Evening Star Newspaper, April 21, 1929, Page 31

~ Panama Canal. CANAL IN NICARAGUA STIRS LATIN INTEREST American Venture There Sure to Have Effect on Future Relationship With Central American Nations, BY GASTON NERVAL. Authority on Latin American Affairs. OT long ago the Congress of the United States passed a resolu- tion appropriating the sum of $150,000 for the purpose of studying the present traffic ca- pacity of the Panama Canal, and of the possibilities in the construction of a new canal for the United States through Nicaraguan territory. This decision of Congress is of great importance, since the study to be undertaken Will ald in the solution of a problem which. during the few years has been occupying the attention of officials of this country, and in the solution of which the Latin republics of Central America are deeply interested. Not only is this problem of inter- oceanic canals of economic importance to the United States, but it also is inti- mately conneccted with certain political aspects of transcendent importance in its relations with the republics of Latin America. Just as the construction of the Panama Canal marked the begin- ning of & new era in the relations of the United States with those repub- lics, the building of a new canal through Nicaraguan territory would, without doubt, greatly influence those Telations in the future. The Canal Policy. The whole policy of the United States in the Caribbean region turns upon the ‘The canal was con- structed not only for commercial rea- sons, but also for purpases of security and of military strategy of prime im- portance to this county. From the mo- ment of its opening, therefore, it bes came necessary for the United States to determine the best means of protecting this formidable work, so closely affecting its own national security, since, in case of necessity, it would permit the mass- ing of the two squadrons of it§ grand fleet, assuring the success of its defense operations in case of attack by a for- eign power. ‘This instinct of self-de- fense and self-protection indicated to the United States the advisability of acquiring a certain degree of influence, or of peaceful domination, over the region in which the canal is situated. On this account the Nation found itself obliged to develop, at once, a certain licy of authority, of discreet domina- ion, in the Carribbean zone, in order %0 definitely establish its _predominant control over the canal. Even the do- estic conditions of the Central Amer- n republics began to occupy the at- $ention of the United States, since con- stant revolutions in those countries threatened to invite meddling by some European power, and attract its atten- tion to the Canal Zone. In order to avoid this danger, the United States found itself obliged to adopt the role of “vigilante,” in order to guarantee the political tranquillity of those nations, whose peace was of as much interest to this country as to themselves. In a word. the construction of the Panama Canal obliged the United States to in- tervene directly in Central American affairs. Antagonism to Intervention. Now then, this intervention, as is well known, has been given an evil in- terpretation by many in Latin America. ‘The interest of the United States in the maintaining of order and in aiding the progress of the Caribbean countries has geen taken as a sign of imperialism, as a desire to establish a hegemony over | the republics of Latin origin. ~The United States has been accused of seek- ing the economic subjection of these peoples, of undertaking financial con- quest of them, of exercising political dominion over them. And of using the Panama Canal as a pretext for further- ing its interests and its pretensions. And it is well known how much this accusation, no matter how unjustified it may be, has injured, and is still con- tinuing to injure, the cause of better understanding _ and closer friendship between the Latin American nations and the United States. Under these circumstafices, it is easy to understand the consequences which would result from the construction by the United States of another canal through Central American territory. Even the mere announcement that the Congress in Washington has voted an appropriation for the study of its con- struction has already caused alarm in certain Latin circles, where there is much disquiet as to Uncle Sam’s policies in the Caribbean. The Central and South American press has begun to discuss the “dangers” which a new United States canal would bring, not only to Nicaragua but to the Spanish- American countries in general, who see danger of further American influence Aahead. " Whether or not these fears ave Justified, the fact remains that the idea of a new canal is not regarded with ‘favor in Latin America, and every circumstance points to the conclusion that, once it is constructed, it will con- stitute one more ground for misgiving and misunderstanding in pan-American relations. Necessity of New Canal. Although the discussions are sharp as to the political consequences which may follow the construction of the proposed Nicaraguan Canal, they are much more so as to the question of its economic advantages, and the ma- terial question of the advisability of its construction. Is the Nicaraguan Canal really necessary? Is the Panama Canal already inadequate for traffic, or will it become useless in time? These are the questions to be answered through the investigation undertaken, by direc- tion of Congress, by the Engineer Corps and technicians of the War Depart- ment. In the first place, it is interesting to observe the differencés between the arguments offered by the two sides. The advocates of the construction of the new canal through Nicaragua insist that the Panama Canal has not suffi- cient capacity to take care of the needs of traffic as it will be a few years hence. One of the most enthusiastic partisans of this side, Senator Kenneth McKellar of Tennessee, declared a short time ago a statement to the press: “Fourteen years ago the United States Government completed the Panama Canal. Already there are signs that the canal is performing very nearly all of the work of which it is capable. If traffic through that canal should increase during the next 10 years as it has during the t 14, business will be clogged and ships must be turned away within only a few years. It is absolutely necessary .that there should be another canal dug, and I believe that it should be dug across Nicaragua.” Senator McKellar, a year ago, introduced a bill authorizing the become necessary in order to keep pace with the constantly increasing n of commerce and world traffic. . The Panama press views the situa- tion differently. Congestion and excess of traffic in the Panama Canal do not exist, according to the Panamans. They declare traffic through the canal is in fact increasing, but so gradually that | the increase will not become a danger in even 50 years from now. A Panama daily newspapers says: “The question | arises as to where they, wouki come from and where they would go and what they would carry. Certainly not | even the most patriotic of American | shippers will build ships and send them to Panama for the mere pleasure of paying tolls and ® having them pass | through the canal.” Nicaraguan Project Old. ‘The idea of an interoceanic canal through Nicaragua is not new. Before the United States undertook the con- struction of the Panama Canal the Isthmian Canal Commission recom- mended that the canal be constructed ! by the Nicaraguan route, as it seemed | easier and less expensive, due to the fact that the Panama Canal Co., op- erating with French capital, asked 00 | high a price for the sale of its rights | and - the work already started on that | route. However, as this company re- duced its demands from $109,000,000 to $40,000,000, the commission changed its mind, and proceeded to build the canal through Panama. In 1914 a treaty was signed between the United States and Nicaragua. by which the latter country ceded to the former, for the sum of $3,000,000, the exclusive right to construct and main- tain an Interoceanic canal by way of the San Juan River and Lake Nica- ragua or “by any other route through Nicaraguan territory.” Upon the provisions of this treaty, which has been properly ratified by the Congresses of both nations, the United States bases its expectations of con- structing a new canal in Central Amer- ica. This treaty was a triumph for American policies. For, although the United States may not decide to build a new canal, there are reserved to this country the rights to the Nicaraguan Canal, the exclusive possession of which rights no one can dispute. That means that if the “future” Nicaraguan Canal does not belong to the United States it will not belong to any one. ‘There is little question, however, that no matter which way the canal problem is settled it will have a far-reaching ef- fect on the relations of the United States and Latin America. Privy Council Gains By Ishii Membership Viscount Kikujiro Ishii's appoint- ment to the privy council places in most important position a man who is known in Europe and the United States as one of the best informed Japanese on international affairs. For through his many contacts with representatives of foreign countries he has acquired | an insight into world affairs which is enjoyed by few statesmen in this coun- try. As minister for foreign affairs and’ as Japanese Ambassador to France he added greatly to his reputation as a diplomat, but it is for his part in con- cluding the celebrated Lansing-Ishii agreement of 1917 that he is best known in the United States. The present state of affairs between Japan and China recalls that the notes which went to make up the ent had to do with the attitude of the United States toward Japan and China. One paragraph in a note exchanged between the two in Washington aroused a great deal of comment at the time: “The Govern- ments of the United States and Japan recognize that territorial propinquity creates special relations between coun- tries, and. consequently, the Govern- ment of the United States recognizes that Japan has special interests in China, particularly in the part to which her possessions are contiguous.” Fascists Promoting University Group In one respect at least Fascism has reversed the adage that “youth must pay.” The Fascists greatly prize. the | adhesion of Italian youth, and espe- clally university youth, to their cause. Augusto Turati, secretary of the Fascist party, is promoting with characteristic energy the Guf, or Fascist university group. Students who affiliate with Fascism enjoy numerous special privi- leges—reduced railway rates, junkets, sporting events and amusements a’, lowered prices when they are not free, congenial clubrooms and assistance in obtaining good jobs upon graduation. Naturally the expenses of such a pro- gram are considerable. They a financed by a levy on the “old grad: regardless of the latter's wishes or po- litical sympathies. By governmental de- cree every person who has ever taken an Italian university degree—be it in 1929 or 1879—must pay 200 lire ($10) into the Guf fund. And in these days taxes are collected, even if the collec- tors must carry away a few books or some other removable property to re- alize the 200 lire. In spite of the ducements a surprisingly large propor- tion of students remain outside the Fascist groups. Hoover Won Esteem For Work in China Another witness to the character and dependability of President Herbert Hoo- ver has emerged from the Mongolian desert in the person of “Duke” F. Larsson, a Swedish missionary and mer- chant, who has just returned from the Far East. While carrying on_ business as a merchant in Urga, “Duke” Larsson entertained many well known men, among them being Mr. Hoover, then a young railroad engi- neer; Roy Chapman Andrews, discov- erer of the dinosaur egg, and Sven Hedin, famous Swedish explorer. Her- bert Hoover, he said, was always pleas- ant, happy and wide awake and was remarkable for his energy and devotion to duty. Larsson, who left Sweden in boyhood to enter the mission fields of Mopgolia, was given the title “Duke of Mongolia” by the powerful “Living Buddha” of Urga. In 1913, following the Mongolian revolution in China, he was called upon by Prime Minister Hsung Hsi-ling to act as moderator be- tween the two opposing armies, a task which he succeeded in performing. Now he is considered one of the most in- fluential foreigners in Mongolia and acts as official adviser to the government in all important questions. Fund Given for Sermon In Memory of Dog A.|ing industries havé been prosperous. Mongolia, | g [tines.” U.S. Relations With Canada % Tariff, Immigration and Similar Subjects Threaten to Cause Dominion to Draw Aw;y ALONG THE ST. LAWRENCE BELOW MONTREAL—FROM ETCHING BY T. A. LAW. BY ANNE HARD. T is the reasoned opinion of some of | our most competent and informed observers that of all the foreign relations of the United States, those with Canada are both ac- tually and potentially the most impor- tant. They say so despite the fact that we take one another's friendship for grant- ed. Yet, ironically, it may be precisely | because we do that very thing that we | pay less attention to our friendly and | law-abiding neighbors on the mnorth | than we do to our turbulent neighbors on the south. This statement of the importance of Canadian relations is based upon two grounds. One is psychological and po- litlcal. The other and the more easily proved in economic. What are these two relationships? And what are we doing to preserve their proper balance? Canada exists as an_anomaly in the Western Hemisphere. She is a part of the British empire. Yet she is a part of | the two Americas. So deeply is it true that she is a part of both that the cen- ter of equilibrium in the relations be- | tween London and Washington might | easily fall not in either, but in Ottawa. London is perfectly aware of that fact | —or nearly so. Washington is slower in waking up to it. Canada’s Position. Canada has never adopted a separate | flag. It is the meteor flag that hangs over the legation in Washington. She has never become a part of the Pan- American Union, Yet she has large commercial and banking interests in| Latin America and (as I shall point out in & moment) extremely important com- mercial relations with the United States, and-is inevitably, by geographical pro- pinquity, linked with the other Americas. ‘The internal domestic politics of Can- ada can be readily stirred by the mere suggestion of her joining the Pan- American Union. Those who feel that her interests lie in identification with the policies of the British empire will not listen to the suggestion. Those for whom the word “Canadian” means something progressively more and more different from the word “British” can listen to the suggestion with some acquiescence. In other words, there lies today in Canada a certain body of cninion whicn can be cherished by Ame: °s in_the direction of more American :m in Can- ada—that 1s, in the direction of more independent “Canadianism.” That same opinion can be easily diverted in the di- rection of London, the direction of more imperial Britishism. Bound by love of her mother Britain, yet tied to us by the common under- standings of fellow Americans, Canada can conceivably become the keystone in the whole system of world peace. She can interpret her own mother country to us and us to her own mother country. Her economic relations with us pro- vide a solid basis for such an under- taking. Canada buys more from us than France, Russia, Holland, Spain, Italy ;:\d d(he Scandinavian countries com- ned. Purchases From U. 8. She buys twice as much from us as all of the South American countries to- gether and more than all of the Latin | American countries together. She buys more than all of Asia and Oceania com- bined. She buys more than three times as much as France, five times as much Italy, seven iimes as much as Mexico, ten times as much as Spain. 1In 1928 her per capita purchases were $91.28—a higher per capita purchase than any country in the world makes from any other country—while our pur- chases from her amounted to $4.65 per capita. The people of the United States have invested in Canada approximately |$3,250,000,000. One could go on multi- the prosperity of the United States and Canada, like our affection, is mutual. Yet in spite of mutual good will, an important official of our Government, whose work takes him into constant touch with our Canadian questions, could say to me: “We can point with pride to 3,000 ‘mflu of Canadian boundary line with- out a fort. And, in the matter of in- | ternational relations, we can point with i pride to just about nothing else along | that line!” Points of Disagreement. ‘There are four main points at which | difficulties today occur between us, dif- | ficulties in which it is well for us to understand not only our own position and the reasons which lead us to take it, but also the Canadian state of mind in this regard. ‘The more spectacular are those which arise under the enforcement of our liquor and immigration laws. much as Japan does, three times as| as the Argentine, six times as much as | | plying figures to fllustrate the fact that | But | Canada is not interested in helping | along bootleggers or any other violators of our domestic laws. She showed her position clearly when she came in with Great Britain to the treaty of January, ! 1924, and further followed it with a| separate treaty in the following June, agreeing to forward to certain officers | of our Government information with regard to ship clearances. Out of the former treaty Great Brit- ain got the right for her merchant ships | to carry liquor in and out of our ports under bond. All Canada got out of it was the right for the legation in Wash- ington to spend a considerable time | going into infringement cases with our State Department. ‘The genuinely important question |now in the limelight of our reciprocal relations is the matter of the tariff| | legislation to be considered in the new | | Congress. | Cattle, lumber and shingles are the |items which especially worry Canada— and of these cattle most of all. They are not concerned about wheat. Only about 11,000,000 bushels entered the | United States from Canada last year, most of it coming in under a drawback of 99 per cent to be blended for re- export. Not since 1867, when we abrogated Canadian reciprocity, not by the Mc- | Kinley or Dingley or any other tariff act, not by shooting across the border, nor by the sinking of ships, nor the | firing on flags, nor by any other things, has Canada been so stirred up as she is | by the mere hint of a higher duty upon her cattle. You will readily see why when you get_the following facts: (Continued on Fourth Page) | The Story the Week Has Told BY HENRY W. BUNN. HE following is a brief summary of the most important news of the world for the seven days ending April 20: T ! ! 1 UNITED STATES OF AMERICA— On April 15 the Seventy-first Congress | convened in extra session. | ‘The following is a brief summary of what appear to this writer the more important features of the President’s | | message to Congress: The special session is called to re-| deem two pledges given by Mr. Hoover | during the election campaign—namely, | of farm relief and of limited changes in the tariff. The President rehearses the main causes of “the difficulties of the agri- cultural industry,” whereof the geneial result has been that the industry has not kept pace with our other industries. The problem is a very complex one because agriculture, really, is not one industry, but embraces a score of in- dustries. The more obvious means of rellef are: Development of waterway transportation, readjustments of the riff, better understanding of produc- tion needs and answerable adjustments, and improvement in marketing methods. ‘The President does not say so, but he evidently contemplates that discussion of waterways development shall go over to the regular session. Immediate changes in the tariff schedules on agri- cultural products are indicated at once to protect the farmer in the domestic market, and to offset his handicaps in the foreign markets in competition with countries which “enjoy cheaper labor or more nearly virgin soils,” but out- | side the farm schedules only limited | changes in the tariff are called for, in the present session, at any rate. “In considering the tariff for other industries than agriculture, we find that there have been economic shifts, neces- | sitating a readjustment of some of the tariff schedules. Seven years of experi- ence under the tariff bill enacted in 1922 have demonstrated the wisdom of Congress in the enactment of that measure, On the whole, it has worked well. In the main, our wages have been maintained at_high levels: our exports and imports have steadily increased; with some exceptions, our manufactur- “Nevertheless, economic changes have taken place during that time which have placed certain domestic products a disadvantage and new industries have come into being, all of which cre- ates -the necessity for some limited changes in the schedules and in the | :flmmutn!ll:;z clauses of the law as tten in M e and task of the Congress in the sj 1 session is the creation of an instrumentality (a “Federal farm board”) competent of ‘“reorganization of the marketing system on sounder and more stable and more economic “The board will require funds to as- in creating and sustaining farmer ed and farmer controlled agencies O e ieata. warehousing isition of adequal ‘facilities for marketing. ke&r‘ t.l": surpluses mar] of climatic variations or by gestion, to authorize the creation and clearing A $25 donation “in memory of a |undel shooting pal, a dog almost hu- man—now dead,” has been made by local who expresses the hope that others will give a like sum, not necessarily in memory of this dog, as of perishable products 5o as to elimi- unfair tices.” to develop industrial by-products and to_survey a score of other flelds of helpfulness.” Truly a magnificent fleld of activity for the board. Therefore there must be checks and bAlances, lest the board “exceed,” and “worse and worse still succeed the former.” “Certain vital principles must be adhered to in order that we may not ¢ | undermine the freedom of our farmers | and of our people as a whole by bureau- cratic and governmental dominatien and interference. We must not under- mine initiative, “There should be no fee or tax im- posed upon the farmer. No govern- mental agency should engage in the buying and selling and price fixing of products, for such courses can lead only to bureaucracy and domination. Building Materials for Castles in Spain Cost No More BY BRUCE BARTON. odes. His life was full of ad- venture; it makes excellent reading. But the passage that interested me most was this: Riding to the Matoppos one day at the usual four miles an hour, Rhodes had not said a word for two hours, when he suddenly remarked: “Waell, le ing | hope for you, and that is that while still a young man you may never have everything you want. ‘Take myself, for instance; | am not an old man, and yet there is nothing | want. | have been prime minister of the Cape, s De Beers (the mond Rhodes controlled) and the railways, and there is a big country called after me, and | have more money than | can spend. You might ask, ‘Wouldn't you like to be prime to me, but | certainly don’t crave for it.” At 26 he was so rich that he did not want for any of the things that money can buy; at 35 he did not want anything at all; at 49 he died. | hope | may never be guilty of writing anything int to make poor people contented with their lot. 1 would rather be known a one who sought to inspi readers with a divine discon- tent. To make men and women dis- contented with bad health, and to show them how, by hard work, they can have better health. To make them discontented with the intelligence, and to stimulate them to continued study. i Td urge them on to belter jobs, better homes, more money .in the bank. it it does no harm, .in; our striving after these worth while things, t pause once in a while and count oyr blessings. Prominent among my blessings | count the joys of anticipation— » Iy “Government funds should not be o aned or facilities duplicated where are available at reasonable rates. N | activities should be set in motion (hat would result in Increasing the surplus production. as such would defeat any plans of relief.” [ticn of a great instrumentality of this charcter, of a strength and importan: other services of credit and facilities | equal to that of those which we have | 0 | created for transportation and banking. | | we give immediate assurance of the | determined pu‘gose of the Government | to meet the difficulties of which we are jnow aware, and to create an agency MEXICO’S STRIFE IS LAID TO DESIRE FOR PROGRESS Real Revolution Begun by Madero in 1910 as People Awakened to Value of Good Government. could get very far, and maybe he hadn't it in him to get very far, anyway, in & country and among a people where the strong hand counts for so much. But no disinterested outsider who knew him then and breathed the Mexican air of those exciting days need be told that there was something in it then which hadn't been there before, at least in our time; or that underneath the vagueness and uncertainty of the Madero revolu- tion there was something strong and fine—the genuine attempt to bring his more or less medieval land somehow or other more into the current of the mod- ern world. Morrow Helps Good Will. Since then a lot of ™a%e has gone over the wheel. Recognitions and the refusal of recognition: embargoes on arms and the lifting of embargoes; vasions and rapprochements; the dead- lock and ill will of a few years ago and the better feeling that followed the coming of Ambassador Morrow. The revolt against the grotesquely lop-sided distribution of the land has gone the length not only of breaking up the vaster estates, but of seizing for efidos strips and parcels of moderate sized farms which are unable to operate suc- cessfully without them. The revolt against the church, has gone the length of persecution and execution, and brought about the closing of church buildings and the practical doing away of public worship. % Hot Language Spills. On all these subjects and many others, more or less allied, much ink and hot language have been spilled. Fortunes have been destroyed. tens of thousands of people slaughtered on one side or another, and here and there men have marched to their death with the proud smile and pitying eve of Christian martyrs. When all's said and done, however—and plainly almost anything can be said. depending on what corner of the complex tragedy you choose to concentrate and from what point of view—the fact remains that the whole period, from the appearance of Fran- cisco 1. Madero down to the present represents -a profound and more or less continuous effort to develop a national consciousness and to raise the level of the Mexican mass. The big estates have been divided (with what injustice to individual own- ers and what loss to production, if any, in the aggregate, is not here the ques- tion) and a widespread and determined effort made, with the help of agricul- tural banks and farm schools. to build up a class of small farmers 1o fill the social and economic chasm between the hacendados and the cerf-like peons. Laborers Organized. Laborers have bcen organized into unions and a labor code adopted, which, however unreasonable many of its ex- actions may seem. represonts at least an understandable attempt to give the BY ARTHUR RUHL. HATEVER comes of the revolt in Mexico started by Aguirre, Escobar and other military chiefs, it is important to dis- tinguish it from the ‘“real” Mexican revolution, which began with Prancisco I. Madero, in 1910; was con- tinued, in one sort or another,’by, Car- ranza, Obregon and Calles, and, in, the sense that its social and economic’ re- forms are still partially realized, is still going on \day. % (Under the best of conditions it could not have been expected satisfactorily to work itself out sl of many years— the present military uprising sets every- thing back indefinitely.) By a “real” revolution T mean one of those upheavals—political, social, eco- nomic, or any mixture of the three— which express the passionate convic- | tions gor aspirations of a revolting people. Not “palace” revolutions, how- ever successful; nor those threats or| uses of armed force which act as a sort | of substitute for elections in some of the less grown-up republics of South America; but upheavals which have something of the inevitability of vol- canic eruptions or earthquakes, which submerge or destroy the face of things as they are and establish another sur- face and a new order. Other Revolutions Cited. The French revolution was such a one. The Russian revolution another. And no excesses of the Bolsheviks, no amount of unsoundness in their eco- nomic theories of crookedness or crimi- | nality of individuals here and there. can change the fact that the imperial | order fell because it was rotten and, because the Russian people—in their | different wsys—wanted it changod.k however they may have differed as to| the direction thv‘chlnfl: was to take and the distance it was to g0. | On its smalier stage and with its lmi developed masses (although the su- periority of the peasant masses of Rus- sia to the peon masses of Mexico may | be open to some discussion) the Mexican | revolution of the last two decades had | a similar reality, and it, too, has been | guilty of all sorts of violence and in-| justice. This or that leader may have been as little the preux chevalier as Stalin or Zinoviev, or Robespierre or | Marat. ! But, taken in the aggregate, and looked at objectively, the perfect begin- ning with the publication of Mlderns; “La Sucesion Presidencial en 1910” and | extending down to the peaceful election | of Portes Gil represented a very genu- | ine thrust on the part of a more or less | backward people toward social, political | and economic independence; toward better education for the masses, a fairer | distribution of the land, and, in gen-| eral, scmething more like & square d“li for the average man. | The writer saw something of the | fightiny along tllxc bm;tlllel" r;hl' e';‘x.ly’ days of the revolt againsi rio z ) t B e cuving. e of i | A A the power of calective bar- ancisco Madero during one of | = campaigning tours, beginning at Vera | galning taken mure' or less fa%r gflam; g vntry, " Madbre | (he World. - Ti may scem absurd f0r & e oot der e A Tidealist » & | French theatrical company, for exam- visionary” and even as half crazy by |Ple, to be compelled to pay the wages those who disliked him most. Certainly |0f & Mexican promoter who doesnit Hapano- Americen Napeioon srtiag uf| Surd, on che other hand. o find tha: T o e | Chados er hooked ~ a5 they are caled |%ess squeamish. he might have gone |—Who in Diaz's time used fo be locked | farther, perhaps. updlt nlzmdand marched out at émm under guard to worl ay under a e R ‘tmplcal sun in the “hot country” sre But he was the hero of the brown a thing of the past, and that, some- {mass in those days. They packed the how or other, work gets done without !streets and surged up underneath the ' th: iiron balconfes from which he spoke,' C education there has been an ex- flinging off their sombreros and flinging | co=dingly interesting attempt to “bring up their hands, with qulverln! fingers | the Indian into Mexico.” (There are joutspread—he could have said almost ' only about 1,500,000 whites in Mexico ranything he wanted to, then, and got ond about 11,000.000 mestizos and In- |away with it. But, instead of talking | dians. of which perhaps 4.000,000 are tabout glory and hearts and flowers, | pure Indian, so that Mexico is essen- Infinite delicacy, discretion, tact, are ; through which constructive action for to be required of the board. And now | the future will be assured.” the President sounds a salutary caveat. | Observe that the President makes no , Don't expect too much from the board, | reference to the “debenture pian,” said | and above all, don't be in a hurry for | {0 be very dear to many of our legis- results. The board is to be regarded | lators and whereof we are likely to as an experiment: an experiment which | hear much before enactment of a farm may prove competent to its aim, but | relief measure. which may eventually have to be! All the above might by the well in- chucked, to be superseded by something | formed have been discounted in view of | better, not, however, without having | previous utterances of Mr. Hoover, but | conferred grand benefits of experience. toward the end of his address he gives “We must make a start. With the crea- | us something, if nat precisely novel, yet unexpected. The principle of tariff flexibility he declares fully justified by seven years of experience, but, he recom- mends reorganization of the Tariff Commission and its methods in the interest of efficiency and in especial, of far speedier action. Still more interesting is the indic: tion that the President favors partial adoption of “Americam’ valuation” of imports. Says he: “Considerable weaknesses on the ad- tavos and send their children to school, and that that was the way, and the ahead murdered he British trade, especially in respect of coal deliveries. The allies offer to for- give arrears upon the account of costs of their armies of occupation and to mmkot no further demands on such ac- counts. tives on the committee responded with a German offer. They offered (our information is unofficial, but probably correct) 37 annuities of 1.650,000,000 marks each. That corresponds to a total, present value, of about 26,500.- 000,000 marks (about 24,000,000,000 corresponding to the total of the allied debts to the United States, about ministrative side of the tariff have de- veloped, especially in the valuation for assessments of duty. There are cases of undervaluation that are difficult to dis- cover without access to the books of foreign manufacturers, which they are reluctant to offer. This has become also a great source of friction abroad. ‘There are increasing shipments of goods | on consignment, particularly by foreign shippers to concerns that they control in the United States, and this practice makes valuations difficult to determine. I believe it is desirable to furnish to the Treasury a sounder basis for valua- tion in these and other cases.” This is a little vague, but my under- standing is that it is proposed to retain the present system of valuation, based on foreign invoice prices, but to ailow our administrative officials the option of substituting American valuation in case of shipments of foreign goods as to the productive costs of which they cannot satisfy themselves. Alréady cries of protest from over the water, [cspcclllly from France, against any such arrangement are being heard; and : we are likely to hear a great deal more jof this matter, particularly in connec- tion with vigorous resumption (which immediately thrcatens) of the Franco- American tariff controversy, which was suspended by the agreement of Novem- ber, 1927, gor' which no term was fixed. * ok ok X GERMANY.—According to our infor- mation (which requires official confir- mation) the plan (to supersede the Dawes plan) presented by the allied rep- resentatives on the international experts’ committee to their German colleagues calls for a total German payment in neighborhood of 40,000,000,000 marks (the total inferentially contemplated by the delights of erecting castles in S “There would be few enter- prises of great labor or hazard undertaken,” says Dr. Johnson, “if we did not have the power of magnifying the advantages which we persuade ourselves to expect from them.” Divine power! Blessed jift of the go How largely are they to be pitied who have it not. Aladdin did not have it. Nero did not have it. Anything he wanted he could have at the instant when he wante And, far from. finding joy in life, he found insanity and the detesta- tion of mankind. If you would discover the really happy men of tory, look for those who have striven forward from one achievement to another, drawn by the power of their own antici ons. They have made every day yield a double pleasure—the joy of the present, and the different tisfying joys pro- magination. Iam strong for castles in Spain. | have a whole group of them my- self, and am cgnstantly building improvements “and making al- terations. I do not let my work upon them interfere with my regular job. . Rather, it reinforces the job. My castles to - efficiency; they give added reason and purpose to the busis ness of being alive. | trust that befo am ready to stop | may have conside more money than | now have. But | trust also that | may never have too much money. should not, for instance, lil have as much as Mr. Rockefel Indeed, | feel an almost snob- bish sense of superiority when | think of Mr. Rockefeller and C and Croesus and all the others of that ilk. For | have everything that they have—a roof over my head, and three meals a day, and work that | like, and the love of good friends. And 1 have something ' else that they do not have and can- not kno: 1 have wants, pay: ment in full of the annuities of the debts of the several allies to the United (Copyright, 1929.) M| head by | inces of Shantung, Honan, S| 1,000,000,000 for service of the Dawes plan loan, and about 1,400,000,000 for reimbursement to the United States of occupation costs). Not one cent, you see, for war damages. Apparently, moreover, the German offer was conditioned upon certain very great concessions, including continuance of the transfer protection provided under the Dawes plan, and implying (under ingenigusly veiled language) return to Germany of the Polish cor- ridor, Upper Silesia, the Saar Basin, and some if not all of the lost colonies. But more precise infofmation on this is to be desired. The present indication, of course, is of breakdown of the conlerenu.‘ R, CHINA.—Evacuation of Japanese troops from Shantung Province was about to begin. But the Nanking gov- ernment, having (on account of the Wuhan business) few troops under its direct control (i. e, under command of Chang Kai-Shek) immediately available 13 take over pol of the area being evacuated by the Japanese (that which feeds the Tsingtao-Esinan Railroad, and contains a considerable Japanese civilian population), implored the Japanese government to delay evacua- tion pending such availability. The Japanese government first demurred, and then consented. (The recently concluded Sino-Japanese treaty for completion of evacuation by May 28.) You see, it emphatically behooves that full protection by Chinese troops be provided Iar‘th:h .vnp-nJ ese ur:aldenu on departure of e japant a3 and, if Chang hasn't troops available, Nanking cannot very well refuse to allow Feng Yu-Hsiang to move troops into the evacuated area, troops which he has “all set” for the purpose. And if Nanking should refuse such permission Feng would probably move his men in anyway, with a plausible defense for such action. And then there might be the devil to pay. Probably of all developments, in pos- sibility, the least to Nanking's taste would be establishment’ of Feng in Shantung Province. Observe that Feng would then command a belt (the prov- hensi and Kansu) completely severing Northern Southern touching the sea ever, he told those half-frenzied mobs | to go home and work, to save their cen- | needs keep these facts in mind and aim On April 17 the German representa- | feed | Viva Mexico! and the revolution for a “brewn country,” and any really ican” program of education must | to_utilize the brewn child's natural in- stincts and good qualities, rather than only way, that Mexico was going to get | merely try to run him mechanically into | the academic grooves common to West- ern Europe or our part of the world.) ® Rural Schools Encouraged. ‘The revolutionary educators—Senor Jose Vasconcelos, for instance, and Senor Saenz—have encouraged rural schools for the children of the simplest peons, in which “to learn a poem, to make a garden, to do accounts and to . pig are all on the same plane of utility.” They have tried, in the words of Senor Saenz, “to integrate Mexico and to create in our peasant classes a rural spirti; to incorporate into the Mexican family the millions of Indians; to make them think and feel in Span- ish: to bring them into that community ;»r ideas and emotions that means Mex- co.” Naturally, under the circumstances, they have only scratched the surface. Here, as in Russia, lack of money, more or less constant political disturbance, old habits of indifference and laziness, have made a big gap between theory and accomplishment. But no one who has visited the newer schools in and roundabout the capital, seen the work turned out by quite untrained young- sters in the several art schogls and talked with the enthusiasts in the m: istry of education, could fail to catch the excitement of something that mav be described as a genuine “cultural renaissance.” “Nowhere in the world,” Prof. Deyey remarked after visiting Mexico & year or two ago, “is there an aspect of graate er intimacy and spiritual union between the scholastic activities and those of the community than that which is seen now in_ Mexico. All this, and much else, is what is meant when one speaks of the “real”” Mexican revolution. And no amount of incidental injustice to the former ruling |chs!. or chauvinism, graft and merely | personal ambition here and there can | quite blot out or brush aside this reality. For programs such as these to be realized, even approximately, in a ly settled, economically undevel- oped land like Mexico calls for many years of comparative peace and order. calls | Tt Jooked & year ago, after the better feeling between the United States and Mexico which followed the coming of | Ambassador Morrow, as if this “real” ‘Mexu.\n'revcluunn had, so to speak, turned the corner. Obregon’s Assassination Is Setback. The assassination of Obregon, who was expected to take things up where President Calles had left off, was a set- back, naturally, but when Calles, in- stead of continuing in the presidency, succeeded in ing the office on ta Pertes Gil wit! ;/hnt was probably as torship was beginning to yiel grown-up notions of ‘Io that the new order migl solidating itself and working out its ‘This hope may not have been a mere