The Daily Worker Newspaper, January 11, 1930, Page 5

i % DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, .” ’, JANUARY ** 1930 THE COMING SEVENTH CAPITALISM TALKS PEACE, TRAINS YOUTH FOR WAR BUILD THE PARTY ON YEAR OF DAILY WORKER What Is Ahead For Every Worker Who Values the “Daily” That Supports His Class Interest By JACK STACHEL UR Daily Worker is now entering its seventh year of life. For six years it thas held out amidst the greatest of difficulties, gourying the center of the most portant struggles that have taken face in this period, of the toiling @sses against their exploiters. For six years we have held on to the Daily Worker with all our strength, There were many dark days. There were times when our Daily Worker was facing suspension. From time to time we were com- pelled to put the Daily Worker on four-page rations. Even now our | central organ is compelled in spite | of the great struggles that are tak- ing place to be printed in only four pages on all but Sattirdays. But with all these difficulties and | *hortcomings, we have won. The Dally Worker is alive. We are cel- ebrating the sixth anniversary. It is indeed a great occasion for fry Communist and every revolu- (nary worker to rejoice. We have (§eated all obstacles, all open at- tempts of the capitalists and their government, their labor lieutenants, their yellow socialists, to destroy our Daily Worker. Even the rene- gades Cannon and then Lovestone & Co., who also tried their hand in the service of Morgan, Mellon, Hoo- ver & Co. and were powerfuul ene- mies because for a time they could do damage from strategic fronts from within, did not succeed. rage Waal | We always felt proud of the fact that we were the first and only daily Communist Organ in the Eng- lish language. Our Daily Worker on its seventh year will start out with a little brother, who will go under the same name the Daily Worker, Organ of the Communist Party of Great Britain. We welcome our lit- tle brother and hope that he will grow strong and powerful. It is} true we will no longer receive the attentions that are usually shower- | ed upon the only child in the fam- ily. But our Communist Interna- tional which is growing more influ- ential and powerful among the ex- ploited masses throughout the world will not for a moment forget us. fact, now that we have two or- is in the English language print- if daily, the Communist Internation- al will rightly expect of us that we improve our central organ make it more powerful, and be ready for the big battle that are taking place, and the even more decisive battles that are ahead of us. eo ae Ae It is hard to estimate the service, of the Daily Worker to our Party, and the revolutionary movement in the United States. In fact, we have become so accustomed to having our ; Daily that we can hardly imagine how we could live and work with- out it. In these six years of its existence, the central organ of our Party has been a tremendous factor in every uggle of the working class, in «flery campaign of the Party. Be- soning with the 1924 Presidential Election Campaign, the first big job of the Daily Worker, it has done | its work. The 1924 campaign was the first time our Party ventured out openly before the broad masses as an independent political force. | This was a great moment in the life of our Party. Following the Labor Party debacle there was great con- fusion not only among the masses but even in our own ranks. It was the Daily Worker that made pos- sible the clearing of the atmosphere and the quick mobilization of our forces, and did great service in mob- ilizing tens of thousands of work- ers for the first time under the red banner of Communism. In the years that followed, our Daily Worker found itself an active foree in the strikes of the miners, ithe textile workers, the shoe work- ers, the needle workers, and workers of all trades, and all centers of the untry who took up the struggle ainst the exploiters. It is still esh in the memory of all of us what a role the Daily Worker play- ed in Gastonia and is playing in the whole struggle in the South, and as it is at present playing in the strike of the Illinois miners. Little is known to most comrades of the role that the Daily Worker is play- ing in attracting the Negro masses to our Party. How much more difficult would our tasks of forming the new un- ions, and the Trade Union Unity League have been without the Daily Worker! Finally we must not forget the role that the Daily Worker has played in the struggle against social reformism both within the bor movement as a whole an in arty itself. It is not for nothing that both illquit and Lovestone attacked the Daily Worker. Hillquit tried to des- {roy the Daily Worker through the aid of the capitalist courts. Love- stone & Co. in their cablegram from wroscow—trying to organize a new Party, an instrument of social im- perialism against the Communist International in this country—in- structed some of us, whose loyalty to the Communist International he completely misjudged, not to print the Adress of the Communist Inter- national, and to capture the Daily Worker—to destroy it, an instru- ment of the class struggle against American Imperialism, The Coming Year Much has been said by our Party and printed in the Daily Worker re- garding the present crisis of capi- talism in the United States, and the big struggle that are looming. There is no question about the cor- rectness of these estimates by our Party. Now our Party is no longer discussing whether the third period ists or not and what are its main features. Only the renegades, who must look to the past for their glory and are covering themselves with the “glory” of being in the service of the biggest imperialist country in the world, are disputing the existence of the economic crisis. | Here in Detroit, the majority of | the auto workers are unemployed, | |and the bosses who have conducted their propaganda of prosperity for weeks and that there will be plenty of work in January 1, changed the date to the 15th by Christmas, and are now after New Year’s changing the date to about 60 days later. The | prospect for the auto workers is un- | employment for the great mass of the workers for the entire year 1930 and increasing wage-cuts and | speed-up for those inside of the fac- tories. The auto industry is symbolic of the whole capitalist economy. Here mass production has reached its height.. Here we have the best ex- ample of the disparity of the tre- mendous productive capacity with the narrowing market; here we have the last word in rationaliza- tion; in this industry we see before our eyes the great international competition leading to imperialist war; here we see in the tremend- ous competition among the manu- facturers (Ford-General Motors) for the home and _ international market; here we see that this com- petition for the ever-narrowing | market, means only wage-cuts, more speed up, and mass unemploy-| ment for the workers, Here we have | an industry where the capitalists | themselves admit that at best they will have need for only 45 per cent, of the productive capacity of the in- dustry. And here, too, we have a representative proletariat, with a large number of native born work- ers. Negro“ workers, women and youth labor. And here we see great! stirrings among the masses. The auto workers who have not under- | gone a real mass struggle in the past are showing every symptom of | radicalization, and determination to | struggle. What is taking place in the auto industry is symbolic of the entire country. * + * The Daily Worker will become a mass organ in the present period. The Daily Worker is an indispen- sible weapon in the present and coming struggles. We, the members of the Com- munist Party, though we rejoice in the six years of its existence, must also take stock of our past efforts, and resolve to improve considerably. If the Daily Worker has not more influence now, if the Daily Worker must at this moment be published in only four pages, it is we who are mainly responsible. The work- ers everywhere are eager for the Daily Worker. When we come with our message once, they only fear that we will not come back. Our Party and every Party member must do better in teh seventh year then we have done thus far. * * «© The Daily Worker still has many shortcomings that must be over- come in the seventh year of its ex- istence, But no one can fail to see the great improvements that have taken place in the Daily Worker. There are no longer to be found every day the most vulgar errors. Every member reading the Daily Worker can know the line of the Central Committee. In spite of the only four pages the Daily Worker is to- day more of a Party central organ than ever before. One of the most! important shortcomings, that must be overcome is the still inadequate, | and not representative, workers cor- respondence section. Here it is not | “Peace” Pact of War The “soctalists” developed a wild inecitation against the Soviet Union on the Manchurian affair. They “demanded” intervention by the imperialist powers, accusing the Soviet Union of violating the Kellogg Pact. The “Socialists:” “Help! The Soviet is violating the Kelogg Austrian .“So- Fascist Italy, thru The “Ungdo,” cialist” Youth calls the “Bailila” or- the organization of for “Class Peace” ganization, edu- German Fascists, and when Class cates the sons of educates youth as War comes, goes shop-keepers to be strike-breakers and on @ hike in the future policemen. stool-pigeons. country. Pre. P YEPHRKA The Polish Fas- The Boy Scouts, The French cay cists organize stu- um America and italists who slob- dents into “Black England, are rais- ber over royaltu Hundred Bands” ing boys to be sol- nearly as *nuch as + who are trained to diers in the com- the American murder workers. ing war and kill newspaper, organ- each other. ize youth to re- store monarchy. By EARL BROWDER HAT THE All-India National Congress, which just concluded its sessions at Lahore, should abandon the notorious Nehru scheme for “Dominion status” within the Brit- tish Empire, adopted at last year’s Congress,is one of the signs of the maturing of the Indian Revolution. World-shaking events are in prepa- ration In India which will be of major importance among colonial revolutions. India, together China, accounts for almost half of the human race, and when the masses of these two lands begin to move, to organize, and to fight, in alliance with the revolutionary workingclass of the imperialist lands, then Imperialism is doomed to complete destruction, But let there be no illusions about he Lahore Congress. While it abandoned the Nehru “Dominion status” plan, and set as its goal the atttainment of complete inde- account be taken at its face value. mendous pressure of the rising mass movement outside the Con- gress and not of any change of fundamental program of the bour- only the Daily Worker alone that ean achieve this, but every Party member and every Party Committee must help. What are the concrete tasks that we must set for ourselves to be achieved within the shortest pos- sible time (aside from the improve- mass organ in the year 1930? 1, We must make the Daily Worker a six-page paper in the shortest possible time. In the next months there will be gigantic struggles against wage-cuts, and tremendous demonstrations of the unemployed. The Daily must be enlarged to function properly in these struggles. 2. We must insure the Daily Worker its existence, and its ex- istence as a six-page paper. For this reason we must raise among the Party members and sympa- thizers a sum of $50,000 that will serve as a fund to guarantee the publication of the Daily. In spite of the low wages and the unem- ployment, if. we approach the masses properly they will be glad to build this fund. 3. We must organize our own machinery for the distribution of the paper. We must be prepared for all suppressions by the gov- ernment as the strugglees grow bigger and more political in char- acter, While we must . utilize every avenue of distribution we would be criminals against the in- terests of the workers if we did not simultaneously build our own machinery for distribution. This means every member of the Com- munist Party, every nucleus, eyery Section, every District of the Party must built this ma- chinery and must consider this as one of the main tasks of pre- paring the Party to be able to function under all conditions and. to maintain contact with the masses. If this last point is takea seriously it will not be necessary and the Nuclei of the Party to elect Daily Worker agents, and to convince every member that he must sell and distribute the Daily Worker. It will become an ele- mentary duty of every Com- munist. 4. We must build in every fac- tory, in every city, in every com- munity, our Worker Correspon- dents. 5. We must get into the habit of selling and distributing the Daily every day at the factories, from hous to house at all meet- ings, at all halls where workers gather. 6. We must double the niimber of subscribers aside from the in- creased circulation through sales at factories, newstands, house to house, ete. * a Today when we celebrate the 6th anniversary let us begin by getting on the job to build our Daily Work- er. Let us hope that the little brother the Daily Worker of the Communist Party of Great Britain will grow, into a powerful giant. And let us see to it through hard work that in w real spirit of Re- volutionary competition that we make our Daily Worker the big bro- Pact!” nee ther of the giant with | pendence for India, this must on no} It is valuable, as a sign of the tre-| ment of the paper editorially) in| |order to make our Daily Worker a to beg the Districts, the Sections | Not the Capitalists, But the Workers of India Are the Leaders of War For Independence | zeois delegates inside the Congress, |For these delegates the question |was simply one of expediency, how |to fool the masses and keep them in control, while continuing nego- |tish Empire as a bourgeois “Do- minion.” And the masses could not be controlled at a moment when the British “Labor” Government had slapped India in the face poli- tically, except by the militant-seem- ing demand for independence. The Rise of the Indian Trade Unions For many years the trade unions in India, since their rise as a mass movement until a couple of years ago, had been dominated by the |bourgeoisie and meekly took their political views from the Indian Na- tional Congress. With the rise of a fighting left-wing leadership among the workers, and especially in the past year when this leader- ship has organized great mass trade unions, the workingclass has become an independent political force. It was the pressure of the working class that forced the Con- gress at Lahore to abandon the “Dominion status” fakery. In the past year there was creat- ed the Girni Kamgar (Red Flag) Union of textile workers, princi- pally in Bombay, with 65,000 mem- | bers, which fought several stubborn battles lasting four and five months. This union arose in the face of the united resistence of the employers, the government, and the official leaders of the All-India T. U, Congress. In fact, the general secretary of the All-India T. U. C., Mr. N. M. Joshi, himself led the efforts of the reactionary union | (which has only two or three thou- sand members), to break the strike. Upon the failure of Mr. Joshi to break the new union, the govern- ment on directions from London, made a nation-wide raid upon all | the left-wing organizations, arrest- ed 33 of the principal leaders in- eluding a young Englishman, Philip Spratt, and herded them off to prison in the far-away frontier city jof Meerut to await trial, charging them with “sedition.” But this at- tack also, failed to break the fight- |ing spirit of the masses; on the contrary, the new unions replenish- \ed their leadership from the ranks, proceeded to conduct battles and build their organizations. The revo- |lutionary temper of the masses rose. “Such was the situation dur- ing the last spring and summer, {when the Labor Government of MacDonald came to office in Great Britain. While the Indian bour- geoisie begged humbly before “the Empire” for a few crumgs, the working class was rising and giving | battle, and had decisively rebuked the surrender of the bourgeoisie. | The “Labor” Imperialism of MacDonald For a long time the Indian work- ing class has lost its illusions about the “labor” character of the Labor ‘arty, They know from bitter ex- perience that the policy of Mac- Donald differs from that of Bald- win only in its covering of dis- jgustingly hypocritical phrases, and not always even that. When Mac- | tiations for admittance into the. Bri- | Secretary of State for India, none | other than Lord Olivier, an old co- |lonial administrator who spent | many years ruling the British West jIndian colony of Jamaica. This “old hand” in the game of ruling the oppressed peoples outdid the | Tories in brutal oppression in In- |dia. It was he who introduced the infamous “Bengal Ordinance,” an administrative order which provides that on suspicion of the Brigish | Indian government, any Indian may |be summarily arrested and held in | prison without trial for any length |of time, without recourse of any kind for the arrested to obtain trial or hearing. Under this “La- bor Government” measure, hun- dreds cf Indian leaders have died in the rotten prisons of that coun- try, other hundreds have been in prison for four and five years with- out trial, and now with MacDonald back in power, the “Bengal Ordi- nance” is again being operated by its original sponsors. In 1927, when the Baldwin Government appointed the Si- mon Commission to go to India to work out measures how to continue British rule there, the Labor Party openly joined with the Tories and Liberals in that Commission. MacDonald and his consorts openly proclaimed that when it came to “preserving the Empire” they were more “loyal” to His Majesty than to Baldwin! When in 1928, the British Labor Party made its official policy on the colonial question (the policy of “preserve the Empire”) also the official policy of ‘the whole Second International at its Brussels Con- gress, and when the “left winger” A. A. Purcell, returned to London from India to denounce the cause of independence for India, then even the most reactionary Indian trade union leaders were forced in- to silence in their schemes for affi- liation to the Amsterdam Inter- national. The “centrist” Dewan Chaman Lall, then chairman of the All-India T. U. Congress, declared at the end of 1928: “India has nothing to expect from such hypocritical socialist leaders . . . The Labor Party works together with the Second International as the advance guard of British and European imperialism in order to prevent or postpone the emancipation of the colonial peoples.” This, the testimony of one of the so-called moderates of the petty- bourgeois leaders of the labor move- ment, is all the more conclusive since he was forced to this pro- nouncement in spite of the fact that he himself, Mr. Lall, is a reform- ist and not a revolutionist. That is the verdict of the toiling masses of the colonie: The British Labor Party, with the whole Second In- ternational, is the advance guard of Imperialism, working to prevent or postpone the emancipation of the colonial peoples, MacDonald Tricks The Indian Bourgeoisie MacDonald, again in office, even double-crossed his friends, the In- | Donald came into office in 1924,/dian~ bourgeoisie. After getting he appointed to the “position of|them to give up independence for Indian Workers Rise Against «taking place. any real revolutionary action. military forces, Imperialists A rapid awakening of the workers and peasants in India is The Indian bourgeoisie, under the leadership of Ghandi, have been forced by mass pressure to voice a fake “de- mand” for complete independence for India, but at the same time they are trying to betray the workers and endeavoring to prevent The picture above shows a re clash between striking textile workers in Bombay cnd the British ent THE MASSES OF INDIA | “Dominion status,” finally admitted |under pressure from Baldwin that |the statement of Lord Irwin meant |not the slightest change in the |Baldwin policy of empty prom |for the indefinite future and con- tinued colonial oppression. Cheated by MacDonald, yet faced by the “angry mob” de- manding complete indepen- dence the bourgeoisie at Lahore had to make what London cyni- cally termed a “political ges- ture,” a@ maneuvering game with the masses, to adopt inde- pendence with a castrating pro- viso of non-violence and a def- erential crawling “congratula- tion” to Lord Irwin. Through this and their joint interests, the Indian bourgeoisie will again be found with the | “labor” imperialists against the masses of India, Right, “Left,” and Center” in the Bourgeois Camp In their complicated dealings basis of “division of labor.” the negotiations with London, there is the Right Wing advocates of “Dominion status,” headed by the elder Nehru (Motil Lall); for the | beheading of the mass movement, |there is the “left” wing of radical | phrases, headed by his son, Jawa- | har Lall Nehru; while the role of center is played for the moment by the extreme rightwig “holy man,” before in a moment of revolution- ary upheaval. In the Nehru family we thus find embodied not only the contra. dictions within the bourgeoisie, but also the “reconciliation” of these contradictions—not only the anti- thesis, but also the While the symbolism of Christian- ity may be somewhat out of place when applied to the Hindu, one is tempted to compare the mystical unity of this trinity with the fath- er, son, and the holy ghost of our Western bourgeoisie; the elder and younger Nehru and Gandhi are, otherwise than the accident of geography, ideally cast for the |roles. Like the Christian Trinity, which embodies at once the contra- dictions and the unity of Godhead, these gentlemen embody the con- tradictions among themselves and unity against the proletariat of the Indian bourgeoisie. Jawahar Lall Nehru the younger, jis a man of many talents. He can jrun the gamut of politics and poli- | tical organizations quicker and with more aplomb than any other livin | Indian. A year ago, after a visit |to the Soviet Union, he was an- |nouncing himself as a Communist. A few months later, running for |the post of chairman of the Work- ers-Peasants Party of the United Provinces, he came out in defense |of the rents of the against a program of confiscation of property, and labelled himself a socialist. A little later he was the candidate of the rightwing in |the Trade Union Congress in Jha- |ria, as the only one who could beat | the Communist candidate, a w whom he defeated by only a’ few votes, Now at Lahore he pro- claimed himself a “socialist republi- can.” And when he is at home, no doubt, he is neither more nor less than an admiring and dutiful son of kis father, the author of the “Dominion status” scheme. Truly, the “ways of Allah” are mysterious and wonderful, as well as devious, but not more so than those of a bourgeois politician in a colonial }eountry which is ripe for revolu- tion, “Holy Man” Gandhi As for the “holy man,” Gandhi, his utterly reactionary role is suf- ficiently attested by the two main points in his program; the achieve- ment of independence by boycotting the products of modern spinning and weaving mills, in favor of homespun cloth; and the practice of peaceful non-cooperation. His pro- gram eight and nine yeats ago re- sulted in the smashing defeat of the independence movement,in the bloody slaughter of thousands of workers and peasants, in the complete de- moralization of the Indian masses, and the strengthening of the Brit- ish Raj. To the extent that his in. have the same result, with the Empire and with the masses, the beourgeoisie is com-| pelled to organize itself on the For | Gandhi, who betrayed India once | synthesis. | landlords, | fluence is still potent today, it ‘will | On the Sixth Anniversary of the; | establishment of the Daily Worker Id it is fitting that the Party shou be involved in a - Party Recruiting Jand Daily Work- | er Building Drive. |For the first |time in the his- | tory of the Daily |Worker, our Party is freed from a paralyz- ing factionalism and is able to ia carry thr its ™ tasks unitedly. J. Williamson The present Party Recruiting Drive is in line with the declaration | of Comrade Manuilsky at the Tenth | Plenum, who stated: “For the second categories of countries, ., the rest of Europe and the United States, we advance | as an immediate task the line of organizing broad mass parties. This refers first of all to the Communist | Parties of Great Britain and the| | United States, The creation of broad | | mass Parties in those countries is a burning task of the Comintern. The |— | Right, Left, and Center in the Trades Unions While the trade union moyement | is the Left Wing of the national | liberation movement, in it also there | is a Right, Left, and “Center.” among the leadership. The right, a group of lawyers (like N. M. Joshi), and a few British agents is based on a few groups of highly paid workers and governmental sup- port. The Left is the great mass, ‘led by the Bombay textile workers, with leadership built from the mass, | with a few British left-wingers. The | “Center.” disguised Rights and con- fused Lefts. The Left leads the masses, le the Rights run the offi- central apparatus with aid of the Centrists. The Rights are in favor of Amsterdam af- filiation, but dare no longer openly propose it. So they | merely block affiliation to the | Red nternational of Labor Unions, and stall off affiliation to the Pan-Pacific Trade Union Secretariat. The Left is the growing and vital leadership. The weakest sector is the peas- antry, although potentially it is the strongest, and the agrarian revolu- ‘tion is fundamental to the revolu-| tion against imperialism, as in China. The agrarian crisis has de- | veloped for years and the peasantry jsuffers bitterly and are ripe for revolt, as shown in Bardoli in, the struggle against taxes. Gandhi has held them back by superstition, di- recting them into “peaceful” pro- test against only the British, pro- |tecting the native landlords and usurers. The united front between | the proletariat and peasantry must |be built, and the mass of textile |workers, who, from strike bound mills, return to the villages, are building it, breaking Gandhi’s para- |lyzing influence and will ultimately |give the peasantry proletarian and |Communist guidance. Only The Working Class Can Liberate India | India resembles China also in re- |spect to being a neighbor to the | Soviet Union especially the Turkes- |tan Soviet Republic, with its pro- |letarian dictatorship and successful construction of socialism. From the inspiration of the victory of the Russian Revolution, and the lessons | jof its twelve years of struggle against the imperialist world, India has learned much. From its ex- perience of betrayals at the hands of the British Labor Party and the Second International, the Indian | working class has added to its rev- jolutionary wisdom. It is becoming {quite conscious today that it has {nothing to expect from the bour-| |geoisie but treachery and suppres-| pression; and in this respect, the| history of the Chinese revolution) must be used to immunize it from| many possible mistakes. It must know that only the revolutionary | | working class, in alliance with the peasantry,’ can liberate India, and| in that: liberation it will also set India upon the road of socialism. |For India, history places on the jorder of the day, the democratic |dictatorship of the workers and | peasants, through the Soviet Power, | | Hail the Indian Revolution! A Big Step | | By the agreement -of the Aus- trian “Socialist” Party with the fascist leader, Schober, now Chan- cellor, universal fascism makes a vig step forward, jin those countres (U. “DAILY” ANNIVERSARY. Workers Who Read The Daily Worker Should Join the Communist Party of U.S.A. By J. WILLIAMSON small Communist Parties: existing i¥ those countries are not commenst- rate with the enormous role whith these countries play in world affairs, especially the United States.” The task of creating a mass Party can only come about thru the proper forms of mass activity, ih mobiliz- ing the workers around the bi political issues of the day. ganizing the unorganized and fight- ing minorities of the A. F. of L. into the Trade Union Unity League —and in winning thousands of prv- letarians to our Party from the fac- tories and spreading the influence of our Party press, particularly its central organ, the Daily Worker, as as agitator e“*_organizer of the Party amongst ~-.2 masses, The present drive is not merely to secure new members, It is a Party Building Drive. This means securing thousands of new mem- bers from the basic industries, so the Party can be rooted amongst the broad masses of m the shops. It also means taking steps to change the base of our Party from street nuclei to shop nuclei. And lastly, it means the building of the Party’s central organ, the Daily Worker, so that it can be the spokesman of the Party to the broadest sectigns of the workers and serve, hke « truly Bolshevist paper should, not as a mere newspaper, but as “a Party agitator, educator and or- anizer.” This means that in this present drive, the Daily Workee must secure 5,000 new subscribe ers and many more thousands of readers. Simultaneously, the Daily Worker must be an instru- ment of the Party for furthering the drive and bringing the thou- sands of workers into our Party. It is no mere accident that in the South the textile workers de- fend our Party and that the south- ern district of our Party is leading proportionately in the recruiting drive. Likewise in Detroit where the auto workers have seen our Party in action. There is every opportunity to ful- wor | fill the demand of the Comitern for | “the creation of broad mass Parties S. A. and Britain) as the burning task of the Comintern,” providing the Party is fully mobilized and the directives of the Central Committee adequately and energetically carried out. The greatest difficulties are not to be found in any unresponsivenéss of the masses, but rather in the in- adequate functioning and capacities of our Party in many districts. In this respect; the following quotation from Comrade Kuissinen at the Tenth Plenum, is part*- propriate: “, .. the pursuit of the proper political line is not only a politi- cal, but at the same time also an organizational task... By estab- lishing the conerete line we de- fine the immediate aims which we pursue on the road towards strengthening our revolutionary positions. Yet the achievement of these aims, presupposes not only the proper tactics and the proper slogans, the proper agitation and propaganda, but also the proper organizational measures ... The leadership of each section of the CI, must understand the supreme political importance of the appro- priate organization for carrying out and enforcing the resolutions which have been passed.” In this spirit the Party is conduct- ing the present drive for 5,000 new members, 5,000 new subscribers to the Daily Worker, 100 new shop nuclei and 50 new factory papers. The Daily Worker is the spokes- man of the Party every day in the year—it exposes the attacks of the government, bosses and social re- formists—it mobilizes the workers for struggle against rationalization, war danger, unemployment and the offensive of the bosses against the Party. In the drive we have a three-fold task in connection with the press: Firstly, ‘to utilize it as an organiz- ing weapon for the Party; secondly, to further broaden the base and in- fluence of the Daily Worker itself, thru bringing it to thousands of new workers and sending it to them each day, and, thirdtly, utilizing the Daily Worker as a propagandist—an edu- cator, in keeping the new members. The Communist Party of the United States was born out of the struggle against the social-patriotic Socialist Party, having as its driv- ing force the success of the Russian Revolution and the establishment of the Third (Communist) Interna- tional, Immediately it found itself facing the combined attacks of the bosses and the State, in combina- tion with the Hillquits and Gompers, In all of these years the Party, be- cause of its proletarian integrity, has made efforts to conduct struggle after struggle, despite the disease of factionalism, which ate at its vitals and weakened its fighting capacity. Six years ago, in the midst of the wave of the masses toward inde- pendent’ political action—however confused and unclear this effort might have been—our Party launched the first English speaking daily Communist paper in the world. Today, when we mark the sixth anniversary of our Daily Worker, we also greet the second English speaking Communist daily news- paper, the Daily Worker, official organ of the Communist.Party of Great Britain. “ sly ap- 4 Shu ssa