Evening Star Newspaper, April 8, 1923, Page 43

EDITORIAL SECTION EDITORIAL PAGE NATIONAL PROBLEMS SPECIAL ARTICLES P-rt Part 216 Pages SUPREME COURT’S POWER TO HOLD LAWS INVALID Present Movement Aims Only at Requir- ing Decisions by Majority BY G. GOULD LINCOLN. HOULD the Supreme Court of the United States by a majority de- cree decide the constitutionality of legislation enacted by Congress or by the state legislatures? This is not a new question—al- though it has been given prominence recently by the adherence of Senator Borah of Tdaho, reckoned a great constitutional lawyer, to the proposal that seven out of the nine members of the Supreme Court must declare a law of Congress unconstitutional to make it so, and by a somewhat similar proposal advanced by Senator Fess of Ohio. As early as 1823 and 1824 the matter was agitated in Con- gress. Martin Van Buren reported a bill for that purpose. In 1868 there was passed by the House a bill re- auiring two-thirds of the members of the court to hold a law unconsti- tutional. Demand Wid.r Margin. The proposal advanced by Senator Borah and by Senator Fess is a vastly different proposition than the pro- posal in some other quarters that the Supreme Court shall have no power to review the laws of Congress fo determine whether they are in con- flict with the Constitution. Senator Borah does not propose that the Su- preme Court shall not pass upon the constitutionality of the acts of Con- gress. What he does say, however, is that it shall require more than a mere majority of the court to set aside an act of Congress. Although his bill as introduced does not pro- vide that it shall require more than & majority to declare a state law un- constitutional, he is willing. and b that the bill should be amended to cover state laws as well | as federal laws. His position is that decisions by the Supreme Court on the constitutionality of acts of Con- gress and the state legislatures by 5 to 4 decisions, with one man prac- tically holding the balance, tends to bring upon the Supreme Court criti- cism from which it should be free. He believes, too, that the adoption of his plan will lay much of the agita- tlon that has arisen to take from the court the right to pass upon the con- stitutionality of laws ot Congress and the states. The Senate rules committee, headed by Senator Curtis of Kansas, acting under & resolutlon adopted by the Senate, has had prepared for publica- tion as a Senate document the Con- stitution and its amendments, annotations of all the decisions of the Supreme Court upon the ques- tions involving the constitutionality of the acts of Congress and the states. The compilation was made by George Gordon Payne, acting for the committee. Not an Extended Record. It is interesting to observe that since the beginning of the govern- ment the Supreme Court has declared only 39 acts of Congress unconstitu- tional. Some of these acts have been of much public interest, however, notably the child-labor laws passed by Congress, the first income-tax law put through Congress in 1894, the corrupt practices law under which former Senator Newberry of Michi- ®an, republican, was tried, and laws relating to workmen's compensation There have been approximately 300 3 in which the Supreme Court has held state constitutions and statutes enacted by the states to be in con- filot with the Constitution. Consider- ing the number of states, and the number of laws eminating from the state legislatures, the number does not appear large. One of the Inter- esting state laws held unconstitu- tlonal was the so-called Lochner case, involving & law of New York provid- lieves, o RUBBER TRUST’S GREED AROUSES AMERICAN IRE FEW years ago all this to-do about rubber would have been of only academlc Interest to the man in the street—or A would have interested him not at all. Now it interests, with pocketbook intimacy, practically every one, for rubber has come to be among the necessities of our daily lives, like bread and meat and potatoes. It is the unusual family nowadays which does not own some sort of a motor car; and to the motor car owner, whether humble fiivver or plush-lined limousine, rubber is an important item In the houshold budget. That is why there was such a bris- tling up when wo learned that the British and Dutch, having practically a monopoly on the world's supply of crude rubber, were preparing to ap- ply the screws to American con- sumers, and why there is so -much Interest in the investigation into the world rubber situation undertaken by the Department of Commerce, and to co-operate in which Secretary Hoover has asked the National Automobile Chamber of Commerce and the Rub- Der Association of America to appoint an advisory committee. p ngress Provided Funds. One of the last acts of Congress be- fore it adjourned was to provide an appropriation to enable the Depart- ment of Commerce to conduct & world-wide investigation with respect 10 a number of i{mportant com- moditles of which the United States is an importer and in which combina- tions of various kinds are either ex- isting or threatened among the for- cign associations controlling these products, with a view to increasing the price to the American consumer. It would seem there is a general if ot concerted movement among for- with More Than Bare of Judges. ing that bakers should not work in excess of ten hours a day. Very many of the cases which come to the Supreme Court in which the constitutionality of state laws has Dbeen involved have had to do with the interstate commerce clause of the) Constitution, and the Supreme Court has decided in many of these cases | that there was a conflict with the constitutional provision which gives Congress and the federal government Jjurisdiction in interstate commerce. Six by Bare Majority. An examination of the decisions rendered by the Supreme Court hold- ing acts of Congress unconstitutional Ireveals the fact that in sixteen of the thirty-nine cases, the decision of the court was unanimous; that in only | six cases was the decision rendered |by a mere majority of the court—or five to four, and that in the remain- ing 'seventeen cases there were one, two or three dissenting opinions. The Supreme Court divided b to 4 in the original income-tax law of Congress, in 1895, the law having been passed a vear earlier. This was the case of Polloch versus the Farm- ers’ Loan Company. There were two trials of this case, the first resulting in upholding the law by a mere ma- | jority decision, and the second, hold- ing it unconstitutional, by a 5 to 4 decision. Made Income Tax Valid. In order to remedy the situation brought about by the decision of the Supreme Court that the income-tax law, was unconstitutional, the Con- Kreét put through a resolution pro- | posing to the states an amendment to jthe Constitution authorizing the Im- |Dusu|0fl of a federal income-: law, fand the states ratified it. But it took a score of years to do this The child-labor decision of the Su- preme Court on the first act of Con- gress attempting to regulate the labor of children,-held the law uncon- stitutional, as a violation of the police powers of the states. It was a 5 to 4 decision. Congress then tried to deal with child labor through the taxing power of the federal gov- ernment, imposing prohibitive taxes on goods made by child labor. But the Supreme Court also held this un- constitutional, as a mere attempt to <o an unconstitutional thing through another means. And now there is every likelihood that Congress wili put through at the coming sesfon a resolution for an amendment to the Constitution authorizing Congress to regulate chil§ labor, and that the ame ent will then be submitted to the scates for their approva.. Il Power of Congress Questionable. Senator Borah frankly admits that question of the power of Congress to enact a law providing that the decis- fons of the Supreme Court holding an t of Congress or of the state legis- [ature unconstitutional must be ren- dered by at least seven of the justices of the court is open to debate, He has convinced himself, however, that Congress has this power. He points to the fact that Congress has deter- mined the number of justices on the court, and the number of justices who shall constitute a quorum of the court. Should Congress put through the Borah bill or #similar measure, that law might go, and undoubtedly would B0, to the Supreme Court for deter- mination as to its oconstitutfonality. If the Supreme Court should decide that it was not constitutional, as it has other laws of Congress, then the court would ignore the law, and un- less an amendment to the Constitu- tion were put through In the regular way thers would be no change in the procedure of the court. elgn producers of commodities of which the United States s the largest consumer to make Uncle Sam dig deeper into his pockets. Before the House appropriations committee con- sidering the matter, Secretary Hoove recently stated the problem in these terms: “We gre faced not only with com- binations in rubber, but we are faced with combinations actually #h-control of prices in nitrates, in sisal and in many other commodities. ¥For -the last year and a half I have made varfous public statements on this general question of price combina- tions against the United States, where Wwe are the predominant importer. We should make an investigation into séveral of those combinations be- cause the time has come when we muxt prepare for some sort of na- tional defense as against this kind of control. We can defenu ourselves. in two ways, first, by stimulating al- ternate supplies and thus restoring competition, and second, by legisla- tion of & militant order.” Other im- portant commodities which the de- partment also expects to include th this list are potash, quinine and iodine. | Rubber Problem Typleal. ‘The rubber problem s typical of the others. The rubber industry has grown apace with the automobile industry, for about 80 per cent of the rubber used in the United States is used in that industry. Prior to 1900 the world's consumption of rubber was only about 50,000 tons a year. In 1922 the world’s consumption had risen. to 375,000 tons. The United States, with its 12,375,000 passenger automobiles and motor trucks, as against 2,275,000 in all the rest of the world, consumes more than 70 per cent of the entire world productien o The Sundiy S WASHINGTON, D. C, SUNDAY MORNING, APRIL 8, 1923. Return of the President to Washington Will Bring Politicians Flocking Here . 0. MESSENGER. RESIDENT HARDING is due back in the capital today, his play'time o'er and facing a number of important ad- ministrative and political problems which he will be called upon to solve. This week and these to follow will bring confer- ences with politicians and with the executive officers of the departments, the while he will be busying himself with plans for his western trip and the speeches to be made thereon. In fact, unless the President can find it possible to take his long-desired trip to Alaska, there seems nothing but hard work ahead of him for months to come, as the time will slip quickly by until the problems of the next Congress begin to loom. ;. * ok ok ok Nobody will be happier to see the Presi- dent back in his office than the corps of Washington- correspondents, who are look- ing forward to greeting him in person at next: Tuesday’s conference with the repre- sentatives of the press. They are congratu- lating themselves that “business” in their line “is picking up” as the President returns. * ¥ %k X It is expected that the incoming poli- ticians will be especially in evidence in ad- N vising against and pleading with him on the subject of pushing in the next Congress his suggestion submitted at the closing session of the last Congress, that the United States enter the International Court set up under the league of nations. Strong opposition has developed among some republican sena- tors to permitting the proposition to become an acute issue on the eve of the national elections of next year, while there is also strong pressure from other quarters favor- ing dealings with the question and getting it out of the way early. x K X K There are increasing indications that the league of nations will become an issue in started of nationwide character. It is under the auspices of the “League of Nations Non- partisan Association,” of which John H. Clarke, former associate justice of the United States Supreme Court, is president. Demo- crats and republicans of prominence are members of it. Mr. Clarke said Friday night at a meet- ing in New York to give the movement im- petus that the only bar to the entry of the United States inte the league of nations is the opposition of “a small group of able, but ambitious men.” He predicted that there are others who will have something to say upon the subject, that the churches and women’s clubs, some great newspapers, the farmers, labor unions and the 4,000,000 young soldiers of the world war will be heard from. Of course, it is realized that the associa- tion at the outset of its endeavor must feel the handicap of the 7,000,000 republican ma- jority of 1920, a portion of which is believed to represent an expression of opposition to the league of nations. The association is setting out to overcome that by a campaign of education. A ten-day series of mass meet- ings throughout the country is the program for the current phase of the movement. ® k %k * E When the President departed on his southern trip, coincident with the adjourn- ment of Congress, his desk was pretty well cleared of routine departmental matters upon which his final disposition was necessary, but in his absence there has been a new ac- cumulation, and action on them will of neces- sity occupy some of his time. The politicians are expected to begin to drift in commencing with this week, and will seek early audience with the chief executive. Chairman John T. Adams of the republican national committee, who has been abroad for several weeks, is due home next Tuesday. and his return will be followed by an inpour- ing of national committeemen from the coun- try at large, all eager to discuss national politics and get in their word with the Presi- dent on the topics to which he is expected cial way while he was south, but others are awaiting his return to the White House to take up with him what they may consider vital political subjects. Tk k The Secretary of War, John W. Weeks, is regarded as having “started something” in his outspoken and vigorous attack upon the asserted secret and evil forces behind the sinister features of the ‘work of some of the pacifist organizations seeking to dim- inish the national defense. In Washington it is thought that his statement will be wide- ly applauded in nfficlzl circles which are cognizant of the operahom of the commun- ist element endeavoring to work through the pacifist societies. Probably there will be 2 “come back” from the societies which he named as being the dupes of the soviet drive said to be going on under their flag and name. It would nat- urally be expected that these societies, the vast membership of which is made up of well meaning and patriotic men and women, would resent the mplication that the effect of their pacifist efforts is inimical to the public welfare and to American institutions. s Secretary Weeks took pains, however, to dissociate the societies from evil intent in promoting pacifism. He paid tribute to the good motives actuating the well meaning membership and only sought to point out conditions with which the pacifist organiza- tions are not familiar. He advised all Ameri- cans “to inform themselves of the facts and to examine into the character and patriotism of those who are promoting pacifist cam- paigns before taking a step that may readily align them with enemies of the republic.” He did charge that there had been wide- spread circulation of “incorrect and mislead- ing statistics by pacifist agencies,” including “those forces in America that are preaching revolution and the establishment of a com- munistic government and also those who the next presidential campaign. intensive drive in that direction has already rubber. Yet no rubber s produced within any of the territory of the United States. Twenty years ago the rubber supply came almost solely from Brazil and Peru—the product of the Para rubber | tree which grows in & wild state in the upper valley of the Amason. The supply was dependent upon the abil- ity of the native rubber gatherer to locate and tap a sufficlent number of | these wild trees in the dense troplcal jungle to meet the world demand for | the product. During the last quarter | of the nineteenth century the first experiments were made with the idea | evolved by an Englishman that this uneatisfactory method of rubber pro- Quction could be supplanted by the growth of rubber on cultivated rub- ber plantations. Started in British Indies. These experiments were made in the British East Indies. Beginning in 1900, when these plantations gave to the world’s market their first pro- duction of four tons, the production of rubber has shifted with amazing swiftness from the wild rubber tree of the Amazon valley to the rubber plantations of the Britieh and Dutch East Indles, until in 1922 95 per cent of the crude rubber supplies came from these plantations. In other words, the wild rubber which twenty- two years ago was the sole source of supply s today a negligible quantity. The British today control 70 per cent of the world's rubber supply and the British and the Dutch together control 95 per cent of it. Beginning in 1918, because of the restricted shipping at that time and continuing in 1920- and 1921, due to the decreased demand for rubber with an. increasing supply, there was an alarming decrease in price which threatened disaster to the plantation owners. Faced with this danger, the Rubber Growers’ Association of the British East Indies endeavored to re- strict the production of rubber by voluntary action of the producers, which fafled of its aim because an insuffictent number of producers join- ed in the effort. Imposed an Export Tax. Failing in this, action of the colon- ial legislatures was secured which placed & graduated export JaX on rubber of such a nature as to bring the price of rubber up to what was considered a profitable level. The effect of this action is shown by the following quotation from memoran- dum submitted to the House appro- priations committee by the Depart- ment of Commerce: “On October 2, 1922, prior to any hint that restrictive measures would be enacted, the price of spot rubber was 16% cents; on October 11, the date of the publication of the supple- mentary report of the Stevenson com- mittee (the committee which recom- mended leglslative restrictions), the Drice had risen to 16% cents; oa November 1, when restriction of ex- ports first became effective, the price was 22% cents; on January 2, after two months of restriction, 28% centy and on February 14, 35% cents. If the Upited States uses 265,000 tons of rubber during 1923 at 856 to 40 cents per pound instead of at 16 cents.to 20-cents, the added cost to American consumers during 1928 will be $118,- 720,000.” Poustbilities .l Protection. The possibility of the protection of, the American public against these re- strictions and of freeing our consum- ers from the menace of domination by combinations of foreign producers is the object of the investigations.te. be undertaken by the Departments of In fact, an to address himself in his speeches. Some of the national committeemen visited in a so- McADOONO LONGER UNDER | CROWN PRINCE HANDICAP Democrats Think He Will be Neither Helped nor Hurt by Family Relationship BY MARK SULLIVAN. NE of the recent developments | in the democratic situation is to the effect that, to put it most mlldly, there is certainly no co-operation *between Wilson and McAdoo as regards McAdoo's candldacy. Those who ars close to the heart of the situation have known this for some time. 1In 1920 one of the chief reasons why McAdoo failed to get the nomina- tion lay in the fact that up to the last | minute he was never willig to avow himself as a candidate. And the reason for this unwillingness on his part was that Mr. McAdoo feared that any for- mal announcement of himself as a can- didate might offend Mr. Wilson. There were months during that 1920 pre-nomination campaign when many persons were eager to do something n behalf of McAdoo's candidacy, and when important men were anxious to take certain steps, but were held back by the fact that McAdoo's candidacy was not avowed and by the fear that any activity in McAdoo’s behalf on the part of ‘members of Wilson's cabinet and other men close to Wilson would be looked upon as an offense by Wilson personally. EEE There were many among the repub- lican leaders who mever belleved this. Yet other republican leaders, whether they belleved it or not. wers not only willing but eager to have it appear that Wilgon wanted to have his son-in-law succeed him. For & long period during which the republicans anticipated that McAdoo would be the democratic candl- date in 1920 they were stocking up their armory with such epithets as “the crown prince” and “perpetuating the dynasty ‘To many of the republicans it was a real disappointment that Mc- Adoo was not made the democratic nomines in 1920, because they felt that he would be the easiest candidate to defeat, and looked forward with zestful pleasure to using these epithets,and other things of the kind as their argu- ments. The republicans now feel that the situation would be quite different. If McAdoo should get the nomination now, with Wilson out of the White House, there would be inflinitely less potency in the “crown prince” epithets. Indeed, if McAdoo should get the nomination next year he would suffer little if any from the fact that he is Mr. Wilson's son-in-law. And the possibility of Me- Adoo getting the nomination next year is increased to the extent that many democratic leaders who wanted to put their strength behind him in 1920, but were restrained by the fact that his father-in-law was then. in the White House, will now be free to come out for McAdoo and fight for him in_the open. This makes it practically a certainty that McAdoo will surely have more dele- gates in the 1924 convention than he had in the 1920 convention—whbther or not the number is sufficient to make up the two-thirds which \the democratic rules require. « * ok ok No one understands clearly just what 1t is that causes Mr. Wilson to look certainly with indifference and possibly’ with something more positive than ine to Wilson. !is probably a part of Mr. Wilson's cold detachment, of his habit of basing all his actions on pure reason, that he is not moved by cénsideration of the fact that McAdoo is his son-in-law ang was a member of his cabinet. Anybody famillar with Wilson's habits of mind and actions feels sure that 8o far as he takes any hand in the 1924 situation at all he will yisualize among all the possi- bilities that one which fits most closely to his {deals, and. if he takes any action at all, will put his efforts behind that person. It is to be assumed, of course, that if Mr. Wilson puts his mind upon & com- parison of the various d o poesi- bilitles he will be infl by the adaptation of the various candidates to what he regards as the purest demo- cratic policy. And inasmuch s Wilson undoubtedly regards our foreign rela- tions as of prime importancs it 1s to be presumed that he will favor the candi- date who is most orthodox on this point. From this it might seem to fol- low that Wilson iwould think favorably of Cox, for Cox was undoubtedly loyal to the league of nations and was loyal to it at great cost to himself. Not only was Cox loyal to the league of nations in the 1920 campaign, but he is prob- ably a little more loyal to it just now than any one of the democratic possi- bilitles So- far mentloned aggressively. It 1s understood, however, by those who have the best opportunities to infer what Wilson is likely to do that he is EOFRUE e e i A R o8 ox. okx % It has been asserted publicly that ‘Wilson favors the former justice of the Supreme Court, John H. Clarke.- It is a fact that Mr. Clarke in many ways must appeal strongly to Wilson. He appealsd to him strongly as long ago as 1916, whert Wilson made him a ju tice of the Supreme Court. It is also a fact that Mr. Clarke has extraordinary devotion to the league of nations. Both in his fervor for the league of nations and in his intellectual capacity to state the case for it in the strongest way, Clarke is probably even more acceptable from the point of view of international co-operation as a campalgn issue than Cox is. * % * X There was something romantic, some- thing sentimentally appealing about the action of Justice Clarke In resigning 3s he did last year from the dignity of,the Supreme Court and coupling that resig- nation with the announcement that he ‘wanted to use his later years largely in advocacy of the United States giving its adhesion to what'he conceived to'be a great experiment in world idealism. That actioh was so dramatic and so generous and Mr. Clarke’s qualifications otherwise were 80 largely conceded that if there had been any substance in the 1dea of giving the democratic nomina- tion to him it could have been readily capitalized and by this time great prog- ress could have been made in his be- half. * The present writer feels able to state as a fact, however, that Mr. Clarke's resignation was wholly unselfish and ‘was not actuated in the faintest degree by .the iden of becoming.President of seem to believe that any army or navy is unnecessary. |as a fact that even when a good deal | of comment arose throughout the coun- !try to the effect that he should be put forward as a democratic presidential | possibility he did not himself feel this way about it. His attitude was rather that of a man who had come to the * {fullaess of years and who wished to de- vote what time is left to him on this earth to what he -conceives to be an outstanding work of good. It is wholly In this epirit that he has devoted Bis activity since his resignation to preach- ing the league of nations. Ohio poli- | ticlans who know Clarke well and es- teem him extravagantly, but who at the same time know his circumstances and his ideas about the presidency, do not take serlously either the intimation of a desire on Clarke's part to have the office or the possibility of bringing it about that he should have it. For one reason, his age is against him. He will be sixty-six in September of this year. Considered as a presiden- tial possibility, he would bo over sixty- seven before he could be elected, would be in his sixty-eighth year before he could take office, and would be in his seventy-second year before the end of his term. Persons who have come to give thoughtful attention to physical fitness as a part of the desirable equip- ment for the presidency—and the per- sons who think this way have come to be many—regard this age as practically a bar. P The various conflicts between the reports that came out of Florida about Daugherty putting Harding forward for renomination, and about Harding regarding this action as in- cpportune, are consistent with what the better informed republican lead- ers in Washington have been think- ing. About this whole subject the best information will probably turn out to present a consistent picture. To begin with,’ Harding at varlous times, a year or more ago, among his Intimates expressed disinclination toward any ambition to go on for another four years with what he re- garded as the burdensome duties of his office. At that time, however, he was dissuaded by his intimates from making any public statement such as would be in the nature of an irrevo- cable abdication. A little later on those who watched the situation oclosely inferred that Harding had modified his point of view somewhat. So long as it was a question of Harding running for the renomination it was apparent that his state of mind was that of hesita- tion. But when it became a question of others doing something aggressive against his renomination the firm streak in Harding appeared. About January and the early part of Feb- ruary the common feeling was that Harding’s position was to the effect that he would not say whether he was or was not a candidate for r nomination, nor whether he would or would not accept a renomination 1f-| tendered to him; that from the point of view of the party and of himself it was too early to make a declar: tion, and that a year later—that is to say, about next December—would ‘be plenty of time to make the de- ciston. It is also clear that if ever Hard- ing were to make.a declaration of being a oandidate for renomination, or have such a aumnt.lon made in his behalf, “and that declaration ‘were to be made ln the most effective way, it would come from another source than Daugherty. Daugherty is the close friend to Harding that he always has been and has Hard- ing’s confidence as much as he ever had, Harding’s tnstinct of loyalty to o4 friends 18 such that there is prob- diference £a McAdeo's candidscy I |ibe United Statemy l}flll&hm TContimaed o2 XBkd Faaold R CONCESSIONS for German BY OLIVER OWEN KUHN. RANCE {8 expected to open the way for a settlement of the Ruhr problem. Indications are that political desires are being sqparated from the general question of reparation facts. Should reported considered concessions be made official there will be little ex- cuse in the eyes of the world for Ger- « | many prolonging the struggle which 18 carried on to the good of no one nation and to the disadvantage of all. From Polncare circles has emerged dental that concessions are planned, but it 13 believed these denials may elther be a smoke screen to hide for the mo- ment forelgn office purposes, in order that Germany may not take heart and continue with renewed vigor her pas- sive resistance policy. On the other hand, the denials may come from the Polncare camp to appease followers and strengthen the stand of the Poincare nationalists, who are now arrayed In a death struggle with the Millerand mod- erates, who demand early solution in fair settlement. Briefly, according to rellable ad- vices from Paris, the French govern- ment eventually will adopt a program approximating the following: Insistence upon the payments of 26,000,000,000 gold marks in A and B bonds, interest bearing. Enough C bonds, non-interest bear- ing, to liquidate the French debt to America and Britain, an amount ap- proximating $8,000,000,000. Eventual evacuation of the Rhine- land and Ruhr with permanent neutralization of the territory under allied control, but without separation from the reich, the purpose being to prevent German consequent danger to France. France will insist, hawever, that pre- ceding any negotiations which must come direct to the French and the Belgians, the Germans must end their passive resistance. - Revised Demands Just. Should these proposed terms eventu- ally prove accurate, Germany probably will not resist further, for the world as a whole is not in the mood to permit complete curtailment of Germany's obligation to the world, and to Bel- sium and France particularly, as the result of the warfare initiated in 1914, Germany must pay, and when France insists that she pay in full her demand is just. But methods of procedure have not met with sanction in world capitals, as there has been grave zpprehension because of Poincare's evident Jesire to realize the age old dreams of the Louis of France to separate Germany and annex the Rhineland's left bank. If these are foresworn by France, then the reaction in favor of France will be swift and sure. 1t France insists that Germany should pay 26,000,000,000 gold marks, she ma- terially will have modified her origi- nal reparations demands which Lioyd George and Clemenceau wrote into the Versailles treaty, inasmuch as these provisions called for Ger: many’'s payment of the allied pensions bills. The amount expected to be ad- vanced by France is considered only sufficient to meet the cost of destruction wrought by the German-started war. Furthermore, France is fairly with- in her rights when she demands that the indebtedness inourred by France solely for the purpose of combating German incursion should be settled by the reich. Nothing 1s stated regarding the de- mand of other allies upon Germany, but ft s belleved that Belgium's 1,600,000,000 marks priority payment can easily be adjusted, whereas both Lioyd George and Bonar Law have indicated England's willingness to forego British reparations if the con- | tinental situation can be eased and Europe permitted to get down to work again. Maneuvering Everywhere. Interesting events are transpiring in the foreign offices of Europe to- day. The maneuvering first as be- tween the Germans and the French and those powers desirous of bring. ing the reparations and Ruhr tangles to an end are growing apace. Every- ‘where there is a belief that the whole ocontinental mess should be brought to) some adjustment as soon as possible. Various governments are feeling the pressure of millions of people who are | not willing to see the continental affairs drift that the announced aspirations of a few statesmen may be achieved. Unquestionably at the moment the greatest single force being brought to bear is that of allled socialist ele- ments. In America, where the soclal- ist party is not of sufficient strength to warrant consideration in national or even state elections, it is mini- mised, but in Europe the socialists hold the balance of power in practically every country. The soolalists are split, however, among themselves over poficy and procedure—the con- servatives and the communist ele- | ments being roughly the two largest Sroups—else their power would have 1 oeen £olt more are thia But with the conference in Paris during the past week, which was attended by soclal- st leaders from Germany, France, England, Italy and Belgium( & definite program was evolved whereby a Ruhr settlement can be brought about, p Near Socialist Program. Advices indicate that the program 121 down by the socialists is not for Qifferent from that which has been announced as the program the French eventually will adopt. The soctalists of none of the allied nations, even Franoe, have ever sanc- tioned the imperialistic ambitions of the French nationalistic bloo which has preached Ruhr and Rhineland aerevance (rom the reich with pers mobilization and | BY FRANCE WOULD END DEADLOCK Modified Program Probable Under So cialis_t Pressure—Little Excuse Then Resistance. i petual French nomination. They, on the contrary, have insisted upon soms practical method of Germany's p: ing just reparations for actual v damages done. As the reported Quai d'Orsay program 18 in direct line with soclalist viewpoint, undoubtedly the socialists of France, who threaten to seize the next chamber, will have some thing to do with modification—1if thers is modification—of the French goverr ment’s aims to the point that tha French will be content with reparations commensurate with damages suffered by France in the war. While the sociallsts may alter ti French purpose and force their view point upon the French government, i nevertheless is a known fact that Pre mier Poincare and President Mille have not been working in the grea! accord in recent weeks, and the pres dent may have much to do in chang- ing French policy. The President of France feels that, though Germany should be forced to pay to the last farthing, the proposed program of the nationalistic elements looking toward the complete disintegration of Germany and perpetual control of the Rhineland and the Ruhr will at all times react to the interest of France. Louis Loucheur, a friend Millerand and the Frenchman negotiated the agreement Rathenau looking toward agreements between Germany L France with the purpose of reducing the general reparations bill, has beer in conference with Bonar Law and others in London during the past weei: There he is declared to have reported materally modified pl regarding the Ruhr and the Rhineland, modif cations approaching the purported French purpose as revealed, from Paris. The British were surprised a the moderation shown by Loucheur who incidentally may be France' next premier, and particularly at the announced stand against perpetuation of France's political advantage oyer Germany, which embraces schemes of German territarial annexation. Until Millerand actually speaks to the contrary, there is no reason to believe that reported Loucheur proposals jLonden and the Paris reported modi cations will not be clung to by tha moderates of France, who eventuall: 1‘1[1 endeavor to supplant them for the more nationalistic viewpoint. Germans Alse Giving In. While this is 'a transition period in the policy of the French it must be noted that the Germans them- selves are willing to do a little com- |promising. Chancellor Cuno an- |nounced and was later backed by For- eign Minister Rosenberg in the dec- laration that Germany never would consent to deal directly with the French as long as they continued to occupy the Ruhr. Within the past few days this policy has been fore- sworn by the German government, being reliably reported from Berlin that the socialists were instrumental in forcing the government's hand in the general direction of conciliation Germany, it {s reported, is ready to offer 44,000.000,000 gold marks in sef- tlement of the allied reparations claims to all powers. If Germany is willing to do this and powers other than France are willing to ma modifications in some of the terms b which they benefit, it is believed sei- tlement could be swiftly arranged. The Germans insist that they will rc Ject any hint of outside control over the Rubr or Rhineland, but this may b» taken at the moment as further fuel for fring national resistance until Germany can achieve certain of her desires and treat on advantagbous terms. Wh | Germany sees she can gain freedom and {advance and loosen the French grip in | the Rhineland by agreed-upon payments | then Germany, if territories are to re majn a part of the reich, will not let | the relatively small matter of neutral zafion stand in the way, inasmuch as | such control may be easily nulled. Whether the Germans forsake their | stubborn attitude and capitulate or | whether the French walve their de- |mand that they be approached di- reutlv by the German government, a | gettlement of the whole problem in : I horizon, for it is known | definitely that within the next fow | weeks an attempt will be made to , bring the statesmen of all powers to- | gether in order to consider ways and | means of adjusting the Ruhr ques- |tion. The French, who have ada- mantly refused to enter nto any kind of a parley until the Germans have capitulated and who have declared thelr unalterable opposition to me- | diation from neutral sources, are ex- | pected to accede to a general con- [-(darsuon of the question among the allles if beforehand they have re- ceived definite assurances from Ber- lin that Germany will concede fair payments of reparations to all and in a businesslike fashion. With a breaking down of German stubborness and enunciation of & poliay by France which exacts only Just payments and foreswears the political aspirations of the imperial- ist group in Paris, settlement can bo brought about post haste and Europe once more can get down to the busi- ness of readjusting herself. Gives Half a Million for Research Efforis who with tr: Civilization, according to engineers, 1s entering upon an era of scentifia research destined to exercise a vast influence on the fate of nations. Fol- lowing the $500,000 gift of Ambrose Swasey of Cleveland, making possi- ble the organization of the engineer- ing foundation, comes news from Lon- don that Sir Alfred Yarrow has given the same amount to the Royal Socisty for the same purpose,