Evening Star Newspaper, December 23, 1928, Page 25

EDITORIAL SECTION he Sunday Star. Part 2—12 Pages PLANES, BUILT FOR WAR, TURNING TO COMMERCE Year 1928 Is Hailed as Era of Transition. Aircraft Now Held Important Peace Factor. BY W. JEFFERSON DAVIS. HE year 1928 will stand in aero- nautical history as the year of passage from war conceptions of aircraft to their acceptance as instruments of commerce. More than that, it will place the airplane, once conceived only as a fighting craft, as one of the greatest developers of peace and as a definite influence to- ward the abolishment of war. This is not because of its negative influence by adding to the scientific horrors in warfare; it comes about through three constructive uses of airplanes which induce powerful opposition to war. This may be rather surprising, since the airplane was regarded up to three years ago principally as a war machine. Prior to the World War it was not even a potential peace factor, and in the early stages of the war it was more of a spectator than an actual participant, although its combat, raiding and observation possibilities began to appear. Aircraft emerged from the war with a general classifica- tion as war devices, and the first at- tempts at transportation via air were subsidized with an underlying thought that preparedness for defense or aggres- sion was being promoted thereby. The expectation was that every development ‘which could be given to aircraft would advance a wider and more effective range of war. Yet now we have the anomalous situation that. our warfare has sprung the greatest instrument of peace, with the possible exception of radio, which man's inventive genius has produced. Still Important in War. Use of the airplane as a foreshadower ®f war i3, of course, still important, and extends beyond the active military ayd naval training. Great Britain'’s alr- lines are in general projected either to tie colonies closer into the empire or for training, yet it is the purely com- mercial operation of the Imperial Air- ways, Ltd., that enables the concern to declare dividends. Czechoslovakia makes its principal flying work the feeding of military aircraft to the Balkan states, and thus far is indifferent to air com- merce. The Soviet Republics are inter- ested in aircraft principally for their fighting value. England and the other European nations have been influential dn furtherin~ Asiatic military air serv- ices. We have in Europe today two con- trasting policies—on the one hand the policy of the larger nation to supply smaller nations fighting aircraft on a urely commercial basis. On the other nd_is the policy of economic states- manship in laying aside the airplane as an instrument of warfare in order to utilize its sister type as a means of transportation and extension of com- merce. Germany furnishes the mcst striking proof of this. Since the war the Ger- man people have become “air-minded” in their attitude toward airplanes as a ieans for transportation, and the great ., lying over Europe, flung to the north into Pinland and. Sweden, into Moscow and Buda- pest on the east, Switzerland and Spain on the south and to Amsterdam, Lon- don and Paris on the west, and girlin- ing together every important city tween these points. The German sy: tem also has under way intercontinen- tal air transportation across Asia’and terest as through a conception from ex- perience of a Sweeping away of arti- ficial barriers and prejudices through ignoring of these limitations by air commerce. Otto Merkel, director of the Deutsche Luft Hansa system, sees this with the vision of an economic states- man. A “barrierless Europe,” and con- sequently a peaceful Europe, is obsession. and he preaches it constantly and vividly as a missionary for air com- merce. He and his fellow Luft Hansa directors are emphatically for peace, and do not see the commercial air- plane as a military potentiality at all. Viewpoint Is Factor. ‘The expert viewpoint, although cer- tain to be powerful in opposing any plans for war and to be reckoned with as a lever for toppling war gods over, is not so great a peace factor as that which air commerce is beginning to contribute through its wide range of operation, its ignorance of frontiers and petty boundaries. impressed upon every air traveler by his experi- ence. Men may conduct business or women may shop today in Europe by crossing in one day four or five coun- tries to reach a city they would have regarded as almost inaccessible three decades ago. This sort of travel is be- coming commonplace in Europe, where the everyday acceptance of air travel is especially noticeable. The German ple recognized this situation early cause they approached the airplane from an entirely different mental atti- tude than that of Americans, who con- sidered the airplane as a bird of sport, outside of ts war uses, and not as a vehicle of commerce. Our pacific de- velopment of aviation was started over- night when a boy’s vision spanned the Atlantic and his dream was translated into an action which the people of the streets could understand and interpret. The German people did not need this spectacular shift. Air transportation, in the minds of its users, not merely brings cities formerly regarded as afar close to other cities, but it compresses the distance of nations so that the old barriers appear ridicu- lous. Europeans are concelving this, for every air trip emphasizes it. I found an astonishing impression of this sort last Summer when at 3 o'clock I left Berlin ina Luft Hansa saw the sun rise from the air, crossed Poland, breakfasted in Danzig and was in time to deliver an early morning lecture at the University’ of Konigsberg in that famous old city' of East Prussia. One may cross four countries of Europe in as many hours. Acquires New Conception. Inevitably the European who has this experience acquires a 'new and better conception of his fellow men, and those who were enemies before now become fellows and customers. Such experiences are not isolated, but are repeated day after day, and this constant touch with otner nationali- ties destroys political 1llusions - and tears down barriers. The influence of the airway in this respect is evident to any one who will fly over the Euro- edules. When well established pean sche e , for the it' is certain to forward other influence has ever patrons of the airways abroad are not merely the officials and persons.. of his | WASHINGTON, D. C, prominence—the effect is directly upon the people. Men and women of ordi- nary stamp mingle with the more Africa and into South America, and would extend this to North America were it permitted to do so. ‘Whether so great a development was oonceived solely as a business and not 8t all for war training is not of record, but it is clear that Lust Hansa’s man. aging directors stand decidedly for air- craft as a peaceful' feature of the world’s transportation and are strongly against its possible conversion to war uses. They foresce German aircraft fiying abroad and at home as business craft and do not relish any conception of a shift to a war area. This is also the attitude of Dr. Hugo Eckener, the successor to Count Zeppelin in the German dirigible airship development. In all probability it will be the stand of other authorities on air transporta- tion outside of Germany. Reasoning Is Simple. ‘The reasoning which brings this ;\:oul is r;t:t k:ifl.fl(éult| u; understand. ery expe; actual air ti - tion operation who is able me a general transportation development of an airline—excluding airlines which are purely mail-handling concerns or which operate on such small capacity that tariffs must be excessive—sees great possibilities’ in a well managed business of this sort. Time and much & enditure of funds, a special and extremely thorough training of per- sonnel, some political strategy and the collection of highly specialized knowl- edge are essential in building a suc- cessful air transportation system, as with any transportation business. ‘The more efficiently such a system % built up, the more thoroughly war would wipe it out, seizing men and craft and utterly demoralizing the sys- tem as a business. And at war's close. in all probability, profiteers who would be able financially to do so and who would likewise be powerfully established litically would have and would take ull opportunity to go into the airline business instead of the men who built up the original system and who, be- cause of their very expertness, would be called upon to fight and not to profit. These developers of air com- merce would turn back from the war not to resume their old executive places but to become employes of profiteers. And they would do this, for the grip of transportation upon its devotees is firm, as story-tellers know in many lands and on many seas, and it holds the airman even in greater force than the sallor of the seas or the follower of the rails. Influence Against War. ‘Why, then, should men who are held responsible for expenditures of large capital and much human effort favor the gutting of the. resulting develop- ment and the absolute loss of their in- ternational extensions as well as their commerce in their own country? Their influence is certain to be most vigorously against war, and they will be alert in opposition when battleship builders, mu- pitions makers and their politicians wave the war flag. The air transport men will have nothing to gain and everything to lose if war is declared. This will apply to air transportation executives whose countries may not be directly affected, for air transportation goes beyond frontiers and beyond high seas. War must devour any air busi- ness it can reach, and no air transpor- tation executive can be in the business very long before this will loom as a vital matter to his airline. Whether he is altruistic or not your airway presi- dent or director must become either a peace advocate or & traitor to his busi- ness. This may be termed the inside point of view, and it will be found in air transportation men whoss project has attained a status justifying classification as a general transportation business. 1 found it especially fixed in the minds of the executives of the Deutsche Luft it and wealthy on the air- ines, and the effect is the same. -Diplo~ mats and politicians may frame plans, but today they cammd t put themy into ‘They must through a knowledge of the changes or action proposed; in Europe this is difficult to ‘accomplish. Every nation and every land in the world must: feel the new spirit of air conquest as the world pasges from the exploring stage—as _sho the flights of Keith Smith, Alcock, Lind- bergh, Cobham, Byrd, the Norge air- ship men and others—to the trans- portation stage of flying. Airways will bring home to every one the possibili- ties of air travel, uniting interconti- nental points as well as international termini. The net result will be to- ward a passing of artificial lines and a leveling of barriers, a breaking of iso- lations, and the prejudices and hatreds of the past will be lessened. Dawn Breaking in U. S. Europe is in the early morning of the air age, while in- America the dawn is just beginning to break. Perhaps, with the absence of restrictions and the greater expanse of country, we will go forward in America with greater rapid- ity than any other country. When our expansion in air commerce justifies we can reach out to negotiate a new in- ternational understanding, adopting an attitude which will demand new re- spect from every nation in the world. This applies to our relations in the Pacific Ocean, and especially to a new understanding with Japan. No greater advance toward the peace of the Pacific could be made than by union for achieving transoceanic air commerce by the United States and Japan. ' A third influence of the airmen for world peace may be developed in inter- national establishment of a world-wide air patrol which, like municipal police systems, will combine traffic regulation with a general gmmmuu in the air. Kipling sensed this some years ago, and today it is in line with our desire for peace and can supplant in time main- tenance by individual nations of large standing armies and navies for the de- struction of other nations. If the air forces of the so-called civilized nations were united in an intercontinental po- lice air protectorate instead of being kept up exclusively to war with one an- fl',gcr_ the world would have a most effective departure away from the road to future warfare. Groundwork Lald. Much preliminary work to this end has been accomplished in the formu- lating of international air commerce standards since the World War. Air traffic zones around the world will be established in the next decade, and en- forcement of the regulations therein must be by some International method. ‘This can be made comprehensive enough to establish a wozld-wide air police sys- tem and to include a method of reduc- ing the various national war-making de- partments so that we may in time ar- rive at disarmament in fact. As air commerce spreads around the world it should carry with it a substitute of a world-wide nature to supplant the na- tionalistic war-making machinery. The international air patrol can be projected to do this. ‘We have already had evidences of the speed with which the airplane can bring good feeling in the peaceful mis- sions of Col. Lindbergh, which gained more for this country and developed more good will in Europe and in Mexico than all other means combined in recent years. While abroad last Summer I heard numbers of men in high politi- cal places in France, Germany, Eng- land and other countries give decided expression to this view. The airplane is properly a messenger of peace, and Hansa Co., although they were not actuated 80 much by pr Y caifieh ine the air commerce systems, working on T @eniiened an ThivA Drg~) that binds man to man; the feet of the blessed babe. Now we children of the vast yesterday come to a manger, which is in truth our solitude; each one of us a shepherd who would have peace in the pasture of his thoughts, and the good will of all the other shepherds—and each one of us a king of his own destiny, who would lay gold and frankincense at the feet of his gold for assurance and reater self; rankincense for dreams. You and I and all our neighbors would MADONNA OF THE OLIVE BRANCH. ANY centuries ago they said that the humble shepherds of Judea and the wise Kings of Persia came to a manger to worship the infant Jesus. They also said that the shepherds sang of peace and good will, and of love and that the wise Kings laid gold and frankincense at SUNDAY MORNING, DECEMBER By Kahlil Gibran Famous Poet and Writer of Lebanon. SISTINE kneel before the anointed genius of man- kind, which is in us all. And they say that Jesus was born in a cave even like his forerunners, Orpheus ‘and Methra and Zoroaster. this for they knew that only the secret depths can give birth to great heights. And today, we, too, believe that vast souls, even as vast worlds, move from darkness to light, and from oblivion to recognition, from hidden roots to blooms that laugh in the sun and dance in the wind. ' But they said that the King of Judea decreed, in his fear, the slaughter of all the newborn in the land, for he was told even by the Persian seers that the infant Jesus should overrule him and deprive him of scepter and-diadem. Today we in our fear of the unknown tomorrow would slay the innocence in us MADONNA. They said We. go truth and vealed to And all that it ma; the path of our governing intelligence. But, thanks be to the heavens above, there is for some of us an Egypt for an escape and golden sands and palm trees for safety. 23, 1928 The Great Recurrence MADONNA OF THE HARPIES. not be a stumbling block in there in faith, knowing . that . that which we would save in us is the the beauty which the angel of our white nights so graciously taught us to love and protect. Yea, it was in that distant yesterday when the genius of our heart’s desire was born, and the secret in our depth was re- us, and the innocence in us sought escape from the designing which is in us also. this shall come to pass many times before we reach our homecoming. It is the mystic recurrence of the divine mystery before the face of the Son. Gigantic Sums for Warfare Nations Spend Lavishly in Spite of Moves for World Peace—Five and One-Half Million Men Under Arms : BY ALBIN E. JOHNSON. HE big nations of the world are spending more money preparing for war today than ever before in peace-time history. Increasing by margins of more than a billion gold francs yearly the armament expenditures of the six ex- allied powers—France, Great Britain, Italy, Russia, Japan and the United States—promise even more startling gains during the next few years: While talking peace nearly every gov- ernment in the world is preparing for possible conflict and preparing with far greater seriousness than they did before 1914. And, paradoxically though it may ap- pear, the two world powers which pub- licly deprecate militarism and call for disarmament and outlawry of war in the loudest voices—Russia and the United States—are leading all the rest. Smaller nations, to a certain extent, are putting their peace psychology into practice, but chiefly because they real- ize that their strength lies in their weakness. Europe’s Expenditures. Europe in 1926, despite the League covenant, the Locarno pacts and con- ciliation and arbitration treaties, spent more than $2,180,600,000 on armaments. Adding the actual expenditures of India, Japan and the United States, the world’s tax-payers during that year paid over $3,180,200,000. This represents an increase over 1913, when the pre-war armament race was at its height, of more than a quarter billion dollars, de- spite the fact that Germany's terrific | expenditures of 1913 had been reduced by over 75 per cent in 1926. Statistics are usually dull and some- times misleading, but those compiled by the ultra-conservative experts of the League’s disarmament, financial and economic sections tell a sensational story. Furthermore, for the sake of ac~ curate comparison, they have been cal- culated on a gold basis with due con- sideration being given to purchasing power and fluctuating costs. Leaving out of consideration Ger- many, with her huge pre-wa: ‘military outlay of over 1,659,000,000 gold francs for that year, the combined expenditures of the other big powers—France, Eng- land, the United States, Japan, Russia and Italy—five years before the World War (1909) totaled 8,011,000,000 gold francs (five gold francs to the dollar). Four years later on the morn of the World War, their combined expendi- tures were 10,160,400,000 gold francs. Eight years after the armistice (in 1926) the ante had been raised to 10,787,000, 000, and a year later another 20 per cent to 12,559,927,500 gold francs. Their ex- penditures for 1928-20, based upon official budgets which are always lower than actual expenditures in view of “supplementary estimates,” will be more than 13,205,000,000 gold francs. What of the Future? Where these terrific expenditures will lead or when the peak will be reached few hazard a prediction. They prob- ably will mount until they become top- heavy and collapse in revolt or war, unless saner counsels eventually pre- vail. With the “big navy” program ahead the United States armament costs can- not but climb rapidly. France, upon the evacuation of the Rhineland, plans claborate defensive fortifications on the Franco-German frontier. Because of lack of funds to finance these at the moment, the French government seeks to Aoz’ tho ramglets frenp withdrawad v from strategic territory. Her arma- ment budget estimate for 1929 has been placed at the stupendous sum of 2,- 200,000,000 gold francs by the Poincare cabinet. ‘The one ray of hope in an otherwise overcast political horizon is the agita- tion being carried on in many countries against excessive armaments. The Rad- ical Socialists have joined the Boncour- Jouhaux Socialists in France in opposi- tion to the militarist program; in Eng- land the Conservative Baldwin regime is under heavy fire from both Laborite and Liberal benches; in Germany a near-crisis was precipitated over the construction of a single cruiser, while in the United States opposition to the naval program appears ible, despite the administration majority in both houses’ of Congress. Logical Explanation Difficult. Logical explanations for the paradoxi- cal conditions that exist in various sountries in regard to armaments are hard to find. .In some European states —such as Poland, Rumania, Czecho- slovakia and Jugoslavia—there is a psy- chology of fear—fear based upon the knowledge that their ex-enemies will sooner or later demand an accounting for injustices inflicted through the mu treaties. On the other hand, the gue of Nations, wl guarantees their political integrity, is admittedly worth more than any military estab- lishment they might support, so long as it continues to have the support of the larger powers. There are, at the moment, practically no war clouds in Europe. In fact, th2 whole world is more peaceful than it has been for decades. Neither the Po- lish-Lithuanian or Hungarian-Ruman- ian controversies can precipitate a gen- eral European war, and should hostili- ties start in either locality the League, acting as it did in the Graeco-Bulgar- ian crisis through the League Council, could quickly and effectually stamp them out. Russia Used as Alibi. Russia has been used as an alibi by border states—and even by England— as justifying additional armaments. Yet, despite the fact that the Bolshevists are spending 900,000,000 gold rubles the next year for military purposes, they are concerned mainly with defensive works. The Russians have no intention what- soever of waging aggressive warfare with weapons other than propaganda. Statistics on Russian activities are per- haps more misleading than those of any other country, largely because the Bol- “No Room in the Inn” BY BRUCE BARTON. ID you ever stop to think of the tragedy of the . litte hotel at Bethlehem in Palestine—the “inn”? The parents of Jesus of Naza- reth knocked at its doors, and could not come in.- It might have sheltered the greatest event in the history of the world—and it lost the chance. * % %k % Why was Jesus of a stable? Be- the peo t the inn were vicious or hostile? Not at all. But the inn was full—every room was occupied by people who had money to pay and so must be served—it was full of busin * kK ¥ Xk There was “ro room Why? Nazareth born in the know men whose lives are like that inn. ek e “Arnold's heart said one man to “his son is another re- a failure and “What can you expect?” the other answered. “Arnold h not given his boy a minu time for 10 years.” Arnold thinks he is a good often told his. s working nigh! and day in business for his wife and boy. * koK ok A matter of fact, his busi- ness is working him. There is no room in his life for anything else. And his son is a fool. “You had quite a taste for literature when you left college, didn't you?” | asked another man. “Oh, yes,” he answered “but | had to give it all man can't be in busin find room for anything * k ok X “I hear Simpson’s wife has left him,” | heard a third man say; and_hi; : “Sh evenings alone, probably. know, Simpson always business comes first.” Wk In a little village churchyard in England there is this inscrip- tion: Here lies Peter Bacon, born a man and died a grocer. Take care that it be not writ- ten over you, “Born a man and died a Business Man.” e good; but do not sacrifice, in making good, the gifts of life that are best. * K K Take care to have time for sadly; A an occasional hour when you merely walk under the atars and think. * ok ok % For in Bethlehem, 2,000 years ago, there stood a little inn. And behold, so full of busi- ness that the gre it event the world knocked at its doors and could not come in, (Copyright, 1928.) hevists have different standards of val- ues on internal and foreign trade. How- ever, with a rise of but 5 per cent in the index price figures, authenticated com- parisons show Russia’s recent arma- ments expenditures in gold rubles as follows: 1924-25, 436,500,000; 1925-26, 604,100,000; 1926-27, 692,500,000, 1927~ 28, 813,300,000; 1928-29, 900,000,000. It will be noted that in five years the Bolshevists have more - than doubled their army expenditure, since practically nothing is being spent by the Russians for naval purposes. The troops get the bulk of the money and chemical and air force departments especially are be- ing perfected. Great Britain’s Expense. Great Britain’s yearly expenditures furnish one of the most interesting and significant comparisons. In pounds sterling the actual expenditures for the last five years show a consistent gain, with_the “exception of 1926, when the top figure was reached. The chart re- veals the following: 1924, 110,900,000; 1925, 115,000,000; 1926, 120,300,000; 1927, 116,700,000; 1928, 117,000,000. The budget estimate for 1928-29 is only 114,600,000 pounds sterling, but “estimates” placed before Commons never include the “supplementary items,” which add 5 to 10 per cent to the amounts authorized. It is interesting to note that while the index figures for wholesale prices had fallen 11 per cent and for retail prices 4 per cent between 1924 and 1927-28, the armaments expenditures had risen by more than seven million pounds. Treasury officials announced that the cost of living of British work-~ ers had decreased more than $500,- 000,000 over the same period in excess of reductions in wages. Yet while the nation was effecting such huge savings in other flelds it was steadily increas- ing armaments burdens. Laborite and Liberal leaders in Parliament are cog- nizant of the situation and it is under- stood the opposition program for the coming year will include a 60 per cent all-around slash in armament expendi- tures, Germany Does Nothing. Germany, it appears, Is doing noth- ing to conserve her financial resources so far as non-military expenditures are concerned. The Versailles treaty definitely limits her numerical military establishment, but it made no provi- sion as to 'the amount of money to be spent upon it. The result is that the reich is spending' more money per man on her army than any country in the world. The advances of the past five years have been consistent and steady. Increased costs have nothing to do with the growth; in fact, a comparison of values even magnifies the trend up- ward. In gold marks the statistics show up as follows: 1924 1927 Army ... . 379,900,000 479,300,000 Navy ......... 110,000,000 220,000,000 Total with war costs ...... 497,800,000 717,200,000 ‘This wfl;lf Germany’s army expendi- tures be greater than ever before. The estimates submitted to the League are ‘luht}.m under a half billion gold marks, while the navy costs are as 212,000,000 gold marks. Germany's demand that the other European coun- tries “disarm” somehow does not ring true in view of the statistical evidence. Her expenditures may fall far below those of France and England, but the trend upward—more distinct and sig- nificant—is there. . France alone of Euro) powers does not conceal her faith in arma- ments, although she leads the vocal (Continued on Fifth Page) BY FRANK H. SIMONDS. O more_ striking contrast be- tween European and American mentalities could perhaps be discoverable than that revealed in the fashion in which dis- cussion has developed on either side of the Atlantic as a consequence of recent Anglo-American naval differences. In | Europe this discussion has proceeded | logically and even inevitably to the ! consideration of the possibility of an | Anglo-American war. In the United | States the whole subject has been | shelved to be replaced by comment on | Mr. Hoover's South American voyage. It is significant, however, of the European discussion of possible conflict between the two Anglo-Saxon | countries that it has so far been |limited to those who may fairly be | described as champions alike of worNl |peace and of protagonists of Anglo- “Amerll:an friendship. We are not now {in the presence of a debate carried on between war lords, as in the post-war period, but rather are hearing warning voices raised by those who view even | the remote prospect of a new conflict with frank horror. War Held Not Impossible. So far there has been a general {unanimity both in the United States {and in Great Britain on the verdict ‘that an Anglo-American war was un- thinkable. Now, however, one must face the fact that in Britain and on the continent there is a growing fear lest the unthinkable war becomes a very real and well nigh inescapable menace. Europe, which has a long and unhappy | experience in reading the signs which | forecast stormy international weather, Lbeglns to interpret the new signs with | the accustomed standards. To be sure it remains as true in Great Britain as in the United States that the conception of a war exclusive- ly between the United States and Brit- ain; that is, a war arising from the col- lision of direct interests, a war which would be in the nature of a duel with only the two peoples in shock—continues to appear impossible. That the Brit- ish and American people should in cold blood or even in hot blood go to war with each other, while the rest of the world was at peace, seems at once monstrous and unimaginable. Nevertheless it is becoming clear in Britain that while there is no immed- jate or even remote possibility of such a clash, this does not exclude the dan- ger of collision. While there is no chance whatever of an Anglo-American war in the sense that there has always been a danger of a Franco-German war, and no possibility that such rivalries, disagreements, misunderstandings, or grudges as may exist would ever be per- mitted to lead to hostilities, there is a real danger of war which lies outside all of this familiar area. ‘What British observers feel, what continental commentators note, is that nothing has been done to abolish the real menace to enduring Anglo-Amer- ican peace, the menace which actually led to war between Britain and the United States in 1812 and might, un- der other circumstances, have precipi- tated another clash in the years be- tween 1914 and 1917. While Britain is at peace with the world, Anglo- American peace is certainly assured, but were Britain again fighting for her life as against Napoleon and Willlam II, the situation might easl; different. Sl s(,"m Might Offend U. S. much has happened since the first years of the World War that the mass of people on this side of, the Atlantic have easily and completely forgotten the long series of episodes which char- acterized the first period of the great conflict. In that time the British de- liberately set out to employ their sea | power to strangle their German foe | without regard to existing international | law, limiting interference with neutral | commerce. In that time the only real restriction - upon British _interference with American rights was due to a clear perception of the evil consequences should the United States undertake to defend those rights, either by force or, what was more likely and quite as dan- gerous, by resort to the embargo. Fortunately for the British, the Ger- man method of carrying on the struggle served to paralyze American purpose to defend neutral rights. The invasion of Belgium roused a resentment which en- dured up to the moment when German submarine warfare culminated in the sinking of the Lusitania. After that, active pursuit of a policy which would have amounted to supporting Germany became im| ible. But the fact remains that were Great Britain again to be involved in a Euro- pean war, she would inevitably resort to the same measures as in 1914. One of the chief weapons she would employ would be her naval arm, and to employ this weapon successfully would neces- sitate constant interference with neu- tral rights in general and with those of | the United States in particular. And immediately the question of 1914 would arise again, the question as to whether the United States were prepared to maintain its neutral rights or. suspend them, as in effect we did in the last war. Again, the situation might -easily take on the character of the German problem. Under pressure from the United States the. Germans did, toward the end of 1914 and as a result of the Lusitania controversy, abandon the use of the submarine weapon, by which they were illegally meeting British il- legality. They took this course because they were at that moment satisfied that if they continued to use the submarine they would have to fight the United States and that American hostility would outweigh any possible advantage of submarine warfare. Germany Became Desperate. But in 1917 the German situation became desperate. The British blockade had reduced Germany to the point of starvation, the collapse of Russia was not yet recognized and German de- feat seemed inevitable unless British sea power could be abolished by an at- tack upon British existence through the submarine. In that situation the risk of American intervention seemed less terrible than the certainty of German defeat following progressive starvation. It is not impossible to believe that such a situation might arise in a new war, and that Britain and not Germany would find herself in a position where the use of her naval arm without re- gard to neutral rights would seem the sole means of escaping complete disas- ter. Such a dec , too, would ob- viously be conditioned on the strength of the American fleet at the moment. If we were as destitute of cruisers as at the present moment, for example— that is to say if we were as weak in the naval branch as we were in the military in 1917—Britain might be led to take the risk. This danger, too, must remain con- stant just as long as the British policy ANGLO-AMERICAN CLASH IS CONSIDERED POSSIBLE Trouble Over Embargo Is Foreseen Should Britain Go to War With European Nation. undertaken to employ their naval su- premacy in peace times in such fashion as would disturb national rights. As long as Britain is at peace, all danger of an Anglo-American clash over neu= tral rights is non-existent and all per- ception of a latent peril unlikely. The chief and as I see it the single argument which may fairly be advanced for the construction of the 15 American cruisers now proposed les in the fact that once they are built, once the American Navy is strong enough to de- fend the policy of neutrality, the danger of British interference with neutrality will disappear. By contrast, just as long as our Government continues to insist upon defending its neutral ri¥hts and at the same time neglects to pro- vide a proper means to defend them, it is simply asking for trouble. America Thought Bluffing. The problem has, however, a much broader aspect. Today the British re- main unconvinced of our real purpose in the matter of a navy. Very influ- ential elements, notably those which surround the admiralty, are firm in the belief that we are only bluffing, that we will never build to parity or any- thing like parity. And, thus minded, they are steadfastly holding to the view that Great Britain can continue to ad- here to her traditional policy and ex- pect to use sea power without regard to neutral rights once she is at war. On_the other hand, once the Amer- ican Navy is actually strong enough to defend neutrality, the British have no choice but to abandon that policy which will henceforth be beyond their means to enforce. They will have to give up the idea of ruling the sea without re- gard to neutral rights and undertake a revision of the maritime law which will , insure them the greatest possible degree of safety. And when that moment ar- rives the Anglo-American naval contro- versy, as it exists today, will disappear for the British are not afraid of parity as a direct means to their security or prosperity, but only as an obstacle to their employment of their sea power of- fensively in time of war. Since Great Britain is today, on the whole, far less capable of facing a con~ tinental war than in 1914 and would inevitably be driven to American indus- try to find the instruments of war, as she was in 1914, financial and economic power in a new war would remian in our hands. Our financial position, too, is much stronger. But, on the other hand, to employ an embargo is always a difficult matter, because of domestic op- position. It would lead at once to 2 considerable economic crisis at home and would arouse the protest of wholc areas—the South on account of cotton, the West because of its foodstuffs. H Thus the British would certainly fin® support in this country among great and influential sections interested ir selling abroad. Inevitably, however, W should then be faced with the old prob- lem. If we failed to enforce our neutra rights 'we should become again the rea allies of Great Britain. And in-tha’ case-we should again be exposed to th ‘reprisals of Britain’s enemy. Thus w should have to face the question, wher ever Britain was a participant in Eurc pear war, of taking sides either with c against the British. 1f there were great and burning is sues between Great Britain and th United States, issues like Alsace-Lor raine before the war or the Polish Cor - ridor today, the construction of th American fleet to the level of parit, would constitute an obvious challeng: which might help to precipitate war. But as long as we are without a first- class Navy, we are in immediate dan-, ger of being dragged into a European war the moment Britain is involved We shall have to defend our neutral rights against Britain or protect our- selves against the reprisal of Britain' foes, provoked by our failure to defenc those rights. On the other hand, if wr have the sl , no one is going to .in terfere with our rights and provoke ou: belligerency. 1f we have the ships, too, the impos- sibility of using the traditional method must clear the way for a real codifica- tion of international law, as it relates to neutral rights ‘in time of war. And once this result is attained neither we nor the British will have any reason to maintain fleets at the present level. Moreover, I am satisfied that there is a growing element in Britain which would welcome. the decision of the United States to built its fleet up to standard, because it perceives that in reality the growth of the United States in all directions makes the use of sea power against its will impracticable, but it realizes that until its naval authori- ties see the American ships actually in being they will not abandon a policy which has become obsolete and thus make posalble‘the removal of the single real danger o} an Anglo-American war, that resulting from the repetition of the circumstances of the World War. (Copyrisht, 1628 Slav History Canvases Completed by Mucha Prof. Alfons Mucha, Czech painter and protege of Charles R. Crane, American millionaire, diplomatist and internationalist, might not be the great- est painter in the world, but he has perhaps the distinction of having paint- ed the world’s largest pictures. Prof. Mucha has completed 20 huge can- vases depicting great moments in Slav history. His works, so large that at first a suitable building for them tould not be found, are being exhibited in the Prague fair building. It is thought that a_special building will be neces- sary. Each picture was prepared after careful study to insure accuracy in dress 'and detail of history. One, “Abolition of Serfdom in Russia,” shows Red Square in Moscow filled with peasants in a driving snowstorm. In another, John Huss, famous Czech reformer, is gfin p]relchlnl in the Prague Bethlehem apel. Communistic Son Asks Bishop’s Aid Latvia's new parliament has among its 100 members a young Russian In- dependent Socialist, I. Yershov, whose party has a very radical pi al- most of Communist tendencies. But Yershov's father, an Russian craftsman, i3 an orthodox believer in the Greek-Russian faith ang is em- barrassed by his son’s political con- viction. So the elder Yershov ad- dressed a letter to the Russian arch- bishop of Riga, Joan Pommer, leader of the uni Russian group in par- u‘lm er:}t{. he implores the dignit n this he implores the itary to help his son with “good counsel and advice” in the per!om'fince of his du- ties as member of Parllament. Several newspaper reporters have tried in- terview the young Socialist, but he de- nied any knowl of 1 remains unmodified. Moreover, it is not a situation which of itself would lead toa for the British have never ledge of the declared that in general he would dis= cuss matters with representatives of Soclalist papers oaly.