The Daily Worker Newspaper, December 15, 1934, Page 8

Daily, AWorker | TOWTRAL ORGAM COMMUNIST PARTY U.S.A. (SECTION OF COMMUNIST INTERNATIONAL) Only Working Class Daily ‘ewspaper” | FOUNDED 1924 | “America’s PUBLISHED DAHLY, EXCEPT SUNDAY, BY THE | COMPRODAILY PUBLISHING CO., INC., 30 E. 13th Street, New York, N. ¥. | Telephone: ALgonquin 4-795 4. Daiwork,” New York, N. Y. Room 954, National Press Building, , Washington, D. C. Telephone: National 7616 Bureau: 101 South Wells St., Room 708, Chicago, Ml. me: Dearborn 3031 | Subscription Rates: By Mail: (except Manhattan and Bronx), 1 year, 94.00; 6 months, $3.50; 3 months, $2.00; 1 month, 0.75 cemts. Manhattan, Bronx, Foreign and Canada: 1 year, $9.00; 8 $5.00; 3 mon’ $3 | Weekly, 1 ts; monthly, 76 cents. dition: By mail, 1 year, $1.50; 6 months, 76 cents. | SATURDAY, DECEMBER 15, 1934 To the War-Makers | 'VERY time a shell exploded on the battlefields of the last world slaughter, tearing shreds the bodies of toilers forced into the armies; when machine-gun fire ripped the guts of a proletarian son; when poison gas attacks brought death agony to thousands upon thousands, Messrs. Ford, Mellon, Morgan, Rockefeller (and President Roosevelt’s closest friend), Vincent Astor and more than a hun- dred others could look at their income account and smile as the million-dollar mark was approached to or passed. Only now, in order to prepare for a new war | under the miserable lying slogan of “take the profit | out of war,” are some of the facts coming out. | American boys were sent “Over there!” so that Morgan and Company corporations could make 800 per cent profit in one year! Workers fighting against the war here were thrown into jail or shot down so that 181 parasites in this country coutd coin a million a year or more out of the blood of the dead and wounded, } ‘hat was the war they called a “war for democ- racy,” and “a war to end all war.” One of the men who filled his pockets with the blood and bones and flesh of the workers turned into dollars, Bernard Baruch, is now chosen by Roose- velt to “advise” how best to speed mobilization for | @ new and more dreadful war and to “take the profits out of war.” The Roosevelt government today spends more for war preparations than at any time in American history except the period when the 181 American millionaires were hoping the last slaughter would last longer so that their million-dollar incomes would be extended and insured. Where do these Roosevelt government’s war billions go? To the same gentlemen who made a clean-up in the last world war—to the du Ponts, to the Astors, to the Morgans, Rockefellers, Fords. But when f comes to paying the bonus to the Vets, Roosevelt, like Hoover, finds every subterfuge, every lie, every rotten deed useful in refusing these victims of the last world slaughter any back pay. When it comes to the unemployed, demanding mployment and social insurance, Roosevelt defi- tells them nothing doing. ead, the New Deal rapidly pushes the country to a new world slaughter when the roster of mil- lionaires will rise and the battlefields will be lit- tered with the shattered corpses of the workers and farmers. To the war makers who coined their blood profits in the last world slaughter and who want to taste blood again the whole toiling population should say: “We do not want another imperialist war! We will fight against it with all our strength and power! If you force us, for whatever weakness on our part, into a new mass murder, we will turn your war for | Profits into a civil war for the liberation of the toil- ing and oppressed by ending your bloody rule for- ever!” | 1 RT CRN | For Revolutionary Theory T IS a pleasure for the Daily Worker, as the organ of the Central Committee of the Communist Party, to greet the tenth anniversary of the International Publish- ers, which began its great services to the | American working class in December, ten years ago. For ten years, the International Publishers, un- der the able leadership of Alexander Trachtenberg, has been steadily building a solid library of Marxist- Leninist literature, providing for the working class the indispensable weapon of revolutionary theory in the struggles against capitalism. The International Publishers has given to the American working class the greatest classics of Marxism, undistorted by the “editing” and censor- ship of Social-Democratic revisionists, who sought to rob Marx's and Engels’ writings of its revolution- ary soul. It has given the American workers that theory without which Lenin said there\ can be no revolutionary practice, and without which Stalin Said practice is blind. But the International Publishers celebrates its ten years of service, not only by analysis of its past work, its successes and its shortcomings, but by is- Suing the historic 100,000 copy edition of Stalin’s “Leninism,” and by pressing forward to a mass distribution of Marxist-Leninist classics, One of the opening guns in this campaign to bring the arsenal of revolutionary literature to the Working class will be the important meeting called by the Central Committee of the Communist Party in conjunction with the New York District of the | DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, SATURDAY, DECEMBER 15, 1984 | Party, Sunday evening at the New Star Oasino, 107th Street and Park Avenue. Leading Communists, including Clarence Hatha- way, Roy Hudson, Jack Stachel, Charles Krumbein, A. Markoff, and Comrade Trachtenberg, will speak on “Revolutionary Theory to the Masses.” The workers of New York can give no better greeting to the International Publishers’ anniver- sary than by attending this meeting and bringing their friends. Greetings to the International Publishers! For a mass circulation of Marxist-Leninist classics! For revolutionary theory to the masses! Defend the Chinese Soviets! HEN American planes piloted by U. S. Army-trained aviators bomb Chinese villages and slaughter thousands of men, women and children, that’s not news for the American boss-press. But when two American missionaries, spies for the Kuomintang, for foreign imperialists, get killed in the heat of battle, then a howl of vengeance goes up, | It is not yet established whether the missionaries, | Mr. and Mrs. John C. Stam, were shot by the Kuo- | mintang troops or by the Red Army in Anwhei Province. It is a fact, however, that the rank and file of the Kuomintang have no more love for the unctuous religious opium peddlers of the foreign | slavye-holders than have the Red Army soldiers. | Yet this incident is being used by Chiang Kai-shek and the American Embassy in China to justfy greater shipment of arms and munitions to the Kuomintang butchers in their feverish attempt to stop the victorious advance of the Red Army to Szechuan Province. Tt is an established fact in China that mission- aries supply information to the Kuomintang mili- tarists against Communists, against revolutionary workers and peasants. This spy activity has cost the lives of hundreds of Chinese toilers. A recent num- ber of the official organ of the China Inland Mission quite openly calls for the destruction of the Chi- nese Soviets. These missionaries fatten on the op- pression and enforced ignorance of the Chinese masses. They are heavily financed by the imperial- ist powers, in order to open trade routes, to act as stool pigeons against the Chinese in their liberation struggles. Yet, despite all this, though scores of mission- aries have been captured by the Red Army, this is the first time any have been reported killed. As in the case of the Spanish revolutionary struggles, and the Paris Commune, the Chinese workers and peas- ants have always leaned too heavily to the side of leniency to the captured agents of the relentless enemy. The missionaries have no business in China act- ing as the under-cover men of the imperialists, Every friend of the Chinese people should not only protest and fight against the efforts to use this inci- dent as an excuse for the slaughter of thousands of Chinese workers and peasants, but should, with all his might, fight against the shipment of any arms or ammunition or other material aid to the Kuo- mintang hangmen of the Chinese people. Defend the Chinese Soviets! ‘Run-Away’ Shops HE menace of “run-away” shops has be- come a major problem for the entire labor movement. The moving of factories to escape the trade unions, always a policy of the manufacturers, has never occurred in as many industries, and to the extent, that we see at present. * Large shoe, textile and similar plants are now moving frequently. They are attracted to towns where the trade unions are weak, where the local government assures a policy of terror to keep unions out, and where they can get “cheap” labor. - Following out the line of humbugging the masses, the National Industrial Recovery Board, being flooded with complaints of scrapping of agreements by the mere trick of moving a shop, announces an early hearing on fhe migration in the shoe in- dustry, But it is doubtful if workers will much longer permit the N. R. A. dilly-dallying to keep them in hopes, while their jobs keep slipping away from them. A concentrated effort of all the forces within the labor movement is necessary to meet the “run- away” menace. | But what is the attitude of the A. F. of L, offi- cials? In most cases it is to agree to accept a | Wage cut on the theory that thereby the jobs are | saved. The truth is that an announcement to move is generally a means of cutting wages. As the workers in the New England shoe towns are doing, so everywhere mass picket lines should be called in front of the shops to prevent them from moving. This will serve to win broad support for the struggle and bring to the attention of all work- ers the serious menace. This must be accomplished by an active joint campaign of all unions to or- ganize the smaller centers and those open shop districts which attract the “run-away” shops. The “run-away” shops should be followed and struck with the aid of all local trade unions. Such measures alone would be far from suffi- cient. These must go hand in hand with the drive for the Workers’ Unemployment and Social Insurance Bill. This would mean that those workers losing their jobs would be maintained. Pending success of the fight for unemployment insurance, the struggle for adequate cash relief must be intensified. The work- ers of every shop which moves should go in a body to demand cash relief. Such are plans to be taken up at the Interstate Conference called to meet in Newark on January 27th, where every union should be represnted! | struments in perfecting this united | pointed out that the recent united |extent where the Communists were | active were the masses mobilized. | City Council. It can be done, they | | City Council. Coughlin’sProgram Is Step To Fascism (Continued from Page 1) not this exactly the economic pro- gram that they require in their drive to smash all non-monopoly competition in order to jack up prices? This “licensing of factories and restriction of output’—is this different by an iota from the eco- nomic program of Fascism which Puts the country’s production in a straight-jacket to keep prices up for the biggest monopolies? And notice with what filthy cun- Ning this hypocrite dangles this Wall Street noose before the work- ers. He offers it to the workers as @ program in their interest, basing himself upon the really revolution- ary hatred of the masses for the criminal anarchy of capitalist pro- duction! He knows that the work- ers hate the ruthless -and killing competition of capitalism which takes its toll in the deepening mis- ery of the workers and their fam- ilies. This unscrupulous Wail Street tool knows this, and he, therefore, “criticizes” this anarchy ef capitalist “free competition,” from the point of view of the mon- opolies, urging the workers to aid the monopolies against this “free” non-monopoly competition. He is striving, in short, to utilize the anti- capitalist feeling of the masses for the strengthening of capitalist mon- opoly! The Communists also expose the criminality of capitalist competition, But they make this criticism from the standpoint of the interests of the working class! They make this criticism a revolutionary criticism against the whole capitalist system, monopoly as well as non-monopoly. They show the workers that the only solution for the crisis is not the strengthening of capitalist monopoly, which can only mean jower wages and higher prices for the masses, but rather, the revolu- tionary seizure of power by the working ciass, the setting up of a Workers’ and Farmers’ government, and the kicking of the monopolists into the garbage dump of history by expropriating their holdings! This would mean the end of capi- talist anarchy in production. This would be the beginning of the build- ing of Socialism in the United States, the abolition of unemploy- ment forever, and the raising of standards of living to heights never seen bfore. Here we have caught Coughlin in another of his typical “pair of ideas” |—he calls for “an abundant stan- ‘dard of living for every worker,” at the same time that he urges the restriction of production to maintain monopoly prices! How can Coughlin urge “abundance” while he urges | the criminal restriction of the pro- duction of goods? How can he represent the interests of the work- | ers who are suffering precisely be- cause the monopolies stand in the way of distributing the piled up “surplus,” while he prepares the | way for the monopoly’s destruction of output? The “abundance” phrases are seen to be a fake—the actuality is the restriction of output in the interests of the monopolies. This program is coupled with two other favorite ideas of Coughlin, the printing of new money, and the “sharing of profits.” Taken with these two final ideas, with its anti-semitism, and its in- Coughlin’s whole platform emerges, creasingly jingoistic incitement against the Soviet Union, as part of the advance of fascism in this country. In our next and concluding article, we will discuss these final points, Party Life Chicago Communisie Make Plans For City Elections T A membership meeting of Sec- tion 1, District 8, close to 200 members asembled in a driving rain to discuss the issues and lay plans for the aldermanic elections in Chicago. The reports of the Section and| District Bureaus emphasized the} nature of the campaign: a united | front ticket based on the burning issues of each ward, and a candi-| date to head the ticket who is known to the workers of the ward as a fighter for the workers’ de- mands. The object of the cam- paign is to deepen and strengthen our united front with the workers and their organizations in each ward, and that the Party units and Section should become the main in- ront in action down below. It was front action against the relief cut showed to the masses of workers of Chicago and our Party that when the’ Communists are active they | can bring masses into struggle in| spite of the reluctance of the re- formist leadership. Only to the With the activization of the entire Party, every unit and every Party member, the masses and the or- ganizations in the wards can be activized into united front struggles for their demands during the pro- cess of the campaign. In the campaign for Mayor, the Communist Party put forward on the Communist ticket, Karl Lockner for Mayor; Samuél T. Hammersmark for City Treasurer; and Herbert Newton for City Clerk. The elec- tion struggle will be a fight for a subway in Chicago, which will not only reduce the hardship of trans- portation, but will provide work for thousands of workers. The other issues are based on the burning de- mands of the employed and unem- ployed and against fascism and im- perialist war. The membership of the Section 1, discussed very carefully the pro- posed issues and character of the campaigns, as well as the detailed organizational set-up of the cam- paign. The calling for Ward Com- mittees, managers, precinct cap- tains, in a word, an organizational set-up which gives a place to every member of the Party and the work- ers generally, as well as a possibility to be in constant touch with the masses in a particular ward and precinct, In the discussion the seriousness | with which the Party membership | took the plans and perspective out- lined by the Party committees, can best be seen by the constructive criticism of past weaknesses and concrete proposals to overcome them. About 20 comrades took the floor, each in his own way, proclaimed that Section 1 can elect at least one Communist alderman to the say, “the workers are more friendly than ever before.” They are more disgusted and disillusioned with the capitalist politicans. When we go to the masses and fight wth them, they will also vote for us. One comrade pleaded for 100 per cent cooperation of every Party member. He said, “Think what it will mean to elect Communist aldermen in the Chicago Ctiy Council. The whole country will ring with it. It is good in Taylor Springs, Illinois, but | when it happens in Chicago it will give spirit and raise the enthusasm of the whole working class. In Ward 21 we can and we must elect a workers’ representative in the They are all work- ers in this ward.” With such determination and/| with consistant, systematic daily guidance to the lower organs of the Party, one of the best campaigns can be conducted. The Aldermanic campaign can be made into a real means to penetrate the deepest masses with our probram, to win these masses for struggle against capitalism, away from the dema- gogy and illusions of the New Deal which ties the workers up to the capitalist politicians and their par- ties. Forward to a real Bolshevik election campaign—to the masses! B. 8,, CHICAGO, Irish Workers Make Protest On DeValera BOSTON, Mass., Dec. 14—A pro- test against the savage persecution of anti-imperialist fighters by the De Valera government of the Irish Free State was presented last Tues- day to the iocal Free State Consul by a delegation from the Irish Workers’ Club of Boston. The Con- sul promised to forward the protest to his government. The protest reads: “We, the undersigned, as a dele- gation representing the Irish Work- ers’ Club of Boston, register the fol- lowing protest with the Free State Consul in Boston, Mr. Galway D. Foley, to be transmitted to Mr. Eamonn de Valera, President of the Free State government: “That all political prisoners in| the Free State be released, imme- diately and unconditionally; “And, especially, do we protest the outrageous sentences handed down by the Military Tribunal against two soldiers of the Irish Republic and members of the Irish Repub- lican Army, Hugh O'Reilly and Michael O'Leary, who were con- demned to three and five years’ im- prisonment, respectively, at hard labor for fighting in the interests of the Irish people and against DOUBLE EDGED! Burck will give the oiginal drawing of his cartoon to the highest contributor each day towards his quota of $1,000. By A. LOZOVSKY Secretary of the Red International of Labor Unions ‘HE fight for unity of action and trade union unity in the strug- gle against the offensive of capital, against fascism and the war danger, has spread to all the countries and workers’ organizations. The trend of the masses towards unity of ac- tion has grown to such an extent that many leaders of the social- democratic parties and reformist trade unions are compelled to fol- low the sentiment of the masses. The most enthusiastic fraterniza- tion of the workers of all tenden- cies is taking place before our eyes. This sentiment of the masses not only rouses fury and alarm among the bourgeoisie but also great alarm among the leaders of the reformist trade unions, most of whom are in the extreme right flank of the in- ternational reformist labor move- ment. Ever new facts come to the fore every day vroving that the leaders of the Amsterdam Interna- tional are conducting systematic work directed towards hampering the united front and trade union unity. Thus the leaders of the C. G. T. in France repudiated the pro- posal of the unitary trade unions for merging the entire trade union movement from top to bottom and for the formation of a unified Gen- eral Confederation of Labor. Leon* Jouhaux, the leader of the reformist C. G. T. of France, brought pressure to bear upon the reformist trade unions of Roumania to make them abandon the united front and unity with the revolution- ary workers. The General Council of the British Trade Unions does not even want to hear about a united front with the revolutionary workers. The leaders of the re- formist trade unions of Sweden, Denmark, Holland, Belgium and Czechoslovakia proceed along the same line. Thus the leaders of the sections of the Amsterwam Interna- tional are carrying through—with a stubbornness and insistence worthy of better application — the decisions of the Amsterdam Inter- national made in Weymouth against the united front and trade union unity. ‘We are not going to contend here the right of the leaders of the re- formist trade unions to pass what- ever decisions they wish. We are not going, also, to tell the leaders of the Amsterdam International that the decision they made in Weymouth to the effect that all revolutionary trade unions, includ- ing the R, I. L. U., should be liquidated, is merely thrusting a sword into water. Such a decision is only apt to make the revolution- ary workers of the world enrolled in the R. I. L. U. burst into hearty laughter. The leaders of the Amsterdam International got into a blind alley because their policy and tactic went bankrupt. They hope evidently to come out of the blind alley which they themselves created by demand- ing the liquidation of the revolu- tionary trade unions. Any group of people, of course, including the lead- ers of the reformist trade unions, | has the right to adopt absurd deci- sions. But those millions of work- ers who are organized in the ro- formist trade unions should ask themselves: Where are these deci- sions finally leading us? What is the difference between the resclu- tion of the General Council of the British Trade Unions and the deci- sion-on this question made by the Jeaders of the reformist trade unions of Czechoslovakia, Sweden and Denmark, or the decisions against the united front and trade union unity adopted in their time by the leaders of the trade unions of Ger- many and Austria? There is no dif- ference whatscever. The leaders of all the sections of the Amsterdam International are carrying through the same policy as that of the trade union leaders of Germany and Austria. The work- ers should draw a logical conclu- sion, ie. consequently the results will be the same. This is what (To be continued) British imperialism, every worker should think over. And The Fight for World Trade Union Spreads Rapidly in All Countries e<*? &=-= when the leaders of his trade union pass decisions to the effect that the revolutionary trade unions should be liquidated, every worker not only has the right but must ask: “What for? For what pur- pose? Of what use will this be to the workers?” The Amsterdam International in Weymouth proposed to the R.LL.U. that it liquidate itself. Why? If the biggest section of the Amster- dam Internaional — the German trade unions—went bankrupt, does this mean that the R. I. L. U. be liquidated? It seems that the R. I. L. U. should be liquidated to en- able the Amsterdam International to carry on its old policy, ie. to lead the working masses along the Austrian-German path, with more freedom than heretofore. It is losing one’s head, indeed, to make such kind of proposals. Anyone who expects that a single person could be found in the R. I. L. U. who would follow the advice of the leaders of the Amsterdam Interna- tional has no head at all on his shoulders. It would be best of all if the leaders of the reformist unions stopped talking about dis- solving the revolutionary trade unions and liquidating the R. I. L. U., for nothing will come of such talk except chagrin for the re-| formist leaders. The revolutionary tiade unions and the R. I. L. U. for many years have been proposing seriously and without any secret purpose to build a unified trade union movement in every country and to create later on international trade union unity on this basis. Herein lies the essence of the entire policy of the Red In- ternational of Labor Unions. But, the leaders of the reformist trade Unions are saying that the RILL.U. and its sections do not stop their criticism while proposing unity, that they do not discontinue their struggle against reformism and the reformist policy and tactic. First of all, the R. I. L. U. and its sec- tions have openly declared many times that they are ready to stop their attacks on the leaders of tiose reformist organizations which come out together with us in a united front of struggle against the bour- geoisie. The R. I. L.U. and its sec- tions have never conducted a strug- gle against the workers organized in the reformist trade unions. They have always been struggling against: the reformist policy and tactics car- ried through by the leaders of the reformist unions, which is far from being one and the same thing. The workers of all tendencies have sufficient reasons now for march- ing side by side and shoulder to shoulder in the struggle against their class enemies. The offensive on the living standards of the working class is going on. Fascism is bringing unheard of misery to the broadest working masses, re- action raised its head in all coun- tries. The R. I. L. U. and its sec- tions have been proposing to all the reformist trade unions to fight together to raise the living stand- ards of the working class, against fascism, for freedom of the workers’ organizations, etc. Every joint ac- tion in this field is an enormous gain for the working class. Why are the leaders of the Am- sterdam International, the leaders the trade unions of Great Britain, of France, Sweden, Denmark and Czechoslovakia, opposed to the, united front? All this can be ex-| plained quite simply. If they build | a united front with the revolution- | ary workers, it will make it diffi- | cult for them to carry through a/ Policy of collaboration with the} bourgeoisje. A united front Lvs batd the revolutionary and _ reformist trade unions aims at joint action | against the bourgeoisie and a re-| jection of the united front’ means | unwillingness to come out against) the bourgeoisie, Thousands of facts | can be given as an illustration of | one third of its membership and so it is natural that it is anxious to make up for its losses by trying to win over those national centres which were outside the Amsterdam International. The American Feder- ation of Labor, the Norwegian Trade Union Federation, etc. are among such centres. The Norwe- gian trade unions are going to settle the question of affiliation to the Amsterdam International in the nearest future. Three tendencies are at war inside the Norwegian trade unions. One is in favor of affiliation to the Amsterdam Inter- national, the other is for affiliation to the R. I. L. U. and the third wishes to remain outside both the internationals and to take the ini- tiative of building a unified, inter- national trade union movement. In its letter to the Norwegian Trade Union Federation the executive bureau of the R. I. L. U. expresses its readiness to support the Nor- wegian trade unions provided they engage in the struggle for interna- tional trade union unity. The offi- cial organ of the Norwegian so- clalists, i. e. the “Arbeiter Blatt” advices Moscow “to go to Paris,” It advises the revolutionary trade unions to pour into the reformist trade unions. But this kind ad- vice was already given in Wey- mouth and it will hardly become more convincing after being translated into Norwegian. If the Norwegian trade unions are reilly eager to build trade union unity, and the “Arbeiter Blatt” states that this is their intention, they have an excellent opportunity to take the initiative, to elect a special com- mittee for contacts, to establish con- tact with the Amsterdam Interna- tional and the R. I. L. U. and to dis- play activity in this sphere. But the R. I. L. U. needs no advice in the spirit of Weymouth. The members of the reformist and revolutionary trade unions demand unity. The workers are right. A unified trade union movement is not only imperative, but also possible. It is imperative because it will strengthen the fighting capacity of the working class. It is possible because the revolutionary trade unions do not make any in- acceptable demands to the reformist trade unions. The revolutionary trade unions are anxious to organize a joint struggle for the raising of the living standards of the working class, against fascism, for freedom of the workers’ organizations, workers’ press, ete. Trade union unity is possible because we openly say what this unity is for, on what basis it is to be built and of what use it will be to the working class, We do not deceive anybody. We state our aims and tasks openly. As a rule we are accused of maneuver- ing when we propose the united front and trade union unity. We answer to this: YES, IT IS A MANBUVER AGAINST THE BOURGEOISU: BUT IT IS NOT A MANEUVER AGAINST THE WORKING CLASS, for it is in the interests of the broadest toiling masses. Refuse to struggle against class collaboration, stop the strug- gle against reformism, and then unity will be restored rapidly—say the leaders of the reformist trade unions. class collaboration would be an abandonment of our views, it would mean treachery to the cause of the |working class. We will never stop ithe struggle against class collabora- tion. The revolutionary workers cannot promise and will never prom- (Jsce to give up the struggle against reformism. They wish to confine the struggle to the limits of trade union democracy. We want to have the right to express our views within a unified trade union organization having a definite program and tasks. We want the social-democratic, communist and anarchist workers to have the right to exp: their op- But the struggle against World Front j——— By HARRY GANNES -—— More on Soviet China Japan and the Nazis Cuban Soviet in Danger ATEST news from China, as well as the most recent comments from Japan on Chiang Kai Shek’s latest cam- paign, make imperative an- other column on the situation in China, though we dealt with the subject yesterday. Bitter words are flying between the Kuomintang bandits over who is responsible for the victorious ad- vance of the Red Army to Szechuan. But why is this necessary, we must ask General Chiang Kai Shek? Didn’t your news agency, the Kuo- min, on at least five occasions in the last month completely annihil- ate the Red Armies? In official telegrams to Gen. Pei Chung Hsi of Kwangsi province, General Chiang Kai Shek admits some strange facts. He berates the Southern militarist for failing to stop 60,000 troops of the Red Army with 1,000,000 Kuo- mintang troops who were sent to | surround them. General Pei, pecu- | liarly enough, replies that after five days of fighting “against great odds” he was forced to give way. #20 8e ie ‘HE comment from Japan, which deals with this very subject, | should be of the greatest interest to our readers. Says the Japan Weekly Chronicle, a British-owned English publication in Kobe, Japan, editorializing on “The Chinese Reds:” “The Nanking government is finding the suppression of the Reds a little beyond its power. It is a queer war that is now being fought in South China, for despite oc- casional successes, the Nationalist troops appear to be no nearer the achievement of their task than they were at the beginning. In fact, there is every likelihood of the resent campaign resulting in a regime. . . “Szechuan (province) appears to be wide open, for town after town is apparently falling to the retreat- ing Reds, who are meeting with practically no resistance in their march to safety. The refuge, when | won, will be worth having from every point of view. In the first place the province is easily de- fended. . . Communists already hold a considerable section of this province—which is larger than Japan—and the threatened inva- sion, if it actually comes about [and there is nothing that can stop it now.—H. G.] will almost certainly result in the entire province turning Communist. . . It is also more probable that the province (with 70,000,000 inhabitants) will be on the side of the invaders, who have a far better record as administrators than have the Szechuan militarists.” Per pea ‘HE Japan Weekly Chronicle, goes on at great length to tell of the mineral and other wealth of Sze- chuan province and of how well suited it is for Soviet rule and for resistance to military drives of Chiang Kai Shek. “The Foreign Press,” a news sheet published weekly for the Associa- tion of Foreign Press Correspon- dents, in its issue of Dec. 3 (No. 24) has a very interesting review of the best-seller in Germany. Mr, Gareth Jones, former secretary to Lloyd George, now on his way to Japan, stated that when he was in Germany he discovered that the book by H. W. von Doemming, “What Does Japan Want?” was the most widely pushed book in the Nazi bookstores. age ager ibe book praises the role of Jap- anese imperialism as a spears head against the Soviet Union and for the domination of China, The prospect of war arises, says Herr Doemming, in Japan’s drive through Manchukuo closer and closer toward the Soviet border. Doem- ming tries to convince his German readers that in such a war victory over the Soviet Union would be a certainty. This does not exactly coincide with the latest news in the New York Times, which has a head- line on Dec. 13 reading: “Russia’s Strength Held Bar to Attack by Japan unaided. ‘Statesman in Geneva Believes Tokyo Won't Act Without Positive Western Help.” It is to get this “positive Western help” that is the aim of Dcemming’s book. That help has already been promised by Fascist Germany, which is deluding the Nazi followers about the easy victory that Japan could gain in the East over the Soviet Union. . wih E political situation in Cuba is sharpening to a point where there is little doubt that new armed. clashes will soon take place. In the first instance, the Mendieta- Batista government has ordered its troops to march against the peasant | Soviets in Realengo 18, Oriente | province. At the same time, various fascist groups in Cuba are battling j one another. Mendieta is trying a Machado stunt. He is supposed to leave office soon, if no elections are held. And no elections are planned. The top fascist bandits are fighting over who shall serve the yankee im- perialism, not alone, of course, for | the glory , but for the great profit in it for them. Batista’s fascist | gangsters invade the office of “Ac- cion,” organ of anothe> Fascist | group, the .\ B. C., and administer | doses of castor oil to them. But this oil will not sooth the troubled poli- tical waters. (acceptable? We believe that these (conditions are acceptable to every ‘worker. They are in keeping with his interests, they are a guarantee ‘to the worker that his unified trade ‘union organization will wage a ‘struggle against the employers and (Will in the course of the exchange ‘of opinions work, out the correct this statement. This is what every jinions of the basic aims and tasks! methods for the overthrow of the of the working class and of the methods of achieving these aims, within the framework of a unified trade union organization. Is this in- worker should seriously think over. After the smashing of the Ger- man and Austrian trade unions the Amsterdam International lost over jTule of capital. This is why we are for the united front, for trade union unity on a national and internae tional scale, —