The Daily Worker Newspaper, January 11, 1930, Page 13

Socialist Tvansform- ation of Agriculture Yourkin, Manager of World’s Largest Wheat | Farm, Tells of Year’s Work | By 8. R TWO million bushels of wheat from a single farm (50,000 tons) is a world’s record. It was made by the famous Gigant, near Rostov, a oviet wheat farm which is the }rgest in the world, hing about this farm is not ely its size, but the fact that it was established in a single year by per- sons who have only recently had anything to do with farming, Its | manager, Yourkin, was until the re. Volution, neither a peasant nor 1 specialist, but a metal worker, The amazing I varge scale farming has today be- | 1 industry ing rather skilled engine an the old type of farn the first “industrial f; established was the Campbell in the United States. of Ame. \° Until last year it was the largest um in the world. * But today the | Soviet Union has a dozen farms of bout the size of Campbell's, while i | Gigant, is more than three times * |mpbell’s, m” to Located in the dry farming region east of Rostov, on soil hitherto used } for livestock, and much of it never | ploughed before, it is not expected | that the Gigant’s record per acre will be as high as in some parts of | the So d iet Union. Last summer a spell brought poor crops to the entire region around the Gigant,| and the grein was only partially saved by a rain which came just be- fore harvest. The Gigant record of GO poods to the hectare(14 bushels to the acre) is not as large as in other soviet farms where the weather was better, but is twice as large as the peasant holdings produced in the same district. Moreover the grain was produced at a cost of 90 kopeks a pood (75 cents a bushels), a quite reasonable cost, This was in spite of the tre- mendous expenses incidental to get- ting started, with tractors comman- deered from every direction and by no means the best for the purpose, and with a labor force organized out of untrained peasants taught on the job to run machinery. Organized by Metal Worker. Yourkin, the manager, rose dur- = the revolution from his job as a ptal-worker to work in shop-com- mittees and in factory management. A few years ago he was sent by party orders to investigate the man- agement of the Huterok farm which was unsatisfactory. Yourkin stayed at his job of “efficiency expert” on the Huterok farm for a year, after which he was made manager, His ability on this farm caused him to be chosen manager of the great Gigant in 1928 when it was or- ganized, From this point on let Yourkin tell his own story, as he re- ports it to the workers of the Gigant, in an article written for their own newspaper published at their own typography on the farm. “The organization of the largest sain farm in the world is only a iffst small step in our building of sScialism, The first proposal of its organization was made at a meeting ‘of farm workers at the Department of Agriculture in May, 1928. In July an emergency committee was organized and I was called from the Huterok farm, and told to begin im- mediate organization of the Gigant, Our orders were to plough 60,000 hectares (150,000 acres) and sow 15,000 of them with winter wheat. Tractors by Hundreds, “In July we began the survey of the land, and simultaneous opened courses for tractorists and workers on various farm machinery, At the end of July came our first batch of tractors, — 192 of small size, We | organized 15 machines to a tractor column and sent them out. The ex- tremely dry autumn and the small size of all tractors made slow work on the hitherto unbroken prairie soil, yWork speeded up with the arrival a second batch of large tractors Fees We worked two shifts, and ploughed 60,000 hectares by the end of October. After this we were able to plough 2,000 hectares for the peasants at the nearby town of Yegorlikskaia, who were organized in a collective farm. We also ploughed 6,000 hectares for Soviet Farm No. 2, Thus, without any buildings whatever, without any trained gangs or general experi- ence, we ploughed 67,000 hectares the first autumn, — the largest ploughing under a single manage- ment ever done in the history of the world. The cost of our work was 8 rubles a hectar. Overcoming Difficulties. “Winter proceeded in feverish )FFeparations. We must work out )Poduetion and accounting methods tor the work ahead. The difficulties here were enormous, for’ there was no previeus large farm on which we could base our systems. We had to think out everything but the be- ginning. We organized the teaching of 800 farmglaborers, opened special courses in field-work, We received and sent out to the fields 880,000 poods (over 6,000 tons) of seed in readiness for spring. ‘This severely taxed our workers, for the coldest winter Europe has known a single arm (50,000 acres) is | labor force very difficult. _| times we began to collect it and | ished the first days of August. There .| tion is reducing this number, and 4 UBENS. i} !men were literally freezing in the | fields. Only by heroic enthusiasm was it done. | “In spring we had a time limit | of 10 days in which to seed 48,500 | | hectares ploughed the year hetore. | We must also disk it at once and harrow twice. We used 600 trac- tors, 260 four-meter seed 2,000 | | toothed harr s and 350 d All this inventory we rece,ived in Febru- | jary and March in the open air. | Spring came late, in place of March, | we could only begin by mid-April. | This made the organization of our, Several were forced <o stop by bad weather. At last we sent out to the fields 14 tractor columns of 28 to 50 tractors each; 6,000 members took part in the sowing, which was finished in 9% days. 7,000 Men In Harvest. “In the period after sowing we ploughed 28,500 hetaces for our- selves and 1,200 for the local pea ants, in readiness for fall sowing, Then came the harvest days. We mhst take the grain from -hectares. We bagn July 12, and fin, worked in the fields 7,000 men, | with 400 tractors, 25 combines, 30 | threshers and other machinery in proportion. We cut grain, threshed | at once and carted out to grain ele-' vators which loaded it at once on cars.” H “This was the first use of com-| bines in any amount of Soviet soil. | They justified themselves fully, gave | cleaner grain and caused less trou- ble than the reapers and threshers, After the hafvest we continued ploughing for winter wheat and then for the spring sowing. We seeded 35,430 hectares to winter wheat and ploughed 64,000 hectares for spring seeding...” Thus next year’s sown area will almost double this year’s world record. Cheaper Than In America. Fifteen months have passed since | the day of the Gigants’ organiza- tion. Its work was carried forward in the midst of a storm of attacking rumors. “The tractors won't come; | the seed won’t come; they won't) plough it; they won’t sow it.’ And at last “They can’t harvest it.” When at last tre harvest was in, the whispers changed to “the crop has cost them 8 to 10 roubles a pood!” These were all lies inspired by the class enemies in the rural districts, and spread about by the doubting and weak elements. The actual cost of grain, produced under all these difficulties, was 85— 90 kopeks a pood. (75 cents a bushel), In this it must be remem- bered that land values play no part, since land is state-owned and there- fore free in the Soviet Union. The land speculations which have raised the cost of farms in the United States of America will seriously handicap that nation in competing with Russia in the world’s grain markets, as soon as the experience of the Soviet giant farms becomes standardized. “The cause of the success,” says manager Yourkin, “lies in the cor- rect policy of the Communist Party, and its attentive leadership, The workers, office staff and special- showed the ability to build this great socialist husbandry. Labor disci- pline, enthusiasm, and consciousness Socialist rivalries between groups played a basic part in our speed. Still Growing. “We have still many tasks ahead, First to sow more than 100,000 hec- tares the coming year. Then to raise the quality of our work, improve the care of machines, the oiling and repairing of each small trouble. All of us, tractorists, bookkeepers, chauffeurs, brigade leaders, must learn, and learn and learn, as Lenin said, in order to improve our organ- ization. And during the next year we must strengthen our aid to the surrounding peasants, helping them to organize collective farms and giving them machine help and also expert knowledge”... Such is the task of the large Soviet farms, of which the Giant is only one, the largest. Build a Modern Town. While this rapid production went ahead on the Gigant, other gangs of workers were busy preparing the coming model town for the Gigant’s iH workers, Cottages infinitely better than the typical Russian village offers, went up around central club building and cinema. Electric light and a water system was also rapidly installed for the working staff of the Gigant when they should return) from their work in the tractor bri- gades, Never again will the Giant employ such a disproportionate number of seasonal workers; better mechaniza- making possible a cadre of year- round farm workers, many of whom say, in the words of a young farm- hand in the 10th brigade, writing in the farm newspaper: “I promise tever to leave the Soviet farm in for a generation gave us 30 degrees of frost, with many storms and our all my life, and to carry out all or- ders for socialist building.” _ 59,500 | © ‘in this country Young Kirghiz Women in the Soviet Union re-birth aa thei and th l pericncing a r ing raised are tati freed in the Soviet cultural level Union are s constantly be- foreign from native and The Latin- Contront Their American Masses Imperialist Foe sants Can South America different methods Jhave been pursued, sometimes so |innocent-seeming as the sending of financial missions, while every op- rtunity has been s-ized to estab- j lish the position of Washington as %\the arbiter of South American af- at Win Strug: Vast changes have written them- selves into the Latin-American ene in the six years since the birth of the pgee oy Daily Worker! # ; gave the opp f ed Latin-Ay can masses ‘a faithful interpre- ter and champion Those six years; have witnessed | the fiercely, in- tensified assidu- ousness and e gent drive south- Gomez ward of U. S, imperialist exploi tion. They have also witnessed the advance of Anglo-American imperialist rivalry in Latin- ica to a critical stage. they have seen the man; Latin-American mass themselves free from hi fluences to make one bold stand after another ‘while moving unmistakably toward the upbuild- ing of an integrated class-con- scious revolutionary force against all their oppressors, native and foreign. Wall Street . and have exhibited a sophisticated vari- ety of method in this peried of matured imperialistic experience. The bloody bayonets of the marines have been their main direct re- liance in those Latin-American countries where American capital had already long dominated the field. The massacre in the City of Panama in 1927 has proved to Washington | fairs—as in the Tacna-Arica matter and the Chaco centroversy. On oc- casion this has been done even un- der the guise of peacemaker. But American imperialism’s expressions of pacific intent in the south have not prevented it from continuing to mak use of such tyrannical butchers as Juan Vieente Gomez in Venezu- jela, Augusto B. Leguia in Peru and Gerardo Machado in Cuba. present moment, when marine bay- onets are still wet with the blood of martyred Haitian workers, peas- |ants and students. ch an undeviatingly aggressive |course naturally confronted Ame ,can imperialism with one crisis after janother. The armed struggle head- ed by Sandino in Nicaragua served to rally anti-imperialist resistence throughout Latin-America. Simi- larly Sandiz-o’s own deserti®n of the struggle was one of a whole series of events that have tended to ex- | pese the yacillating role of the petty |bourgeoisie, which in most Latin- | American countries today takes the road of pseudo-revolution ending in |compromise with imperialism on the {basis of joint exploitation of the |La’*;-American masses. The exper riences of the emigreled Venezu- elan affair, the debacle of fake Lib- eralism in Columbia, the events in They | -|appear particularly cynical at the 4 CANT BREAK (NO. PORTER ill Strike Leader’s Militaney Strong ‘ohn Porter will be released from atraz military prison in Cali- rvnia next month, if no more tim added by the army authorities in meantime. ‘Porter is coming out of prison the same militant ighter who defied a court-martial in July, 1928, and made a yevo!u- tionary speech at his trial rather than avoid the political issues in return for freedom, All the tor- tures of the military prison authori- | ties—merciless beatings, being de- prived of the few prison priveleges and thrown into a dungeon on bread and water—have failed to break jhis courage and revolutionary spirit, | In June of 19 John Porter, 19} year old organizer of the Young | | Communist League and an outstand- | ing leader of the New Bedford tex- | tile workers strike, had been re- peatedly arrested, Finally, he was told by the police that they knew he had been in the army and that he would be turned over for court- martial if he did net quit the strike, “You can do as you please,” he re- plied, “but I will not be a traitor to the workers and leave the strike.” Then he was held incommunicado for we€ks in a military prison, At first the authorities planned to give him sentence of many years cr life on the charge of being a member of the Young Communist League while subject to’ military law, but mass protests thruout the country forced the authorities to change their plans and he was brought to trial on a technical “desertion” charge. In an effort to avoid publicity the army officers assured him that he would get only a month or so in the guard house, “or be released if he would avoid the political issues. Instead, of making any compro- mise with the authorities, Porter | took the stand and explained how he | had been lured into the army at the jage of about 15, and how that BRUTALITY! John Porter John Porter will make a speak- ing tour the country after his release from Alcatraz Military Prison next month. He was im- prisoned because of his militant activities in the New Bedford textile strike im 1928, of gradually he had learned how the army is used by the capitalists against the workers. Rather than | be a tool of the bosses against his | fellow workers any longer he de- serted from the army when he had only a few months remaining of his sentence. “If it were a workers army I would gladly die for it,” he declared. The court-martial was furious, They gave him the maxi- mum possible sentence—two and a half years. Porter was sent first to Ft, Leavenworth, Kansas, and then to Alcatraz, to remove kim as far as possible from his friends and comrades, and his mail has \een held up. “I am sorry I deserted,” Porter | said, “Now I know that I should have remained in the army to win over other soldiers to fight on the side of the workers.” Porter, who is now a member of the National Executive Committee of the Young Communist League, will make a speaking tour of the country after his release. Perhaps :owhere has the object lesson been so vivid and its effect so thorough-going as in Mexico, | Wall Street’s quick shift in policy, | which was syncronous with the ap- |pointment of Ambassador Morrow, |has succeeded in completely domin- ating the corrupted Calles-Ortiz Rubio, While negotiating for new debt agreements with United States bankers, this selfstyled “national- | revolutionary” administration has |unloosed merciless attacks against the Mexican workers and peasants. | As a consequence wider and wider |sections of the oppressed masses | are turning to the Communist Party |for leadership, The new liberation movement that is developing is root- ed in class revolt against exploita- tion and by that very token must push onward until it achieves vic- American countries but it is in progress in all of them, Revolu- tionary trade unity organizations other places—and every alert Latin- American worker appreciates the significance of the fact that the first congress of revolutionary Lat- in-America trade unions, held at Montevideo last year, dedicated it- Street and Washington. Thus in the six years since the foundation of the Daily Worker, the climax of American imperialist agression in Latin-America has by the march of events themselves. The -All-America Anti-Imperialist League has grown and taken on a more significant fighting quality. have been set up in Mexico and/ self to the struggle against Wall| been brought immeasurably nearer | ists, united in their trade union, [: have been no isolated event. It in-|Haiti and the Virgin Islands—all hed thcir influence in deter- was busy with plans for the canal| mizing accused workers and peas- area and was a prelude to the vi-|ants to break away from bourgeois cious assault against Nicaragua. In!leading strings. dicated that imperialistic strategy | thes tory. This final unfolding of the revo- lutionary movement against Ameri- can imperialism is still far from realization in some of the The elemental movement of the op- pressed is rising against the oppres- sors, The vision of it is an inspira- tion and a challenge to the workers in this country. Latin- The Working Woman in U.S. Class Fight By ANNA DAMON. Since the imperialist war of 1914, working women have become a most important factor in American industry. Today, working women are a cheap source of labor for the capitalists, used in preference to men. They have been drawn into prac- tically every industry, par- ticularly the basic and war industries. The number of Negro women in industry has increased from 1910 to 1920 by 300 per cent and to a_much greater extent since that time, From 1910 to 1920, wo- men working as_ semi- skilled, have increased 1,408 per cent in the automobile industry, in the iron and steel in- dustry 145 per cent, as semi-skilled operatives and doubled the number of unskilled laborers. In the electrical supply factories (especially important in war time), women operatives in- creased 148 per cent. In the rayon manufactur- ing, which practically developed in the last ten years, 60 per cent are women. In the knitting mills, tobacco factories, laundries, radio manu- facturing, large numbers of women have re- placed men. Simplification of production, efficiency meth- ods, the conveyor belt system, gang work, have reduced the number of workers generally, and decreased the number of skilled to a smaller percentage. with machines attended by women and. chil- dren, who receive half or even less than half of the previous wages paid to men for the same work, Women thus comprise one of the lowest paid sections of the working class. ‘The low wages paid to the workers, the high cost of living, force the wives and daugh- ters, mere children, to slave in the mills and factories. The Negro and white women run machines in the basic industries at a terrific rate of speed, which saps their life and energy. The Negro women in industry are even more exploited, by the capitalist assigning them to the dirtiest and hardest work for half of the wages paid the white women workers. At the age of 35, the working woman is thrown on the scrap heap. Her labor is no more desired. Younger women are hired by the bosses. In the textile, steel, radio industries, the number of young girls is rapidly increasing, making up a large percentage of women workers, These girls feel heavily the effects of eapital- ist rationalization. Their low wages can not supply them with the so-called “luxuries,” silk stockings, paint and powder, which are necessi- ties imposed upon them by the c2pitalist class, These American “flappers,” the supposedly frivolous “jazz-age” girls, have learned a les- A, Damon It has replaced the skill of men* son taught them by capitalist rationalization, Their fathers, brothers and mothers unem- ployed make them in many instances the only supporters in the famlies. Their wages being so low that it does not supply them with food, $5 to $8 a week heing considered gaqod wages. A great wave of discontent has spread throughout the United States. Strikes in the mining, textile, needle, shoes and food indus- tries are going on and are rapidly increasing. In these strikes and struggles of the working class, against. the ruthless exploitation of the bosses, the working women are playing a very important part. Not only do the older women, those with revolutionary traditions from Eu- rope, participate in these struggles, but native American women and particularly young girls, are actively participating and leading picket lines, fighting the police, the bosses and the A. F, of L. betrayers, side by side with their men folks, In the present strike of Illinois, eonducted by the National Miners Union, the daughters and wives of the miners came out on the picket lines, facing and battling the police and hired gangstérs of the bosses and the American Fed- eration of Labor. The strike of the textile workers of Gas- tonia, which lasted for many months, under the leadership of the National Textile Workers Union, had a very large percentage of women workers, who in face of dire need, hungry children, thrown out of their homes, showed a determination for fight against the capitalist system. They took up arms in defense of their strike, their union leaders, their organization. During the course of the struggle, Chief of Police Aderholt was killed, which resulted in heavy sentences for the leaders of the N. T. W. U., ranging from seventeen to twenty years in jail. Numbers were beaten up and wounded. Ella May Wiggins, a mother of five children, one of the most outstanding militants, was mur- dered by the hirelings of the bosses, The death of Ella May and the long jail sentences im- posed upon the strike leaders, the massacre in Marion, served to steel the revolutionary spirit of the workers. At the N. T, W. U, eon- vention, held on December 22-23 at Paterson, N. J., there was a determined spirt for mili- tant struggle in ¢he industry to improve the miserable conditions of the- textile workers, men and women, Negro and white, The strike of over 1,500 dress-makers in N. Y. led by the Needle Trades Workers Industrial Jnion in March, 1929, was an outstanding mili- tant struggle against the bossses and the cor- rupt officials of the A. F. of L. and the so- cialist party, Today, strikes are being carried on in the needle trades industry by the N. T. W.1..U. Arrests of hundreis of women work- ers are the order of the day. The women work- ers are militantly fighting under the leader- ship of the T. U. U. L. and the Communist Party. The growing radicalization of the women workers is part of the general radicalization of the working class in the United States, The large number of women in industry, their ex- treme exploitation, and the militant- struggles carried on in the past year and at the present time, are proof that the working women are an indispensable factor in the class struggle, and an integral part of the working class and, as such, must be won away from the bourgeois influence, for the elass struggle, for the rev- olution. This is the task of the revolutionary vanguard, the task of the Communist Party of the U. S, A. The social-reformists, the socialist party and the A. F. of L. never paid any attention to the organization of the women and to their special needs. In the past, they have set up all sorts of craft divisions and barriers, which kept the women workers, especially the Negro women, out of the unions, At the same time, they wrote long resolutions at their conventions on the need of organizing women workers, Then con- cerned themselves with the most skilled and highest paid workers who, certainly, did not include the women, 92 per cent of women work- ers being unskilled and semi-skilled, 4.8 per cent laborers and only 3.8 being skilled workers. At the present time, the A. F. of L. and its women’s organization, the Women’s Trade Un- ion League, have given up all semblance of being a working class organization and have gone over part and parcel to the bosses. The women’s locals in the A. F. of L. have lost a great number of their members, in the shoe, textile, food, etc. What is left of the women’s locals are being used by the officials to sell out the workers in their struggles. Trade Union Unity League to mobilize the working women in the U.S. for the class strug- gle. Special attention must be paid to women in industry. Special programs of work, spe- cial demands must be worked out by the vari- ous industrial unions, to win large numbers of women for the unions. Every member of the Party must rid him- self of whatever remnants of social democratic tendencies still exist with regard to work among women. Thgy must learn special means of appraoch, how to win them for the class strug- gle, how to get the most militant and class conscious into the Communist Party. The Party must win every section of the working class for revolutionary struggle. This is its task at the present time. But it cannot fulfill this task if it leaves it to the women’s section of the Party alone. To mobilize the miserably exploited section of the working class and not to leave them to the mercy of the so- cial reformists and the capitalist class—this is the Communist task, Internationa Laboi Detensein Class Fight Fourth National Convention of ILD Prepares | to Meet Sharpening Struggles The role of the International) Tabor Defense in the class struggle | |we y established at the Fourth National Conv tion just held in Pittsburgh, heart f heavy industry nl city of Mellon and coal steel empire. The Pittsburgh Convention mark- ed a sharp break} with many of the past traditions of the organization, | and a cleat orientation toward the| |present period of growing class| struggles, in which the inereasing| radi ation of the toiling masses| is being met with new and despe ate attacks by the employing class. Building the 1. L. D. For the first time the question | of organizing the 1. L. D. in the shops and factories, mills and mines, was definitely discussed | and favored unamiously, where it had not even heen mentioned in | previous conventions. For the first time the social com- position of an IL.D. Convention, | with heavy representations of coal! | miners and .steel workers, provided \the basis for a really proletarian] gathering. The I. L. D. and the Negroes For the first time there was an effort made at least toward approaching an adequate repre- sentation of Negro workers and farmers. There were twenty-five Negro deelgates present. For the first time an I. L. D, con- vention met outside the two recog- nized centers for such gatherings— | New York City and Chicago, This was in itself an approach to the workers in the basie industries, es- | pecially in Pittsburgh, where the | working class has faced the heaviest | attacks, as in the Woodlawn Sedi- tion case, resulting in three workers | being now in prison for five years each, the effort to railroad Salv: |tore Accorsi to the electric chair; the Tapolehanyi deportation case, the effort to revoke the citizenship of this Hungarian worker and send him} back to certain death at the hands of Horthy fascism in Hungary. Delegates from the South For the first time a delegation was present representing the work- ers in The South, not only in the! | textile, but also in other ind and including Negro repre: The shorteomings of the I.L.D. in| these matters in the past were so clear that the great wonder is no real effort was made to correct them until now. They were defi- nitely corrected at Pittsburgh. The I. L.D.convention gave full recognition to the rapidly growing ecomomic crisis; the increasing rationalization and its attacks on the living standards of the workers; the mounting mass of unemploy- ment; the feverish war preparation: the social fascist role of the Ameri- can Federation of Labor and the | Socialist Party, and the need for developing the movement for the defense of the Soviet Union. Faced 6,000 Arrests Previous conventions of the I.L.D. had made no serious efforts to link up defense struggles with the con- crete and political situation of the times in which they were held, The Pittsburgh onvention faced the fact that the LL.D. had handled nearly 6,000 arrests within the recent period, including the fight for the lives of the sixteen crigin- ally facing death in the electric chair and the defense of workers charged with the most elemental working class activities, distribut- ing literature, taking up collections for strikers on the streets, or hold- ing meets at factory gates. It is this period of growing acute class conflicts between the workers and their oppressors that called for a quick turning in the methods of struggle, the organazational forms and the whole approach of the Inter- national Labor Defense to the American working class, so that it will rapidly become a broad mass refense organization of the native as well as the foreign-born, of the Negroes as well as the white workers “Gastonia!” and “Illinois!” “Gastonia!” and “Southern Illin- ois!” in this period, are outstanding attacks against the workers, but at the same time flaming calls to all labor to struggle against the at- tacks of the employers, to organize the unorganized, to build class struggle industrial unions, to fight back the whole series of persecu- tions developed as, for instance, under the criminal syndicalist laws, costly directed against the Com- munist Party, Pennsylvania, Ohio, Illinois, Michi- gan and California—vicious and des- perate efforts at combatting the growing desire and need for organi- zation by labor, especially in the coal and steel industries; efforts to maintain and promote race prequdice of white workers against Negro workers, through arrests and smash- ing of joint meetings of both races (Norfolk, Virginia; Harlem, New York; Wilmington, Delaware, ete., ete.,) through lynching and segre- gation in all their various forms; | Tapolehanyi; Woodlawn; Accorsi; plans to rush Shifrin and the Min- eola defendants to trial in New York Jot . Engdabl ; the eager use by the Chicag police of an admitted spy to frame- up leading mer s of the Com- mur Party on serious charges the w rests in Chieago as part of the government's campaign to outlaw the Commu ‘arty in this important indust: enter; ia he murder of Ella May and the Marion strike in the new s to charge the I. L. D, or- Cliff Saylors, with the death ¢ tonia chief of police, Ader- holt; with the repeated police mobili- zations against all working class jemonstrations (F: of Ma. tonia, the First of August, In- ternational Youth Day, Hayti, Cuba, Mexico, ete., et ng in bloody beatings and a tempted regist: the (New York g proposed closing of immigration to alien. ( unists and barring of all. revolutio literature (tariff ion of workers, | in the 1930 census, accompanied by.a, whole se of petty persecutions nations. the Lynch Mobs: ts and raids by govern- ment agencies, orgies of violence by. extra-legal organizations (the Ameri- can Legion, the Ku Klux Klan, Sons of American Freedom, ete., etc., attacks on workers and their organi zations by lynching mobs organized by employers’ agents, like City Solicitor Carpenter end Major Bul- winkle at Gastonia, will characterize this period in other sections of the nation as well as in the South, call- ing for ever-in ng and strength- ened defense activities, for the or- ganization of Worker Defense Corps. The long-delayed recognition of the fact that it must wage unre- lenting struggle against, lynching, that it must take up seriously the fight against race discrimination, that workers must be drawn in large numbers into alt. its leading bodies, burst, with full force upon the Pittsburgh conven= tion of the I.L.D. Hold Effective Demonstration. It was dram: d by’ an effective demonstration against the Monoga- hela Hotel, that had refused to house Negro as well as ‘white delegates. ze. | The whole convention participated in the protest. The 25 Negro delegat from many states and all important in- dustries, entered into the convention debates with enthusiasm, helping to solve its problems. The Southern ‘| white delegates acclaimed the fact that,“This is the first-time we have... ever heard a Negro woman make a speech,” The Graham Case at Norfolk. Definite struggle for‘the Negro workers had brought to the con- vention “the fight for Stephen Graham, the young white worker of Norfolk, Va., charged, with in- citing Negro workers against white workers because he had brought workers of both races together at the same meeting and carried on the work of organizing them into the Trade Union Unity League. “Self-Defense on the Agenda. It was the first time that sup- port of labor’s struggle to defend itself had ever been placed squarely before an I.L.D. convention. It was an outstanding slogan at Pittsburgh, just as it will be a major issue in all mass struggles to eome, Self-defense, that took the field against the Manville-Jenckes mob at Gastonia, that was raised in the Accorsi case, that will be, raised in the Shifrin case in New ork City, was not on the agenda of the first three conventions of the LL.D. It has a definte place there now. Fights All Labor’s Enemies. Basing itself squarely on the classstruggle the International Labor Defense takes up the fight against all enemies of the working class. The I.L.D. cannot tolerate as members of its organization those who are opposed to its class strug- gle policies. It combats the hostile policies of Cannon and Lovestone, viciously and those who support them. The LL.D. as a class organization supports the Union of Soviet Republics and joins actively in the growing defense of the Soviet Union. The theories of Cannon and Lovestone and of those at tacking and opening hostile to the Soviet Power, undermining the Five- Year Plan, the victories of \which are already clearly apparent, seek- ing to build a Chinese wall between the Soviet Government and the worker and peasant masses’ declar- ing that they have interests hostile to each other, and negating the ereative power of the Proletarian Revolution itself, constitute open support of the counter-revolution, of the imperialist attack against the First Workers’ Republic, The LL.D. supports the policies and defends the interest of the class struggle unions. The theories and practices of Cannon and Lovestone and their followers are hostile to these class interests, .No honest worker can support the views of either Cannon or Lovestone, Labor's Only Defense Organization. The LL.D. is the only defense organization of the working class. Basing itself correctly on the policies adopted at the Pittsburgh conyention it will become a power- ful, protecting shield for the work- ing class in all its struggles. " ;