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EDITORIAL PAGE NATIONAL PROBLEMS EDITORIAL SECTION he Sunday Stad Part 2—16 Pages WASHINGTON, D. C, SU JAY 'MORNING, Society_ News MAY 3, 1925, HINDENBURG’S ELECTION HALTS WORLD PROGRESS uspicions and Fears Paralyze Political and Economic Adjust- ment of Europe. MONDS. of the people, associated with the fact HE election of Field Marshal | of the empire. Iven in the first and von Hindenburg as President | successtul years of the war the em- of the German Republic is in | pire still remained the embodimeén many ways the greatest dis-|of the causes for German mv\au‘m.\q aster for Germany, and, in-| Defeat in 1918, for a moment, shook deed, for Europe, since the close of the | the faith of the German people in the ne wer aiser and the monarchy. Disgusted, war. If one were seeking a parallel, | Kaiser and th y. Disgusted not in the circumstances, but in the | exhausted. believing that by proclaim- consequ one might well find it|ing a republic they would ol rx;” in the assassination of Abraham Lin- |better terms from their 1‘|u'nu"1~..l ) coln, which postponed reconciliation | chose to exile their fleeing monarchs Dotween the North and South for an |and adopt democratic 1r}snl:|ll‘x,m‘::: indefinite period and inflicted upon the |On the whole, the decislon for the South, which was utterly without re- [ public was negative rather than posi: sponsibility for the crime, the ten |tive; there was not in Germany it terrible vears of reconstruction. 1918, as there was in France in 10, The German people in choosing [any large body of Republican sentl- Hindenburg have once more brought | ment. 1t was a move of expedience, confusion, not merely to their limited | rather than conviction, this overnight wber of friends in the outside | trapsformation of the form of gov- world, but also to those who in allied | ment. countries have heen seeking to hring o nearly Germany back into peaceful relations | under the with other nations, and, in fact, bring [ known only the war to a close. home and hu | treaty of Versailles, the Ruhr, the I BY FRANK H. nees, seven years thereafter, republic, Germans have unparalleled misery at liation abroad. ~The the occupation of of Upper Silesia— | these have been sters which have bhave two of consequences, domes- | gradually effaced the memory of the tic international, but the interna. | war defeat, for which the old regime tional are vastly more important and | was responsible. The inflation epi serious. At a moment when ode was an even greater strain upon was at last beginnir s from |popular endurance. Foolishly, never t evil consequence: of the war, |theless humanly, the German people when her acceptance of Dawes | have come more and more to contrast plan, her apparent determination to |republican sufferings with lxnp"rmll retain the republic, together with the | prosperity. recent guarantee posals of the | e . IhE G e h bl haa cor Discontent Exploited. bined to enlist a measure of confidence | Nationalist politicians and news. in the allied world, Germany has|Papers have very cleverly exploited | suddenly voted for the man who, to |Popular credulity and popular discon the outside world, sy s the old | tent. They have recklessly promised 8 | it the old order were returned | wo Sets of Consequences. Naturally the election result wil ermany | to esc the the 10d and the old men who precipi- | that J tated the war and conducted it. Germany would instantly regain her In France the reaction must be |Position in the outside world. and that ewift and sure. When I was in Paris | the ian people would again enjoy a ®w days ago the modification of | the Drosperity of pre-war vears, and BY SENATOR WILLIAM E. BORAH, rman of Committee on Foreign Relations. HE facts and conclusions in this article are, in my opinion, not modified by the presidential election in Germany. A fair adjustment of the French debt neither economically nor in good conscience depends upon the adjustment of reparations with Germany. I have undertaken to show the obligation as it exists and the ability of the debtor to pay, and neither of these propositions are modified by the German clection. Neither should our right to an adjustment depend upon French politics nor psychological conditions to be utilized in French politics. If France had never collected any reparations from Germany, it would hardly be contended that that would have canceled our loan. Upon that theory we would be placed in the position of practicaily guaranteeing reparations. This is a matter wholly between the United States and France and not conditioned upon the action of other nations. We claim that the facts disclose the ability of France to make an adjustment, and certainly the obligation to do so will not be disputed. French Taxes Lower. The per capita taxation in France in 1923-4 was $33.58. The per capita taxation in the United States 1923-4 was between $68 and $69. It is not surprising that the taxpayer in the United States, under these circumstances, feels that he should be informed why he should be expected to continue to pay interest on the debt which France owes thes United States. When the French government is willing to impose and the French people are willing to phy anything like the tax which our people are paying, there will be little difficulty in reaching a basis of settlement in reference to this debt sufficiently fair and adequately liberal to all parties con cerned. The fact is—and it cannot be success- fully disputed—that the French people are re- fusing to carry their proportion of the tax bur den resulting from the great war, and by so doing they are not only asking the taxpayer of the United States to forego the principal, French sentiment on the matter these plausible but preposterous Gerr was impressive ements have in the end prevailed. of t irst turn in the The situa which now exis election had fortified the hetween Germany and the allies is a those who argued |iittle like that which existed -between was real, France and Europe when Napoieon | honestly eturned from Elba and at a single | It true that mained a |bound regained his throne. Then. | very great number men of | With the France of Napoleon, Europe | the type of Poincar Millerand 1 not and would not make peace. | who argued that the man | cotfld v anything but nominal peace is not change, that his & nature, | impossible between the continental despite camouflage, was what it had | 3llies of the recent war and a Ger always been. Rut e vt in which the forces behind 1ngs of these leaders. French sentiment | Hindenburg are dominant. It is not clearly favored adjustment with Ger. | S0 much that the choice of Hinden- | many, evacuation of the Rhineland;|PUr& spells war, immediate war in| ton et e Sl e R fori of the war. on to fight- e fact th s But today, after I election postpones, perhaps paralyzes, burg victory, what is th. political and economlic readjustment to Poincare, to Millerand for an indefinite period. sible answer can there to ir assertions majority of Herriot, F Reput the Hinden > left to sa What pos now be made | vindicated by a | German elector inleve, he Socialists and Radicals who have been working for a mogdus vivendi with (ermany, are now dut of court: politicz have been more than comy they have been ruined. | People Desirous of Peace. Despite the | German expertenc | the reat I the German people desire peace d not a new uggle. [ Tt is not to make war that they have sod, | turned to Hindenburz, but be mised, | cause they have believed that their | | own domestic evil would be exercised | Shift in France Expected. by the arrival to power not mery of the old marshal, but of the order behind him election returns my | convinces me that the As a consequence, French polity is i @lmost certain to undergo a mor o © of less viclent shift. All question of im- |, LBe extent ation of the Sl new and France, as e o treaty of Versailles, | ovinion of the wor yon i with: the terms of ‘theitreaty’ the|ocnned to learn. ‘They will see in period 0f cecupation dees mat hesry | the continuation ‘of allied occupation Until such_ compliance is compieie, | Of the Rhineland, in the faflure to ob But the military control commission | tain foreign leoans, in the renewal of has recently tenorted Cermaniiesion | war-time suspicion and censure in all ; i allied countries the interpretation the violation of the arnis pro- | o5 terma et rld puts upon the latest German ance, then, has a legal anc justification, to her own mind, 1 -upation of ihe zone and all. troops are in tk land, and if Bri Cologne Bs they Ame their blindness, of acteristic the public ey o) he! ron- entitiod €5 ey 1 beyond their fron moral for a Rhir More- Rhine ain insists on leaving | French troops will march in marched into Coblenz when ican troops came away For France now the single guarantee of security against a Germany which has Hindenburg as president is the Rhine barrier, the line that Mar- shal Foch has always demanded as singlé means of insuring French vinces against new invasions and sh devastations. Moreover, what France feels, Bel- 1m must feel, Poland and Czecho- slovakia must feel. The Poland and Czechoslovak One can hope that the consequences, these inevitable, consequences, will suffice to bring discredit upon the > tionalists, who must henceforth as sume all responsibility for Germany's ational situation. That inte ional discredit and domestic divi sion will presently combine to de prive the Nationalists of the ultimate | fruits of their victory and prevent a restoration of the monarchy. 1 But, obviously, not hope but fear is | going to dominate the attitude and policy of the several nations living be side Germany and still suffering from recent erman invasion and devasta- | tion. The program of reconciliation is halteg, the negotiations for a peace an e wl"{fl::{u tanding are indefinitely post creater Mhieed i qakla is even | For the moment we are back where Helgium. Bat for an tou atind | We were in 1919 at the moment when S Bt o | the peace conference sat in Paris. The han decision is an authentic | mora) isolation of Germany is again complete. All the old distrust, sus- picion, fear, which time, if nothing Hindenburg elec. | €152 had partly obliterated, regain foreign capitatists | NI full sway. Materially for Ger- UL "and the pei. | ™Ay the evil consequences will Hom s e e e orman 1estora- | prove incalculable. Once more the burg forec o it o towen | world is driven to conclude that the | oration of the German. mon. | Teutonic mind is- at once imcompre- e o Potene German mob- | hensible and capable of _blunders, il Rt m“‘;;n;-m” of | Which in the aphorism of the old resistance. of the: Temmilicans to | diplomat are vastly worse than crimes. o restoration. Bipublicans 10| Unhappily as always, not Germany oy, oreora s awher contin: | alone, but Europe and the world will S e pron on | Suffer. After the battle of Austerlitz, the one’ pappace within Germany on | pitt remarked sadly that the map of e one hand, or of peace between | Europe must be rolied s for ter Qe and the outside world on|vears After the (.,e,.m,,f’ of Hin- SLothers . denburg the program of Ei . el British and American bankers | consiruction, peaterial and T e lend a reactionary Germany ' money | muet be laid aside for a period the ::::r: ‘:«rhll"l{l 1:‘-‘_’!";}:';":';‘ fl(_nlvr:;n“‘;"’v length of which no one can yet calcu h which to reorganize German re-|)ate. And quite y sources, that, as Hindenburg's sup- | Hindenburg clerton toniinie e porters have proclaimed openly. Ger- | fixed and immutable will of the Ger- many may reverse the decision of |man people, we are beginning a period 1918, and, in addition, resume the con- | at the end of which lies & new ghr struction’ of her Mittel-Europa edi- | war, Citable 5 5 What Will Capital Do? What does n to the the are essen! whose restoration becomes henceforth a threat to world peace? Within Germany it is more difficult to fathom the results of the selection of Hindenburg. Undoubtedly the re- | public 1s henceforth compromised and doubtl. eventually doomed. What remains to be s whether the Republicans vely ac- quiesce or active ; whether the wublican parties will ~ disintegrate, Democrats and Center slipping uver to reaction and the Socialists | atone s = 2 sistance which defeated the Kopp |PIE €State owners are not opposed to itisch, the previous attempt at resto- | T€1€asing part of their holdings if ration. But, in any event, Germany | that would bring content to the small now becomes ' the battleground of | farmers. It seems, however, that obposing factions, and domestic dis- | €°Vetous peasants are more In evi- order, even civil strife, is conceivable. | 4ence than peasants who really de- liow shall one explain this German |5ire land. They want the choice bits decision? It exactly contradicts all of estates adjoining their own small the evidence which I could obtain in | PAtches and are not rushing to ac- Germany, it does violenee to conclu. | cePt Eovernment offers to clear for- sions reached by many more expe.| €St land and break new soil. Accord- anced and distinguished visitors In | INE to the concordat recently arrived recent times. It represents, in my |at With the Vatican, Poland may buy judgment, not so much any desire on | from the church such land as the the part of the German people for a |church wishes to sell. In the case of new war or for a fresh experiment |Sale the clergy will be allowed to in militarism as a state of mind cre. | Fetaln a certain number of acres or ated by the events since the close of | accept the equlvalent in cash. The o land so purchased by Poland from Polish_Peasanls Soon To Get Federal Land Poland is still discussing agrarian reform and it is probable that there will be a distribution of land this year. Several hundred thousand acres have been marked for government purchase and resale—purchase at 1ow % Germany, after nearly half a century | the church estates will be placed with of the, empire, had in 1913 reached | the other parcels and be distributed- point of unparalleled prosperity and |some day—according to- the general prestige. All this was, in the mind | agrarian reform. but in practical effect to pay interest upon the amount which we loaned France. Should the French debt be adjusted upon the same basis that we adjusted the debt of Great Britain, the annual payment, both prin- cipal and interest, upon the part of France fc the next 10 years would be less than $155,000, 000. In no year out of the 62 years during which the payments would run would the an nual payment exceed $175,000,000. A reason- able estimate of the taxable wealth of particularly when you take into consideration her present industrial growth and development, carrying a tax anything like the tax the Amer can people pay, would easily meet these an- nual payments. The obligations and the burdens of the war cannot Be met without great sacrifices, and this is true relative to all the peoples who were engaged in the war. As Mr. Hoover declared ‘WHAT BORAH THIN “The fact is that the French people are refusing to carry their pro- portion of tax burden resulting from the great war, and by so doing they are not only asking the taxpayer of the United States to forego the prin- cipal, but in effect to pay interest upon the amount which we loaned France.” % . The American taxpayer is not only paying the cost of our military estab- lishment, but is in fact paying for the maintenance of the French military establishment, or a large portion of it, and at a time when the French tax- payers’ taxes are less than one-half what they are in the United States. f I were a Frenchman and think- ing about the future of my country and trying to estimate her security against the cvents of coming years, 1 would not underestimate the value of solemn contracts conscientiously kept.” “It is now six years since the war closed. No proposal to pay or adjust cither the principaul or the interest has been submitted by the defaulting debtor.” “There can be no mistaking the meaning of this language of these lead- ing men of France. It is repudiation. It is disavowing the contract. It strikes at the very foundation of in- ternational integrity “If the most solemn and binding obligations are to be disregarded, there is no alternative in international af- fairs but force.” some two years ago, “We want to take part in making a better world. but it must be clear that sacrifices and charity from America can- not alone bring about a cure for those evils which now work against our economic pro ram Cannot Claim Inability. Doubtless the French taxpayer feels his load is heavy enough. Doubtless the American tax- payer feels his is too heavy, and under the circumstances most unfair and unjust. If the French taxpayer is prepared to say that there are reasons why this debt should not be paid at all, that it is really not owing. that is one thing, but in the light of the facts and figures available and indisputable he cannot claim inability to meet the obligation. France is by comparison with other coun tries a rich country. Her national wealth is 000. Her people are prosperous. institutions are exception- French Shoulfivoid Shame of Barter Over War-Debt Payment, Says Borah ally prosgerous. She has more geld than prior o the war. Tn 1923 the export trade of France stood at the flgure of 30,433,000,000 francs. In 1924 it reached the total of 41,454,000,000 francs, an increase in one year of one-third. In 1923 the French manufacturers' exports stood at 16,239,000,000 francs. In the following year they stood at 24,861,000,000 francs. This, of course, means the employment of skilled, ex- pert and highly paid labor, and, with high wages, correspondingly high spending. The reports on file in the Department of Commerce justify the contention that there is no longer justification for delay in the adjust- ment of this debt upon reasonable terms. Prior to the war France was buying abroad more than she was selling. Her exports now far ex- ceed her imports. Her production of coke alone is more than double what it was prior to the war. Her coal and power plants have been greatly enlarged and made vastly more effi- cient. The British department of overseas trade, under date of June, 1924, has this to say concerning the economic conditions in France: “Her ore-mining industry has recovered. Her potash industry has got into its stride and is increasing its export to markets formerly possessed by Germany The linen, cotton, woolen and jute industries of these areas, all of which were severe sufferers in the war, have finished the re-equipment of their works and have been producing to the full extent of their labor supply. The metallurgical, engineering, chemical and miscellaneous industries of the me areas have likewise completed their re- construction and have been unusually active, especially since all misgivings relative to the coke, and, therefore, of the steel supply, were dissipate Great Trades Prosperous. “Outside these areas the great trades have been and are equally prosperous. The Lyon silk frade, the lace trade at Calais and Caudry, the artificial silk trades, the Troyes hosiery trade, the Paris fancy-article and luxury-goods trades, the motor vehicle industry in several centers, the watch trade at Besancon, the heavy chemical trades at Paris, Lyon and clsewhere, the dyestuffs industry at Lille, Paris and elsewhere, the porcelain trade at Limoges, the bauxite production in the Var— these and other great export trades all tell the same tale. “Apart from the prosperous dynamic state of the French economy, it may be also noted that it has increased in a permanent fashion its industrial capacity, which is now far su perior from the material and technical stand points to that of 1914.” There are other facts which seem relevant to a full understanding of this subject. France has the most powerful army in the world. Ac cording to the latest reports, she has an active army of 629,012 men, a reserve army of 4,870.- 988 men, a total of 5,500,000 men. The army of France, active and reserve, is more than i “(Continued on Fifteenth Page) U. S. Senate Far From Deteriorating Says Walsh, Assailing Critics” Claims BY DAVID I. WALSH, Twice Gevernor of Massachusetts and Until Recently United States Senator. NLY a few years ago the United States Senate was referred to facetiously as a “Millionaires’ Club.” Men of great wealth have always had the ambition ta complete careers of financial achievement . by gaining admittance to the Senate. The scandals connected with the election of~aspir- ing millionaires to the Senate when the State Legislatures were intrusted with the filling of seats in that body finally aroused public re- sentment and led to the popular uprising of 1912, and the passage of the constitutional amendment which deprived the Legislatures of the power they had held for 100 years and vested in the people themselves the authority i0 elect their Senators. This radical reform in the method of elect- ing Senators has by no means closed the doors of the Senate to the wealthy class. Indeed, in those States where the party machine is strong the millionaire with political aspirations, wield- ing tremedous influence in the organization by reason of his wealth, has the advantage in seeking a nomination. And the nomination is frequently equivalent to election. Even today there are many millionaires in the Senate. From the New England States alone €ight of the twelve Senators are either millionaires or men who enjoy very substantial incomes. 1In the present Senate there are 23 or more millionafres, and while the proportion is not so large as in former days, it is large enough now to give the wealth of the country an exceedingly powerful representation in the upper house of Congress. I do not want to be understood as in favor of discrimination against the millionaire candidate simply be- cause he is a millionaire. But I believe it Is unfortunate that the imperfections of our po- litical system do in many States give the rich man an advantage and put the poor man at a disadvantage. However, there are more men of meager incomes in the Senate today than ever before in its history. Strikes at Propagandists. No one, of course, will argue that the Senate has deteriorated simply because statistich show a smaller percentage of millionaires than used to sit and deliberate in that body. But what other idea can be in the minds of the propa- gandists who are subtly secking to’ spread the notion among the unthinking—among those Wwho are so gullible as to accept hand-me-down opinions and prejudices without examination— that the Senate is not the splendid body of statesmen that it used to be? The propagandists imply that the Senate has deteriorated. Has it? Yes, if the measure by which you judge the value and usefulness’ of a legislative body is the wealth of its mem- bers. Has the Senate deteriorated? Yes, if the measure by which you estimate a legislative body Is the personal record of its members as directors in or attorneys for great corporate interests before entering public life. Has the Senate deteriorated? Possibly, if culture and social refinement and the little personal graces that are frequently, but not al- ways, bred in wealthy homes, constitute your test. Certainly there is more political independ- ence in the Senate today than formerly. Fewer men are bound by party dictation. Some argue that this is unfortunate. I do not. Shall the elected representatives of the peo- ple follow political leadership, which is so often subordinated to selfish interests, or shall they have the gumption to exercise their own judg- ment. Unless the public insist that their serv- ants be left free to guard the public interests as their judgment and conscience dictate, what will be' the result? 2 AS WALSH SEES SENATE. “There are more men of meager in- comes in the Senate than ever before.” “There is more political independence in the Senate today than formerly.” “The classification of Senators as conservatives and radicals is a much misrepresented and a much misunder- stood division.” “What more need be said in justifica- tion of the presence of ‘irregulars’ in the Senate than tMat the changing cconomic problems of the country are responsible for their being there.” “It is much safer for our common country that the discontented farmers should express their discontent through political action than remain inarticulate and become, in due time, the impover- ished and bitter followers of really dan- gerous radicals.” “I am not sure that the rise of the ‘blocs’ in Congress does not fore- shadow a complete political realign- ment in this country.” “It must be remembered in making comparisons that the Senate today has more problems and problems of greater complexity to be debated and is more continuously in session than formerly. Once individual conscience is discarded the public servant becomes either a political autom- aton or_the mere foil of sinister forces which are most proficient in the art of peddling prop- aganda. There is nothing more pathetic in the Senate than to see these men whom their colleagues recognize as mere dupes, men who from the beginning to the end of their careers do nothing except to answer the signal of the party bell ringer. There is bnly one test that it is fair to ap- ply in determining whether the Senate has or has not deteriorated. That test is the moral seriousness of its members. After all, the only reliable standard to measure the Senate by is not whether the members are obedient to party leadership, nor the cultural or social or finan- cial standing of the Senators, but their moral seriousness. I doubt whether, measured by this standard, the Senate today can be branded “inferior."” The real reason for the propaganda against the Senate, the real reason for the effort to spread the delusion that its personnel has de- teriorated since the Senators have been direct- ly elected by the people is the presence in that body today of a new, substantial, aggressive, independent and progressive type and spirit. Here are men from the very bone and sinew of the various groups that represent the life and soul of America. Great problems, never more difficult of solution, are pressing for ad- judication. Who would deny the farmer, the toiler, the consumer, even the so-called “radi- cal,” as well as the lawyer, the business man, the manufacturer, the millionaire, a hearing and a representation in the American Senate? Is it not significant that much of the present complaint comes because of the very demo- cratic character of the Senate? I believe that the Senate should be cosmo- politan in its make-up. From such a represen- tative body the rights of all are most likely to be sateguarded, whether they are rich or poor, strong or weak. No political system will insure exact justice at all times between the producer and the con- sumer, the employer and the employe, the wealthy and the poor, the financial interest and the middie class, But, if the scales of equality and justice cannot be balanced, the safety of the Republic, of all soclety, in fact, demands that they tip more easily in favor of those less able to protect themselves. The country has never suffered from such a cause. No Wild Radicals in Senate. Those who are assailing the Senate are bit- ter in their -denunciation of the “farm bloc™ and the “insurgent bloc” and ‘“the radical bloc."” The classification of Senators as conserva- tives and radicals is a much misrepresented and a much misunderstood division. There are no radicals, in the sense of ex- treme or wild political agitators, in the United States Senate. There are Senators who honest- 1y and sincerely believe that the present eco- nomic system is operating to the detriment of the farmers of the West: who believe that di criminatory legislation ' in favor of the finan- cial interests in the East has placed burdens on the farming populations of the West that it ought not to bear; who contend that the agri- cultural producer is overburdened by the ex- tortions) of the middlemen and the high cost of transportation. These Senators were elected to Congress by thelr constituents, who, under the Constitution of the United, States, have the right thus to express their convictions. © What more need be said. in justification of the presence of these “irregulars” in the Sen- ate, than that the changing economic problems of the country are responsible for their being there. The East has not appreciated the farmers’ problem. It does not understand their psy- chology. The agricultural West has sent a new type of Senator to Washington. He represents an economic group that has been hitherto inade- quately represented there, and has suffered ac- cordingly. It is all very well to rail against demagogues and economic nostrums, and to say no Government can make agriculture pros- perous. The Western farmer will reply that the Government has given very substantial as- sistance ‘to. the railroads and to the manufac- turer. Sees Signs of Strength. Upon analysis, much of this abuse of the Senate ‘will be found to originate with those who have looked upon the Senate as their very own, as a body existing exclusively to protect their interests and to advance their private projects, and to ignore the interests of mil- lions of their fellow. citizens, interests which in the adequate are just as important and just as vital to ‘the prosperity and happiness of the country as those of any group. 1 see no reason why any one who believes in democracy should be depressed because the Senate has lost caste, because the farmers of many Western States are manifesting a new spirit of independence, and in some cases are sending to the Senate representatives lacking the cultural resources and the bank rolls of their predecessors. To my mind, this is a sign of the strength of our system of Government. That the Western farmers for several years have been suffering acute economic distress cannot be Wdisputed. In some sections 75 per cent of the farms have been sold at the auction block because their proprietors could not meet the interest charges and taxes. Nor are their troubles yet over. In New York last week so conservative a man as ex-Gov. Lowden of Tli- nois presented a picture of conditions in the farmer West which, had it been painted by a farm bloc or insurgent Senator, would have made him the target for attack as a dema- gogue. It is a healthy development that this eco- nomic distress among an important element of our citizenship should find constitutional ex- pression in politics. What if some of the pro- posed remcdies recommended by ‘the new type = (Conunued on FIfteenth Pagey (Contlnued on eent Kellogg’s Foreign Senator BY FREDERIC WILLIAM WILE. NE of the features of United States foreign policy under Secretary Kellogg, about which more will presently be apparent, will be relations | with South and Central America. Friendship and fraternity with our sister republics of the two Americas, rather than political intimacy with KEurope, is a policy to which Secretary Kellogg is preparing intensively to devote himself. He will do so in strict accord with President Coolidge. What is hardly less important is that he will carry out that policy in the c tainty that Senator Borah approves it. The new chairman of the Senate com- mittee on foreign relations believes thoroughly in pan-American co-opera- tion all along the line. That statement, which is made with Senator Borah's authority, has led to the discovery by this writer recent times something like an en tente cordiale has sprung up between { Kellogg and Borah. The Senator has visited the State Department frequent. ly since Kellogg While Huglles was Secretary of State there is no record of any consultation between them. That situation would probably have continued if Hughes had remained chief of the State De- partment. Kellogg's advent there has changed it. Borah, as chairman of foreign remtions in the Senate, h: discovered that he can consult freely with Kellogg, and is doing so. Their conferences are not interrupted or made impracticable by the fact that | Borah does not see eve to eve with the administration on a number of out- standing issues. Soviet Russia, and the question of its recognition, is the thing they principaly disagree about Secretary Kellogg is a stern non recognitionist. It is certain that he 1o no opportunity ta impress his views, and the firsthand knowledge he recently gained in Europe, on Sen- ator Borah. | May Go to South America. It is significant of the attention which the United States Government | intends bestewing upon n-Ameri- | can relations that Senator Borah's |first trip abroad, if and when he | | makes it, will be to South America.| At one time he planned to go to Eu- | | rope this vear. Now, If he can leave | the country at all, it will be to cross the equator and not the Atlantic, He | considers it of paramount interest to |him, in his new post at the head of | | the "foreign relatio | “see the Americas first Secretary Kellogg has been an en- |thusiast on pan-American solidarity ever since he attended the fifth pan- | American conference in Chile as one of the United States’ delegates in 1923, at President Harding's appoint- {ment. Mr. Kellogg takes up pan- American relations at the State De- partment where Mr. Hughes left them joff—in the best condition in which | they have ever been. That assertion s made by a qualified authority . Varela, Uruguayan Minister shington, who is vice chairman |of the governing board of the Pan- | American TUnion. | Would Explode Charges. It is no mew policy on the part of the United States that Secretary Kel | lore plans to institute. . He means | merely to carry out our traditional policy, pursued -with more than or dinary vigor by Secretary Hughes Mr. Kellogg, like Mr. Hughes, will omit no opportunity to show Central committee, to Sister Nations Backed that in | succeeded Hughes. | U. S. TO SEEK STRONGER TIES BETWEEN AMERICAS Policy Embracing by Borah. United States “imperialism” toward the sister repu are pure fiction. Secretary Kellogg, like his predeces sor, will specialize in extending the good offices of this country in the preservation of peace among the pan American republics. Wherever services can be of use, as in the case of the Brazilian-Peruvian-Colombian boundary dispute or in the case of the Peruvian-Chilean Tacna-Arica contro- versy, Uncle Sam will be read function. His services will not be thrust upon any government to th south of us. But every governmen will be made aware of our anxlety to render them, if and when desired. May Send Capital South. Mr. Kellogg may be expected, too, to place the full prestige and influence of the State Department behbind any move to send more American capital into the Latin republics for invest- ment. There is a lively competition in that direction, in which nations like Great Britain, France, Italy and Bel- gium are taking a hand. They are anxious for financial and commercial footholds in the Central and South American countries in which thers still exist opportunities for great in- dustrial _expansion. The Kellogg policy will be to see that the United States does not let Europe steal a march on us in providing the sinews for pan-American development He became convinced, from his . confer- erces with Latin American states men at Santlago de Chile in 1923, that United States capftal is welcome, and even preferred. But this country must he zealous in indicating a spirit of helpfulness. Codification of Laws. A specific matter of vital and far- hing pan-American importance be- came current practically with rival of Mr. Kellogg at the State De. partment. That 1 for a codification of Ar n interrationsl law. This was laid before the goverr ments of all of the American repub- lics early in March. If it is accepted ; them the whole face of pan-Ameri- can relations will be altered. The Mon- roe doctrine, above all, will become “the law of the Americas,” instead of merely an ideal and keynote policy of the United States. The proposed codi fication of American international law would, in many respects, convert the American republics into a league of nations of their own, including a court of arbitration, like the World Court, for the adjudication of purely American questions. “Home Folks, After AIL" In a general way, the idea at the back of Mr. Kellogg's head, and in Senator Borah's mind, too, is that the peoples of the American republics are after all, “the home folks” of the peo- ple of the United States. Linked in close bonds of friendship and economic | interests with them, we could, if we | wished, pretty much detach oursel | from the rest of the world. The West- {ern Hemisphere would be a hemisphere |of complete solidarity. There is no | such_intention in Washington—no thought of North and South America versus the rest of the globe, or any- | thing of that sort. Certainly nothing remotely savoring itary de- | tensive or offe con- | templated by any responsible states- man in the hemisphere. But Europe and Asia may at least be sure that the United States henceforward will leave no stone unturned to march shoulder to shoulder with her sister republics in this part of the world. (Copsright, 1 America and Great Britain Are Drawn Closer Together | | I i ‘and South America that charges of | | BY ROBERT T. SMALL. HE significant thing in the news today is the growing en tente with England. The pass- ing of Great Britain back to i the gold standard. after the | balancing of her post-war budget: the | rise of the pound sterling to virtually | :pre—\\‘nr parity and the establishment | { of a $300,000,000 British credit in this country are but the tangible evidence: of the community of interests which have been drawing the two countries closer and closer together as friend: and companions in an upset world. The vociferous praise of the bulldog courage and determination of the Britons in pulling themselves clear of the muck and welter of the war, the funding of their debts, the cheerful- ness under back-breaking taxes, which has been expressed by the press from one end of this country to the other, is even more valuable evidence of the | entente which is being based upon mutual respect and good will of the peoples rather than upon the acts of officials of the Government. Colonies Influence Trend. You can get no admission in official circles today that the United States is more friendly disposed toward Great Britain than any of the other coun- tries with which we have treaties of peace and amity. But it is a fact that ever since the United States entered the World War the English-speaking peoples have been pulling hard and fast together. Maybe the British col- onies have been responsible for the constructive alliance. Englishmen who live and die by the British Isles ernment that the peoples of the col- | onies feel the strongest sort of sym- { pathy drawing thém toward the pol- icles” and purposes of the United States. | So strong has grown the world | teeling_that the United States and Great Britain are “pulling together,” other nations are beginning to take notice and to wonder at the influence and power of the new international arrangements. And yet they can hardly be called “arrangements.” Common impulses and common in- terests might be a better phrasing of the unspoken, unwritten understand- ing. Japan is particularly concerned. She feels that an Anglo-American en- tente, whether expressed or merely implied, will always serve as a check to possible Nipponese ambitions. Japan feels that the white men of the west are in league against her. Japan contends that the whole scheme of the ‘Washington arms and Pacific prob- lems conference in 1921 was to pro- vide an excuse for Great Britain to break her treaty of alllance with that country. There is no doubt that the British representatives to the Wash- ington conference frankly were told that the United States looked with disfavor upon this alliance and could not feel wholly at ease with Great have been frankly told by their gov-| | Britain in any undertaking so long |as the treaty “continued. Great Britain was only too glad to | swap the hard and fast alliance with |Japan for an understood agreement | with the United States. This. in fact, | was the important achievement of the | Washington conference. Japan, in re- | turn, was given full guard over the ‘open door”” in China, but has known |from the beginning that this is an | empty honor, so long as Great Britain |and the United States act together in | their mastery of the seas. Japan | fell she had been euchered out of an iad\'.'\nlzmeous world position. She cherished that alliance with the white | peoples of Great Britain. She has | felt shunted aside ever since its de | nunciation. | The United States and Great Britain acted in common and complete accord at the Washington conference, and | have continued to do so ever since. The entente has been growing. Lastly comes the cruise of the American fleet to Australia almost im mediately following a “war game" in the Pacific. The peoples of Australia |and New Zealand are preparing such a welcome for the Americans as they never have lavished upon any one else. They regard the visit as a visible sign of the new order in world affairs. Japan feels the visit is a blow to her prestige in the Pacific—an American armada of 64 vessels sailing to the antipodes and making merry while there. Japan thought the United States and Great Britain would keep out of the far Pacific. She thought particularly that the American fleet would hug its own shores. Bad Feeling in Japan. There is admittedly “a bad state of. feeling” in Japan about the whole trend of the world events, but thers is nothing in the naval maneuvers or the friendly visit of .the American fleet to a friendly people in the Britigh, colouies to which Japan may take of- ficial umbrage. t The United States and Great Britain! inevitably have been drawn together. Their influence for good is immeas- urable, and no one of sense belleves it ever will be used for ill. Other na- tions may be taken into the new ag. cord as they prove themselves worthyl H -] Prelate Pays Homajge To Queen of Italy First formal homage, it is said, paid by a prelate of the Vatican to the Italian reigning family since the cap- ture of Rome, was paid a short time ago in the Italian capital. Don Lo- renzo Perosi, director of the Vafican choir, was directing his oratorio. “Moses,” in the Costanzi Opera House. Noticing Queen Elena in a box, he led his orchestra through tye royal march.