatic rela- tions with Russia. 5. Prompt and thorough dealing with the problem of unemployment and with the 1 difficulties of the coal, iron and steel, and cotton textiles industries; and an “investigation of the ownership of minerals.” (The somewhat vague quoted expression may suggest nothing more than purchase of the royalties by | ingly the state; some parasangs short of “nationalization.”) o i The debate upon the speech, whicl began immediately in the Commons, was of extraordinary interest and was conducted with excellent temper. ~The questions were shrewdly put by the opposition with a view to drawing out the government's intentions in detail with regard to matters only generally touched on th:l l'.be speech or not touched on at all Replying to such questions, Mr. Mac- Donald stated that the conversations recently held with the United States looking to naval reductions had been “purely of a preliminary and explora- tory character.” “Both countries will seek the co-operation of the other as soon as the ne- been reached. sary Of first importance Donald's disclosure of attitude toward “‘saf s’ governments ernmy Sne That 1t | so1 must furnish acceptablé assurance on the head of “Communist missionary work in the British Empire.” Mr. Baldwin asked what reservations, if any, Mr. MacDonald proposed to British acceptance of the ‘“optional clause” of the World Court sfatutes, but Mr. MacDonald postponed his an- swer. It is understood that the opposi- tion will insist on a reservation insuring non-intervention by the court between members of the British commonwealth of nations. ‘The attorney general has made the important announcement in the Com- mons that he will soon present a bill to amend the trades disputes and trades union act. On July 3, J. H. Thomas, lord privy seal and unofficial secretary for unem- ployment outlined to the Commons plans involving productive expenditure of about the equivalent of $187,000,000 toward unemployment relief, by way of ad bullding, transfer of workers from rosperous to non-prosperous districts, special ald to certain categories of trade and manufacture, etc. Winston Churchill ironically congratulated Mr. Thomas on his proposal to carry on Conservative home policy. In view of the fact that the London Times has been the grand champion of friendliest relations between Britain and America, a recent editorial, in which that journal rakes the latest develop- ments of our tariff policy fore and aft, Fas Justly engaged the wivest attention in the United States. The article con- tains the following interesting observa- tion: “This scheme of tariff revision appears to make certain measures necessary as acts of self-defense.” All Europe seems to be saying “yea” to that. The government cannot decide how to reply to Trotsky’s appeal for asylum in England. It is one of Britain's most glorious traditions not to refuse asylum to a political refugee, however rampageous. ‘The annual Shakespeare Summer festival was held at Stratford-on-Avon during the past week. Eight plays of “Sweetest Shakespeare,” and Sheridan’s “School for Scandal,” were presented by the festival company in the moving picture theater, which serves as a temporary home for the “legitimate” pending completion of _the structure which is to replace the old Memorial Theater, happily destroyed by fire; happily, because it was probably the ugliest building ever erected. * k% FRANCE —As directed by the French Chamber, Premier Poincare instructed M. Claudel, the French Ambassador at ‘Washington, to “open new negotiations with the United States looking to post- ponement until December 31 of the payment for Army stocks” and M. Claudel promptly carried out his in- structions. The response to M. Claudel's Crime Body Resists (Continued From First Page.) and with some show of innocence— packed the commission. He could have obtained a strong case for modification or even nullification of the Volstead act. Then he would have had to deal with a ess which is now overwhelm- ) —and without present indica- tions of reversal to wetness. It would not be impossible to distill insurrection out of such a lure. Take the other side of the question. Let us suppose the President were un- qualifiedly dry. He could in similar manner, and with equal ease, justify enforcement of the Volstead act. It appears wiser to the President to ignore particular prejudices and pre- judgments, to have facts ascertained, to make experimental borings into bal anced public opinion, to lay the findings before our people in a manner which will mininfize emotional factors, and in due time through honestly conducted referenda determine the deliberate and matured judgment of the country. Then a campaign of education based on fact to sustain this judgment and to trans late it into appropriate official and per al conduct. This program unfortu- nately will not satisty fanatics, profes- slonal advocates and some politicians. It is a program which holds law ob- servance at lum. Let us examine the matter of law ob- to dwell on 1t vital mport to ernment. uwp: ecessary democratic gov- ce first fi"' ”z :nm'lmfll‘;f l'l.ht:ult:' g ‘aspect a gel like e Jacutten for the Sissern information and completely are unmatched. th radio, even illiteracy is ;:Wh less of sd. barrier to knn:‘ 3 wving gain a knowledge there be an impulse r | usually such a fortunat T t | straight Efforts to Limit . Its Scope to Prohibition Laws Alone crowded and pushed city dweller, suf- fering many adverse educational fac- tors, does not lag far behind. Our primitive gregariousness has evolved into social cohesion, which now has many centuries of experience behind it. Men may be selfish, but when con- fronted with the question they con- cede that the other fellow has a right to his life, his property, his opinions and his ambition to better his station. ‘When there ap) a conspicuous increase in the evidences of anti-social and criminal tendencies, either some- thing must be wrong with our laws or there is fault with the vast and com- plex lgrmne of educational forces which influence our opinions, our con- victions, our impulses and our conduct. This is the assignment given the Commission on Law Enforcement and Observance by President Hoover. The personnel of the commission includes distinguished educators of both sexes. In the President’s cabinet is the head of a great university. In the Federal service under his supervision is the Bureau of Education, with at least a skeletonized staff of specialists and trained investigators. There is, there- fore, both talent and some facilities with which to give direction and effect to an inquiry into the relation between education and law observance. ‘This aspect of the problem invo.llyl:s mm tion of virtues by which think and feel right about the S wealght, ihinking snd heaithy cmo of 5 tional habits has le_law observance largely a matter of course. Moreover, te partnership viously given us laws that lent l.hznl.l’:lemtoob‘l‘etvm. Mumommymlflmh'}or representations was, of course, to_the effect that only Congress could author- ize the postponemer® requested and Congsess had recessed to September. Very delicately and, it is said, with evi- dence of emotion, did Secretary Stim- son, & staunch and tried friend of France, set forth the impossibility of action in the sense requested. There- fore, on August 1, unless meantifhe the French Parliament ratifies the Mellon- Berenger agreement, the debt of the French government to our Government, amounting to about $400,000,000, upon the account of the war stocks left by us in France and purchased by the French government, will fall due. Poincare is now maneuvering in the Chamber toward ratification, without prejudicing reservations, of the Beren- ger agreement before August 1. * x % % SPAIN.—The rescue, near the Azores, of Maj. Ramon Franco, the Spaniard, and his three companions, after they had been adrift for a week in their seaplane, presents several lessons. One is that a staunch, seaworthy seaplane is the ticket for superocean flying. An- other is that the airplane carrier is the ideal type of craft for rescue enterprise of that character, for it has eyes. (The rescue was effected by the British air- craft carrier Eagle after discovery of the Spanish plane by planes launched from the carrier. No end of surface craft had searched and searched in vain. Another is that when you are flying over the ocean gyou should carry at least a week's supply of food and water or an efficient condensing ap- paratus.) The Spaniards seem to have been well supplied with food, but had their radiator water not been found drinkable, they would ribly from thirst. The Spanish plane, being of staunch build, was only slight- ly injured, though buffeted by storms. The new Spanish constitution, on which a committee had been working for a long time, has been submitted to the temporary Spanish National As- sembly, which is, I believe, primarily a constituent assembly. * Kk CHINA.—With the resignation by Feng Yu Hsiang (officially), under what- ever pressure of the governorship of the Provinces of Shanse (cradle of Chinese civilization), Honan and Kansu, and of the leadership of the armies st: tioned in those provinces, those pos have been bestowed by the Nationalist government on Yen Hsishan, already governor of the Province of Shansi (since 11 years ifs “model governor”) and of the Peiping area. There have been few to deny that Yen deserves the title of “model governor,” that he comes nearest of the Chinamen to our time to realize the Confucian-Platonic idea of the “philosopher-governor,” that he is of the Mencian kidney. But with these accessions to his power does not Yen become too powerful for the comfort or complacency of Chang Kai-Shek or is Chang above jealousies, a super- Confucian man, so to speak? An agree- between the Chirese and British governments has been signed which contemplates expert British sssistance toward the planning and organization of a substantial Chinese Navy and British training of its A good 50,000, and consists of Lilliputian Ith | sels, mostly obsolete or obsolescent, of cruising radius, and Japan.—On July 2 the Japanese cabi- ‘uneasy one. He is succeeded by Yuko Hama- Seris "govermment cluding 13 pore- government 8 - folios. The return of Baron sfl,hlfre'lm'lm affal - have suffered ter-| to |[EVOLUTION OF TWO MAJOR LATIN DISPUTES HAILED Mexican Church and Tacna-Arica Settle- ments Called Proof of New Spirit for Peace, Following BY GASTON NERVAL. ‘WO of the problems which threatened most seriously the ?olmu\ peace of Latin Amer- ica have been settled in the last fortnight. One in the north and the other in the south, both had been disturbing elements in the Americas; one the result of an inter- national war never entirely settled, and the other the origin of & civil war which was exhausting one of the richest na- tions of Latin America. In the solu- tion of both, the United States has taken part. Almost at the same time when, in the south, announcement was made of the final settlement of the Tacna-Arica question which had kept Chile and Peru at swords’ points for 50 many years, in- formal efforts were to put an end to the controversy between the church and State in Mexico where for now, after but a few days, Santiago and in Lima the congresses of Chile and Peru are on the point of ratifying the agreement which ends the ‘Tacna-Arica question, official announce- ment is made in Mexico of the recon- ciliation between the government and the Catholic element, which means the end of the civil war in that republic. Inspired by New Spirit. This rare coincidence is clear proof of the new spirit inspiring the peoples of our hemisphere. There exists in them a high aspiration for peace at home and abroad. Each is seeking peaceful solutions for existing problems, and for removing every possible cause for future disputes. The principles of peace have ceased to be mere fes of idealistic professors, and have come to be objectives of governments and aspirations of whole peoples, who have tired of living in an atmosphere of per- ennial agitation and disquiet. Peace abroad and stability at home are now the ideals sought by the Latin Ameri- can nations, following the example of this country, which has built its great- ness upon these two solid pedestals. Only this overwhelming desire for peace and harmony, noted today throughout Latin America in perhaps greater intensity than in any other region, can explain how it has been possible to reach amicable settlements of two of the most complicated prob- lems of the present day. None believed, really, that within a period of one month there could disappear from the Latin American horizon those two great clouds—Tacna-Arica and the Mexican religious question. Tacna- Arica was the bitter residue of a war in which three nations had shed their blood, and which, although fought so many years ago, had left deep scars of discord and unsettled territorial questions. During nearly 50 years Peru and Chile had tried to settle the prob- lem which made impossible friendly relations between them. Final agree- fact, in trying to reach such an agree- ment, both countries more than once found themselves on the verge of hos- tilities. The question involved not only material factors, but also those of senti- ment—much more serious—and matters of national pride, which made it seem impossible of solution. As to the re- ligious conflict in Mexico, that also involved factors of gravest importance; | nothing less than sectarial passion, faith and religion. which have been throughout history the sources of the most serious crises. Triumph for Reason. However, above all sentimental con- siderations, above the passions of the moment, this time there have triumph- ed that good sense and spirit of peace which day by day is making itself felt over the whose surface of our planet. Now that Chile and Peru are reconciled, and the religious conflict ended in Mexico, there have disappeared two of the problems which most deeply affected the political tranquillity of the Americas. There remain others, it must be confessed, which will require settlement whenever time and the force of circumstances demand it, but mean- while we may celebrate joyously the happy ending of those two, the com- plexities of which have held so long! the attention of the whole world. The territorial question as to Tacna and Arica originated in the war of the Pacific, fought in 1879 by Chile on one side and Peru and Bolivia on the other, brought about by the first-named na- tion, which at that time played the part in South America that Prussia did in Europe. As the result of this war, in which, as was to be expected, Chile won by superiority in men and war mate- rial, Bolivia lost her entire sea coast, of which Chile had taken possession even before the declaration of war, and Peru lost her province of Tarapaca. In the treaty which ended hostilities it was also stipulated that the Peru- vian provinces of Tacna and Arica, oc- cupied by Chilean forces, should re- main under Chilean control for two years, at the end of which period a plebiscite should decide whether they should continue to be held by Chile or be returned to the sovereignty of Peru. Failed to Reach Agreement. At the end of the stipulated period the Chilean and Peruvian representa- tives failed to come to an agreement as the conditions under which the carries reassurance. Gen. Ugaki, min- ister of war, is regarded as one of the ablest men in Japan. The new premier is 59 years of age and has been a re- spected re in politics since his twenty-fifth year. The return of the 1928 elections showed the fcllowing make-up of the Japanesc Lower Eouse: Seiyukai or Conservatives, 321; Minseito or ~ Liberals, 214; independents, 16; Labor, 8; Business Men's Party, 4, and Kakushin, 3. Total, 466. * ok k¥ UNITED STATES OF AMERICA.— On June 30 Robert Jones of Atlanta, generally acknowledged the greatest golfer the world has seen, for the third time won the open golf championship of the United States, beating the pro- fessional, Al Espinosa, in a play-off after a tie. Being now only 27, Mr. Jones has won our open three times, losing twice in play-offs and coming off second on two other occasions. He has also won our national amateur cham- plonship four times and the British open twice. Alexander Legge, president of the International Harvester Co., has ac- cepted the chairmanship on the farm board. He _relinquished a position carrying a salary of $100,000 for one of $12,000. Four other appointments to the board have been made, and all these gentlemen \al:&h ucrlfi.m.el;l nmg;r to Mr. Legge's, ler. e hears that Mr. Legge will organize the board and at the end of a year will retire, to be as chairman by wi s illiam C. Stone of Kentucky, the vice MT. was born on & . Legge Wisconsin farm in 1866 and worked on a farm from 1881 to 1891, when he entered the McCormick Reaper Co. 1922 he became president of the Inter- Harvester Co. He Vi ment seemed always further away. In|Pul high records despi —a fantastic phase, m it? Not to call it grotesque, ‘portentous. ‘Wilmer Stultz, the aviator who about & year ago piloted Miss Earhart supervolaf ‘Bank “stunting” U. S. Examples. plebiscite should be carried out. Ane Cther year, five years, ten years passed; then more and more years passed, and the governments of Chile and Peru were further and further from a settlement, blaming each other for having placed obstacles in the way of holding the plebiscite. Meanwhile the sovereignty of Tacna and Arica remained unset- tled, though Chile continued to occupy them and Peru continued to raise her voice higher in protest and even threats of recapture. So the question remained for many years, while effort after ef- fort was made and diplomatic missions were exchanged between the two coun- tries, all to no effect. At last, in 1922, when all attempts to arrange for_ the plebiscite had failed, Chile and Peru agreed to submit the difference arising from the war of '79 to arbitration by the President of the United States. Under a protocol signed in Wasl 4 ton the governments of Santiago and Lima asked the executive power of this Nation to decide whether or not the conditions and—in the event of an a ative decision—that he undertake Otherwise, they asked that he use his good offices with the two nations to seek a direct agreement, omitting the plebiscite. Here began the intervention of the United States in the question. Presl- dent Coclidge, after studying the state- in plebisclte should be held under exist- to carry it out. | ments of both sides, decided that tie plebiscite should be held, in spite of the fact that so many vears had passed since the time fixed for it in the treaty of peace between Chile and Peru. Chile was pleased with this decision. for a plebiscite would have undoubtedly been favorable to her, since she was in pos- session of the territory in dispute and had been for 40 years. However, it was mnot long before the arbiter was con- vinced of his mistake, for, once the plebiscitary commission had been in- stalled in Arica—composed of ,Ameri- cans, Chileans and Peruvians—and the process of registration of voters begun, it was found that the abuses and frauds on the part of Chilean authori- ties and populace were such that Gen, Lassiter, president of the commission, declared the plebiscite impracticable, and all the plebiscitary machinery came down with a crash, to the undisguised satisfaction of Peru, who had held that the only possible settlement was the unconditional return of Tacna and Arica to her sovereignty. Suggestions Submitted. ._Then began the second phase of the interventicn of the Department of State in this problem. Since the plebi- scite had fallen through. the interna- tional prestige of the United States de- manded that a direct agreement be reached by the two disputants. = Efforts were made looking to such agreement, and the Secretary of State submitted to the governments of Chile and Peru various suggestions for an amicable agreement, either by declaring the dis- ted provinces a neutral territory, erecting them into a little independent state, dividing them between the two nations, or, lastly, ceding them to a third nation, Bolivia, which also took part in and was a victim of the War of the Pacific, in consequence of which she lost her ports and is now a nation cloistered within her mountains, with- out access to the sea. This later for- mula met with the approval of the world, which praised the act of justice which the United States endeavored to obtain for a weak people, oppressed by its neighbors. As was done for Poland in Europe, the United States tried to get for Bolivia a direct outlet to the sea, indispensable for her sovereignty and her progress. However, all of the suggestions from Washington failed, one after the other, in the face of the ob- stinacy and irreconcilable attitudes of the rulers of Chile and of Peru. This caused a suspension of negotiations, and the dispute came to an “impasse” which threatened to entail more com- plications as e went on. However, by the time two years had passed popular feeling among the peo- ple of both countries had calmed down, and, doubtless impelled by the recent progress achieved for ideals of peace throughout the world, the governments of both Chile and Peru let it be under- stood at the White House that if con- ciliatory efforts were renewed they would be sympathetically received. This was done, and almost a year ago Chile and Peru resumed diplomatic relations, long broken off, and began at once new negotiations looking toward a direct agreement on the sovereignty of Tacna and Arica. These negotiations lasted some months, the Department of State taking a prominent, though informal, part in them, and at last, not long ago, official announcement was made of the final settlement. It is based on one of the earlier suggestions of the United States, somewhat modified and with added details, providing for the division of fhe territory in dispute. Arica remains in the posession of Chile and Tacna is returned to Peru. Bolivia Situation Unsettled. Thus it is that one of the oldest Latin American problems has been set- tled, though it is much to be regretted that the agreement did not include Bolivia, that inland nation which had a part in the war of '79 and which because of it is now deprived of free communication with the rest of the world. The situation of Bolivia is now the only unsettled problem remaining from that conflict. The Tacna and Arica agreement has not solved every problem of its aftermath, as some be- leve. Bolivia is still without seaports, she has been stripped of possessions and her hands bound, and this situa- tion, before long, the Bolivians state, will demand a solution. As to the other great problem which has just been satisfactorily settled in Latin America, in this also a solution ‘was reached Lhro;lgl;lhmurv?ryum o; high personages of | coun! suc! ui' Ambassador Morrow and Father Walsh of Georgetown University and others. The proximity to this country of Mexico, the scene of this dispute, has made the various phases of the religious question in that country well known in the United States. It will suffice to recall that the break between the Mexican government and the Cath- olic Church was occasioned by certain legal restrictions which the authorities of Mexico desired to impose upon the clergy resident in its tetritory, to which the clergy objected. ‘This was followed by the imposition of extremely severe measures by the government, and then, as reprisals, by the breaking out of ‘armed resistance of the Catholic elements, which rose