Evening Star Newspaper, April 12, 1925, Page 29

DITO RIAL PAGE NATIONAL PROBLEMS SPECIAL ARTICLES EDITORIAL SECTION he Sunday Staf Part 2—16 Pages BRAGUE, STORM CENTER OE EUROPE, IS UNSHAKEN Her Factories Busy, Czech Capital Pre- sents Solid Front to British Boundary BY FRANK H. SIMOND! RAGUE.—Perhiaps on the same principle that insures calm at the heart of a cyclbne, Prague, in the very center of Europe, is impressive in its lack of @isturbance. On every side of this relatively tiny state, in area = little more than New York State and in population still a shade more, there is trouble. On the north there is Germany, with still unknown pur- pose; on the south Hungary, with the determination never to accept the treaty decisions as final; on the west 4 tattered remnant of Austria, sink ing perhaps to German annexation; finally, on the east there is Poland, with many of the same dangers as Czechoslovakia, but also with certain grievanc which separate the two Slav nations. Czech Facteries Buay. To add to the problems of Czech statesmanship, there are various minorities, German, Hungarian, Ru- thenian, to say nothing of the Slovak partner, who pufl anyvthing but evenly at times. Yet the Czech, who is run- ning affairs, is calm. He is not only calm, but he is busy. His factorles, which once constituted $0 per cent of the machine power of the old Haps- burg empire, are going strong; his currency has remained stable for nearly two years; his unemployment f* v no means excessive. And his caffita. ity has all the air of being the center of a prosperous and quite settled community ANl things considered, Czechoslo- vakia owes much to the possession of two men—to Masaryk, the President, who, in a certain sense, made the Czech dream of independence a real- ity, and to Benes, the forelgn minister, Who has been the outstanding figure In Geneva sessions for several years and could, perhaps, be accurately described as the largest statesman any small country has produced since the war. And to the possession of these two men is due, too, some- thing of the confidence with which this small state looks over wide- strung frontiers upon troubled continent. Benes' Views Clear, The moment when I was in Prague was interesting, because it coincided with the close of the Geneva meeting and the high point in the European discussion of the German offer of se- curity to France, which had set all Europe by the ears and opened the sharpest kind of discussion of the whole question of European fron- tiers, of Eastern and Western guar- rantees, and, above all, of the ques- tion of French relations with her two allies, Czechoslovakia and Poland. Now what was the Czech view at the moment? Jenes was at Paris, but the views he was presenting| were singularly well known at his| capital. In the first place Czecho- slovakia looked with a certain amount of academic disapproval on the rman propi 1s, which were identified with Britain quite as much #8 with Germany. The protocol which Chamberlain had just refecled was in a considerable degree Benes' own creation. He had presented it at Geneva last September and displayed no little pride of authorship. More- over the protocol was, after & man- ner, a sort of mew charter for all Burope; it gave a collective guaran- tee of all nations to the security of ach, without regard to locality. But the German proposal, made as it was with British approbation, raised anew the question of East and West. The Germans, in effect, of- fered to give all concelvable under- takings to regard as final the dec alons of the peace conference so far as they affected all the country from the German Ocean to Switzerland: that is, all the frontiers which Ger- many had in common with Holland, France, Belgium, Luxemburg Switzerland. Italy, too, was invited to join the arrangement, so that it might be assumed that Germany was 1so prepared to guarantes Italian frontiers, which might become in- olved if Germany should one dav annex Austria. Had Designs on Rorder. By the same token, however, Ger- many limited herself to proposing more treaties of arbitration with Po- land i Czechoslovakia, which might, and indeed would, have to be interpreted ws meaning that Germany had decided expectations of one day modifying Polish frontiers and of ~scaping the existing veto of Aus- trian unfon with Germany—it might even be regarded as a suggestion ithat some day the matter of the German minority in Czechoslovakia might be reopened. w 1 have already described in an earlier article that this German gesture, which was emphasized by a direot German proposal to Poland for a remaking of frontiers, excited great apprehension and excitement in War- <aw, since Poland felt Itself menaced by a new partition. Prague was much calmer becau: in the first place, it did not regard the mat- ter of Austria as of present impor- tance Austrian union with Germany would be a dangerous thing for ‘zechoslovak because it would al- most encircle the little Slav state with German territory, but the Czechs considered the whole project as impossible of present realization And the same w. equally true of w Saw Threat. the issus of German minorities within | thelr own frontiers. As to Poland, the Czechs look with certain skepticism upon the ultimate ability of the Poles to hold the cor- ridor against Germany or the east- ern frontler agalnst Russia. As to the latter, they are not interested, although*they would doubtless advise the Poles to make sweeping con- cesslons when the time should arrive that there was a real Russia the former, the Czechs recognize that Poland will not yield, that Germany sannot take the corridor without A war, in which she would have to yaise an army far in excess of what is permitted under the treaty of Ver- saltles, thus insuring French inter- vention. Thus, to put the thing quite badly, the Anglo-German project—for, as 1 say, the responsibility is thus divided the project of permanence in the west and alterations in the east <eems to the Czechs to be totally out r bounds of present of insuring peace the \s a means it i alueless because it would bring war: | making it harm- « an experiment in map «sems to them, on the whoie -ss; indeed, one might gather, more ‘i« a means for covering the British ctreat from the protocol than as a rious udvamge toward a different - | slovakia, As to| possibility. | Maneuvers. solution of the suprems problem of security. Czechoslovakia, under the leader- =hip of Benes, is the great protagonist of alllances, of defensive alllances. He has made an alllance with Ru- mania and Jugoslavia, which is the little entente; with France, which Is the _basis of Czech security and French influence in the middle of Eu- rope; he has an understanding with Austrla which has possibilities of far greater development, and the chances of cloger Polish-Czech relations are generally recognized. All these agree- ments are directed at making the existing frontiers permanent, and all are strictly defensive. Now all of this policy of Benes was expressed in the protocol, which did In general what had been done be- fore in part by separate arrange- ments. In throwing over the proto- col the British have been forced to fall back upon the other Benes method, which was the separate pact. But Benes and the Czechs all per- ceive clearly that the British diffi- culty les in the fact that in the effort to escape giving a general guarantee to all European frontiers the British have been driven back to « situation where they are compelled to give very complete guarantees to Belgium and France or accomplish nothing. France stands in this position: She has definite alliances with Belgium, Poland and Czechoslovakia; her agreements with the two Slav states insure her the support against Ger- man aggression of two standing armies amounting to half a mlillion on peace footing and capable of ex- pansion to more than two millions in, case of hostilities. The German pro- posal, which had British approval, would ask her to drop her arrange- ments with these two states in re- turn for German promises and some form of British guarantee. But since the French will not accept German promises at face value, the problem would be one of weighing the values of two guarantees, that found in the | two allled armies and that found in the British offer of aid. But could any Eritish government today make an offer of guarantee which would outwelgh the Polish and Czech mili- tary conventlons? At the least, you do not find this impression in the middle of Europe. On Business Bent. The Czechs are a serious business people with no delusions of grandeur | and no Interest in milltarism. They | have a good army because they have at least one dangerous nelghbor and no end of disturbing prospects. But they have—and Benes embodies it—a real European point of view; they | have—and Benes expresses ‘i' zll‘ every international gathering at which he is present—the clear per- ception that Furope is not only a complicated affair, but that also Eu- ropean frontiers are not to be simply and definitely separated, as, for ex- ample, Into eastern and western boundaries. Now the fundamental reason why the Czechs -were not excited about the German proposal for a western guarantee pact was that they per- ceived from the outset that the thing ! was Impossible and would lead no- where. Benes, unless 1 have been grossly misinformed, presently told Mr. .Chamberlain, Who represented England, that the idea of separating eastern from western boundaries would mean war, not peace, and that it would only be possible to make a western pact If the western pact sontained certain definite conditions with respect of the east, that is, of Poland and Czechoslovakia. Then Benes told Herriot again, unless 1 have been gravely deceived, that Czechoslovakia, so far from op- posing, would welcome a British guarantee of French security, which would also be « guarantee of Czecho- In effect, asking only that | | the western pact include some Ger- | man agreement to make an eastern | agreement, which would include | promises to arbitrate differences with Poland and Czechoslovakia on the | basis of “extsting frontlers. Blocked British Play. Roughly speaking, then, when the British had torpedoed the protocol at Geneva, Mr. Benes went to Paris and torpedoed the whole British con- ception of & western pact without eastern commitments, reached a solid agreement with France, and then hurried back to Prague, en route for Warsaw, to reach a general settle- ment with the Poles, which would enable both Slav states to oppose a united front to any new maneuver. Cuech Position Strong. You have, then, a clear notion of the importance of Czechoslovakia in the whole operation and the part that Benes has played and will play. The Germans are ready to glve France a guarantee, which will cover the west. They are, 1 personally belleve, pre- pared to accept the decision of the war with respect of Alsace-Lorraine, to give any desired commitment to settle all future disputes in the west by arbitration—and on this basis to enter the League of Natlons. The British, on their side having torpedoed the protocol, are keenly aware of the fact that they must give France some guarantee or the French will not quit the Ruhr, which is the acknowledged desideratum of both British and German diplomacy. the British have been assured of the German readiness to come into such a bargain, making perhaps a five- | power paet of the western nations, | Britain, France, Belgium, Germany and Italy, all agreeing to respect and defend the status quo. Thus the British guarantes would mot involve any tremendous British responsi- bilities. But the Germans are not equal- 1y willing to accept their eastern frontier. They have insisted that the | Danzig corriedor must be suppressed and Danzig restored to them, to- gether with Upper Silesia. This would mean a multilation of Poland, and Poland is an ally of France. British policy has, then, aimed at getting France to cut loose from the eastern ally in return for the western guarantee. This has been the whole play of the diplomatic game for several months. Failure Seems Sure. Now that the British effort has | | falled, the situation resolves itself into a struggle between the two !'standpoints. The British will try to | persuade the French, but they are |now almost certain to fail. The {¥rench will insist that in giving | France # guarantee, the Germans safeguard the eastern allies of France Poland and Czechoslovakia. If Ger- many refuses, the whole pact thing |collapses and we face the acufte | question of the occupation of the | " (Continued on Third Page) Anad | WASH GTON, D. C., SUNDAY MORNING, APRIL 12, 1925. BY DREW PEARSON. N looking for my first witness in this search for the trouble with our schools—if there be any—I went first to the president of Dartmouth College. Dr. Ernest M. Hopkins has set heads wagging more than once with the audacity of some of his pronouncements about educa- tion. He is what is known as a lib- eral. And his vlews are so pro- nounced and o thoroughly digested that it required no pauses between my questions and his answers. With- out further introduction I give those answers, Q. 1s modern youth in a moral slump? X. I do not believe so. It depends altogether, of course, on what one considers moral retrogression. I am perfecty conscious that if one starts with the standards, conventions and inhibitions of the last vears of the Victorian era, our young people today must give an Impression of moral laxness. I am certaln in my own mind, however, that this is all a matter of outward appearance rather than of inner character. I, myself, am enough influenced by the conventions and standards of recent decades of the past so that I believe there is some genuine loss in the changed relations between the sexes, and I think that in these mat- ters it Is not wholly gain nor com- pletely progress that reserve has been exchanged for a rather blatant frankness, that poetry has been ex- changed for prose, or that romance has been lost in the effort to be real- istic. Neygrtheless, I do think that by any stretch of the imagination could these changes rightly be com- sidered as constituting a moral slump. Better Than We Were. When we hear & boy and girl talk- ing together with a frankness that would send their grandparents into & dead faint, we brand them as morally lost. But they mean nothing by it, and there is nothing fundamentally wrong with them. As a matter of fact they better than we were. I are much remember {when my class graduated we went to Montreal on a grand jamboree, after which about half the class had to spend the night keeping the other half out of the vice districts. That sort of thing dosen’t exist any more. At Dartmouth we have accurate in- formation that only six men last year suffered from social diseases. That is a very small number out of 2,000 men. It was much higher in the colleges during my day. Formerly no man was ever barred from a fraternity because of im- morality. But just recently a mem- ber of a wealthy family which had sent its sons here for generations was blackballed from every frater- nity because he was morally. loose. What of Religion? Q. Has modern youth lost ligion? A. When any one asks me that I always want to ask him for a defi- nition of religion. If by religion you mean fundamentalism, then 1 “Yes, youth Is hopelessly lost.”” How- ever, I am & crank on that subject. In my opinion, too many people tiese days are attempting to hold us to the exact doctrine taught 2,000 years ago. Our whole method of life has changed since then. I remember the brilliantly colored picture cards that were passed out in my Sunday school, with which they tried to drum into our heads everything about the old and nothing about the new. I am not sure but what Sunday school did me more harm than good. There is a certain sect of Buddhism whose priests once decreed that mo its re- new doctrine should be adopted nor any bellefs chanxed in any way. That sect became frozen and thereafter lost all its followers, Religion with us has becoms frozen. That's why it losing its hold on youth. Q. Do you believe in compulsory religious services for students? DR. ERNEST M. HOPKINS, ARE U. S. COLLEGES TURNING OUT FLIVVERS? S the American college just a huge factory built on the production idea? Have our colleges abandoned moral teaching? 4 . Have pocket flasks and petting parties demoralized ents? Is religion in college a thing of the past? Do the young people of today know how to think? Have we allowed too much freedom in the school tion? Has real culture been pushed into the hackground? Is there really anything the matter with our schools? In an effort to get at the facts, Mr. Pearson has interviewed five of the leading educators of the country—men who are ni their outspoken views on education. The answers which th have given to the above questions will be set forth in a series of an interview with President Ernest M Succeeding ar- | | ticles will be published in the Editorial Section of The Sunday Star. articles. The first of thes Hopkins of Dartmouth University, appears below A. No. It is for this reason that]think wholly inconsistent, however,| ' 0" \ULY nave people quit thinking s Dartmouth recently did away With]for we domot specify any single form | A" Because they don't have time compulsory morning chapel. The col- | of relizious exercise, but simply that| " L ther don't take time. A gen- lege stands to the student unquestion-fa man shall put himself in contact|ariijon ago our fathers lived out | ably in loco parentis, and when morn- |once a week, Is the making of money made the god in our system of educa- under such denomina- the teaching of scientific evolution is anti-religious and anti-Christian, feel very strongly that-the Dartmouth re- quirement, th#t every student shall study evolution in his freshmdn year, is particularly to be condemned. When one recalls how many people of this conviction there are in the country, as evidenced by the -moves in various State Legislatures to forbid teaching of evolution, it is easy, I think, to understand why a college which seeks to make its men justify the beliefs they hold shall be assumed by the unthinking man to be attack- ing or perhaps destroying belief. Moreover, this principle applies through the whole curriculum, and our theory is that a man who has no understarding of the belief which he holds and no ability to defend it against attack is very little benefited by possessing it. Consequently, no attention is paid by our critics to the fact that a larger proportion of the men going out of college are actively interested in re- ligious affairs than formerly, but rather attention is focused on the fact that for a given period of prac- tically every man's course he is ques- tioning his old.basis of bellef without either having acquired a firm founda- tion in a new or a basis of confidence in the old. | Fauits of Modern Youth. Q. What do you consider the chief fault of modern youth? A. Its unwillinzness to subject it- self to, or accept, discipline in any form, #nd its shrinking from the kind of hard work that used to be taken as a matter of course. As a matter of fact, my only real question about this generation is at this point. The effec is one which might have been antic pated, however, from: the different types of homes from which men come, as compared with former generations. and if T might add without offense, it might even more be assumed from the different kind of parents which the present generation has as compared with those of former days. Q. What do you consider the chief | danger of modern youth? A. Its failure to think. Its tend- ency to follow the machine system, to be just like the other fellow, to conform to type. This is particularly dangerous because we need leader: Men who strive to pattern themselves after the other fellows never lead. They all attain a dead-level. Our schools and colleges have a tendency to imitate our factorles. Their fin- ished product too similar—like Fords. quantity 1 the stu- Real Thinking Very Rare. These days real thinking is very rare. I remember the first time that I ever understood that it was neces- sary to think. I had been traveling on the Pullman with an older man for almost a day, when he went off to a neighboring section of the car, saying that he wanted to be undis- turbed for a couple of hours, because he would like to think. It was an un- heard-of phenomenon to me. 1 had never thought steadily for two hours in my life, and I do not doubt that other people have had like experienca. oted for ese men on farms where they were by them ing prayers was the conventional|tional auspices as he chooses, With|.iives 2l day, and : 3, sat at home read- method of beginning the day in the | religlous influences which pertain to|y,- in the evenings. They had no homes from which students came,|the day. Personally, I do not think| ,aio or phonograph to do thelr there was at least a naturalness in the analogy by which the college contin-|involved in ued the custom in the compulsory |exercises, but If it should appear at chapel service known as “morning|any time that the results of this re- prayer.” quirement were what seemed to be the Under modern conditions, however, | r its of the other requirement, T not one student in hundreds has ever egperienced “pravers” at home, and there is no analogy to create an un- derstanding of what the institution is all about when the college undertakes to maintain it. On the other hand, we are not whol- Iy consistent in this matter, for we requirs attendance at some religious service on Sunday. This I do not not blind itself to the fact Q A. Probably of the college. Bryan, for instance, who that this has the hazapds that were the prescribed morning should expect that the college would Why has Dartmouth been erfti- cized for being irreligious? because of tha pub- licity given to us by those who have genuine question in regard to the re- sults of certain fundamental Such men am Mr. thinking for them, and no automo- biles to take them away from home. Thelrs was essentlally a home life, I sometimes think that the hard common sense which Coolidge dis- plays comes from working in the | great open spaces when he was a boy. The Heme Endangered. Today we are more crowded. People live close together. To think requires solitude and space. Also we are on the go from morning to night. The home has disappeared. father comes home at night tired out (Continued on Third Page. pelicles believe that Issue Between President and Congress RIEFS just filed in Myers vs. States finally set the stage for “the constitutional battle of the century. ‘The case of the Portland, master, whose estate is suing the Government for pay arrears, brings up every issue involved in the contest for power between the President Argument will begin before the and Congress. Supreme Court tomorroys. The prerogative of the President will be da- fended by James Montgomery Beck, The rights of Congress will be advocated by Senator George general of the United States. Wharton Pepper of Pennsylvania, that purpose by the court, but, in nated by the judiciary committee of the Sena Senator Thomas J. Walsh of Montana was oris- inally in view for the purpose, but is understood to have declined the appointment. * Xk X X Messrs. Beck and Pepper are among Ameri- ca’s foremost constitutional authorities. solicitor general's recent history of the Consti- tution is just out in an edition for which Presi- dent Coolidge has written a striking introduc- tion. The Supreme Court is now called upon to render a decision likely to govern all futurs relations between the President and Congress. Concretely involved are (1) the right of the President to remove execitive officers and (2) the power of Congress to restrict exercise of such prerogative. The up in the case. tions.” Mr. Beck declares that in this case is of profound ifaportance. principle is of the very foundation ernment.” The issues all of which Myers vs. ing. are 1. The recent United States Senate. 8. The “inharmonio) of cotemporary immediate past, present and future, each with a specific application, are wrapped In his powerful brief defending the presidential prerogative as against the dom- ination of Congress, Mr. Beck asserts that “no Jesser a'question is involved than the preserva- tion of the independence of the President, which js essential to the perpetuity of our institu- “the question significance, on United States has a bear- ‘Warren episode tween Controller General McCarl and the executive branch of the Govern- ment. President Coolidge's recess nomination of Thomas F. Woodlock as Interstate Commerce Commissioner after the Senate had twice failed to act on regular nominations of Mr. Woodloc! * ¥ ¥k Specific references to the pretensions set up by Controller General McCarl are made by Solicitor General Beck in his brief for the Gov- ernment. In effect, the brief argues that the President should be clothed with the right, re- gardless of Congress, to depose at his own dis- cretion, any incumbent of the controller gen- eralship. Mr. McCarl's position, throughout his stormy four-year career in Washington, has been that-nobody can remove him except Con- gress, which created his office. The cause. now to be thrashed out in the Supreme Court amounts to a test of the legality of the act of Congress which made the controller general ir- ramovable for 15 years except at Congress’ be- hest. Mr. Beck's brief minces no words in dealing ‘with the controller zeneral’s status. It says: ““The case presents to the court two concrete instances of existing laws, in which a vital prerogative of the President is involved. “The one is his power to remove a postmas- ter for the good of the service and without ac- countability to the Senate. The other is his power to bring the office of the controller gen- eral into harmonious co-operation with the other departments of the Government."” XAy The conclusion of the Government's argu- ment, as voiced in the Beck brief, is almost ex- clusively devoted to the necessity of curbing the pretensions of the controller general to ignore and override the will of the executive branch—the President and his cabinet. In a passage that goes straight to the McCarl issue, the solicitor general says: “If the court should accept the Myers con- tention, and, for the first ttme, hold that Con- gress may regulate the power of removal, and if Congress, with its existing powers thus am- plified, should hereafter exercise that power as TUnited Oreg., post- s solicitor chosen for fact, desig- The him in the The of our Gov- in the did the Congress in 1857 (which led to the im- peachment of Andrew Johnson), the equilibrium p he- of our Government would be destroyed. ’ ow Before Supreme Court for Decision BY FREDERIC WILLIAM WILE. “Power, Instead of being truly balanced be- tween the executive and the legislature, would pass to the legislative branch. The morale of the exécutive department would be shattered, for there can be no spirit of authority in that department wnen an unworthy official could ap- peal from the President to Congress. “It may not always be true that no man can serve two masters, but it is true that he will not willingly do so; and nothing could be more destructive of the discipline of the executive department than the ability of any officfal in the vast civil establishment to appeal over the head of the President to Congress. “If it be suggested that this argument deals with shadows and that the court need not take into consideration potential mischiefs which may never be realized, the answer is that the court is now dealinz with something more than a shadow=—it is dealing with a reality.” * % ok ¥ Then the Government's counsel tackles ham- mer-and-tongs the “mischief” and the “reality” he mentions, . e, the insistence of John C. McCarl, controller general, that he is respon- sible to Congress and Congress alone. As the Beck drief went to press, it asserts there was a fresh Instance of McCarl “confusion worse confounded”—the refusal of McCarl to honor a compensation voucher issued by the Searetary of the Navy in favor of a member of the Fleet Reserve Force. Beck charges McCarl with “as- sumption of extraordinary powers that disar- ranges the machinery of the Government.” The United States in the Myers action is not seeking to create an “executive despotism,” but it aims at an interpretation by the Supreme Court of the desire of the framers of the Con- stitution “not to create a legislative despotism over executive appointment and removal: President Coolidge has just given a recess appointment to Thomas F. Woodloek of New York, as a member of the Interstate Commerce Commission. The appointment foliowed two nominations of Mr. Woodlock in succession, after the Senate had declined to act on them. In_the opinion of constitutional lawyers watch- ing the Myers case, the Supreme Court will lay down a definition of executive authority or con- gressional prerogative that may pave the way to another Warren episode over Woodlock when the Senate reassembles in December. (Copyright, 19 the | is too standardized— | The IDEMOCRATS DIM HOPES BY 0. MESSENGEH. HOSE politicians, and espe- clally the wicked Republicans, who were gloating over the prospect of a clash of fac- tional opinions at the Jeff son day dinner in Washington, April 3, are disappointed. They are to be balked of their prey. William Jennings Bryan and Franklin D. Roosevelt have signified that they uld not attend. Mr. Bryan is to be detained by, some speaking en- gagement in Miami, and Mr. Roose- velt fs restoring himseif to health at Warm Springs, Va That's too bad, from the viewpoint of the politicians who are always hoping for trouble in the other side's N. camp and eager to help along a shindy. They say “the night is young, however,” and they will not despalir of something “breaking” to add to the gayety of politics. While there is Bryan there is hope and it is thought here that he may be induced on his visit North, during the month of May, to discuss Democratic politi- cal affairs. Tariff Issue to Be Foreed. Democratic leaders are still in- sistent that they will force tariff {revision as an issue in the next Con- gress. The administration has signi- fled most plainly it has no intention jof sponsoring the revision of the tariff by the next Congress yme Democrats who deny the old axiom that vou can lead a horse to water but vou cannot make him drink still persist that they will force the i Republican horse to drink out of the tariff revision trough Doubt I3 expressed by Republican politicians in the sincerity of this threat by the Democrats. What they {think the Democratic leaders really |have in the back of their minds is | | the purpose to jse the tariff in the campalgn and at the elections after the Republican Congress shall have refused to revise the tarif. The Democratic play then will be, | according to the Republican doubting Thomases, to go before the country with the charge that the Republicans have sidestepped the tariff issue and left the country still under the domi- nation of the trusts and high prices. G. 0. P. Not Comvinced These Republicans insist that when it comes down to cases the Demo- crats ‘should be just as wary about bringing the tariff up in Congress before the congressional election as | | of the country by the administration. in plain and unequivocal terms, that they can expect, so far as the Repub- i { { { | By G i Henry T. Allen, who com- ed the American Army om the ne. What support, if any, can old Mar- shal von Hindenburg—the loval serv- ant of the Kaiser, the hero of the Great War in the eyes of the German people—expect from the liberal par- ties? Upon that and the shifting of the Communist vote toward the Lib- eral candidate depends the alection | of April 2. Dr. Marx, who was hacked solidly i by the Socialists, Centrists and Dem- ocrats in the recent election, and is again their candidate, received some- thing less than 14,000,000 votes, while Dr. Jarres, the candidate of the Na- tionalist bloc, recelved something more than 10,000,000. Assuming that the disaffection of the People's Party under the leadership of Dr. Strese- mann has been removed and that that party, the Bavarian People's Party, and the Ludendorff Fascists vote sol- 1dly for the marshal, there %ould still remain about one million votes short of the election of the monarchist can- didate. ’ What would the election of an ex- treme monarchist such as von Hin- denburg mean? An important French dally suggests that it would be sim- ply the prelude to having a son of the ex-Kalser follow him in the presi- dency, and at the first favorable op- portunity the restoration of the mon- archy. Probably the most serious re- suit would be the loss by the world of the growing' confidence in Ger- many’s intentions tqward the Ver- sailles treaty, toward the Daiwes plan and toward those principles that BY BISHOP CHARLES H. BRENT. Senator Borah's ability and sin- cerity make him an outstanding fig- | | ure in the political world. If he had done nothing else in the interest of | world peace than coin, or at any | rate popularize, the trenchant phrase | “the outlawry of war” he would have done much. “Don’t talk to me of your Archimedes lever,” says Con- rad, “Give me the right word and the right accent and I will move the world.” ‘Again Senator Borah's independence is an asset. He thinks for himself and apparently is not interested in dovetaiiing his views Into any sys- tem of thought and practice but his own. ©On the other hand, his very strength threatens to become his chief weak- ness. A powerful word must have powerful embodiment to do its work. Senator Borah not only has failed thus far to present a ratlonal method for outlawing war but even se@ms hostile to those formulated by others. Failing ability to translate his ideal- ism into practical measures the part of wisdom would be to employ freely the aid of his fellows Aut Caesar aut nullus is the worst position a leader can assume. It must soon de- grade him from a leader to a driver. Those who have admired his ster- ling qualities have been staggered by one of his recent uiterances. He is quoted as saving: “As for the Re- publican platform, nobody paid any attention to the platform. Calvin Coolidge was that” Tt is true that Calvin Coolidge on his own admission s the piatforip, though issue any one else. They point out that | Democratic differences of opinion over the tariff would be disclosed | |as just as acute in some schedules as contentions between the progres- sive Republicans and the high tariif advocates. Assurances have heen given to the business and manufacturing interests | | FOR FACTIONAL CLASH Disappoint Republicans by Canceling Jefferson Day Dinner—Latter Un- worried by Tariff Fight Thy >al. licans and this administration ard concerned, a period of rest from tariff tinkering; that the country can go td bed at nights and sleep in peaca wit] no fear of being confronted at hreaks fast next morning by a threat of & change in the existing schedule of the tariff. Busfness In Calmed. This has had a calming effect on business. In manufacturing lines if is necessary to be reasonably assure a long time in advance what the future holds of possible legislativa upsetting. Plans have to be madd far ahead In the purchase of raw materials and for manufacturing Indeed there seems at this time to ba promises of a grea period of quiescence than has existed for sev+ eral years. The administration’s projects fot legislative activity in the next Cons gress are upon broad constructive lines which do not involve disturh- ance of existing conditions, but only prospective betterment of them. 18 the Republican judgment of the Dem-« ocratic plans for dealin tariff question in the correct, the Democra the Republican fa tariff question v has gone over th grind no political icans think tha more rial the with satisfied 1 of t tivit workingmen ges, tha rmoil rais dustr ment 1 by what been nd t discussion had the tariff Activity In Asnet. Industrial tranquillity #nd activit | has long been claimed sset the carrying out of R An | - cies. The sight of coal sm r- ing from factory chimne the real pillar cloud them, and the ow of night the sign of national prosperity Threats by the progressive Repub- licans that theyv will n with the Democrats upon el gram of the latter to force tariff re- vision do not tion leaders adminis appeal to tra- in Congress, said They point out that an endeavor of the progressive Republicans to throw a monkey wrench into machinery of the countr hampered by the fact that such a small minor in Furthermore, ated crats will tariff red borne in mind tariff revision Representat the industrial will be a ress f ction tha gressives than in the When thing, effective gressive Republ | economic pectiv vitit Outlook With Von Hindenburg In Race for Reich Presidency mean pe. the hope ciliation, always vanish with known as an ar archist principles In the meantime tionalists have best availabl the majority Reich mayv fice republi Certa o-German faint election belie of a Fr too we of r in mon- one though the bly made Na- prot the ; o and indu of and the culties that The eves of many and th in that country ple of this country their country regim diff th are on Ger- f republicanism ake. The g are intensely terested In the new political mo while the enemies of Germany ars already claiming that tbeir opinion of the Germans has been fully dicated. It were better to awa sults, always in the knowled, a country which has had its greatest prosperity under a monarch will not have lost all of its monarchists hy a change te a new form of govern ment. Reasoned judgment in the United States, however, does not give cre dence to any such radical change in the German government as certain sources consider imminent. It is hoped that German)'s consciousness of its international relations, as well as the importance of external operation in her internal affairs pre- clude such a change, despite the earn- est desire of the people to honor the outstanding idol of the nation. Give Ideals Practical Shape, Bishop Advise s Senator Borah foreign to Senator Concurrently with the latter's state- ment the President is reported to hava said that “when a party goes to tha country with certain principles and wins the election on these principles, it then devolves upon it to organize Congress in such a way as to pu these principles into effect.” A plat form can never be anything less than a compact between elected and elee- tors. It cannot-be treated as a “scrap of paper” without dishonor. President Coolidge’s position bears the marks of honest, careful think- Ing. Senator Borah's does not; it is an appeal for special privilege, a bid for unchartered freedom, which if extended widely would be death to our form of Government. Neither ls it a matter of politics, but of elemen- tary ethics involving good faith and the sanctity of agreements. Divorce Epidemic Reported in Hungary Desider Laky, professor in the I'n versity of Budapest, asserts t Hungary is experiencing a divores epidemic. Divorces last vear nuni- bered 415 to each 100,000 marricd pairs, as compared with in 1895, Prof. Laky attributes the increase In divorces to economic conditions. Mo of the divorces are among the mid-| dle classes. Suicides. ton. have inereased F=th In a sense'in Budapest and Vienna.