The Daily Worker Newspaper, January 11, 1930, Page 11

TLLVEN, ANIL YY LAUD, British Daily’ Worker British Commu nist Party in Fight Over Thei Own “Daily Worker” Prove Its Necessity By VERN SMITH The last party congress of the Communist Party of Great. Britain discussed heated- ly, not the ques- | tion of whether there should be established in that country a = daily Communist newspaper, but whether it could be done within one month, so that the first issue would appear on January 1, 1930. This congress was in the nature of a house cleaning, in which the line of the party was thrown sharp- V. Smith ly to the left, the comrades in thej leading committees who had been pursuing an over cautious and timid organizations worker corres- “The non-Party should also elect pondents ( tions and groups in the reformist trade unions, the lowest as well as the highest organization in the revolutionary trade unions, pit and factory committees, shop stewards’ councils, co-ops., Daily Worker Groups, Workers’ Sport Clubs, etc.) “The function of the worker correspondent is not only to send in material themselves, but to draw other workers into this work and to organize the correspondence of the masses... This is one of the most important ways of ensuring the correct political character of the Daily Worker, and of making it a living embodiment of the mass struggle and giving it a broad mass appeal.” NIST PAR TY Pare: Veonerseces WORKERS’ MILITANCY VS. BOSSES LD Provides Defense to Class Prisoners By JOSEPH NORTH The year 1929 will be written in red letters in the history of the slass-struggle—letters dyed in blood. It was the year of economic crisis | and the great stock market crash. it brought on the period of great hunger in it mass unemployment. It was a year of many murders in the class struggle. It found capital beating the economic system into shape for the coming imperialist war. But first of all it found the workers massing for attack—the tide of rebellion rose swiftly. The red letter days of 1929 are literally written in blood. The twelve-month saw the slaughter of Pasca casa ie nts Look Toward Socialism The above are peasants of the Lugansk District of the Soviet Union meeting to discuss plans for collective farms and ‘the complete socialization of agrict ulture. LENINIST CONCEPTION OF SOME PARTY QUESTIONS Wor The Discipline of a kers Welcome What a Bourgeois Hates—| | | Communist Party |dren from the class struggle. PIONEERS | CLASS FIGHT IN THEU.S.A. Feared By the Bosses; They Are Fighters By EDITH SAUNDERS, The struggle between the working class and the capitalists for the working class children is becoming much_ sharper, ,.,..-; with all the} forces of the} pourgecisie being | utilized to win! away the children; from the class’ children is be-''' sharper with all} the forces of the bourgeoisie being utilized to win away the chil- coming much * E, Saunders six workers in Marion; the murder | of Etla Maf with a bullet in he Yes, it is just these factory groups, | it is just these Daily Worker Cor- program being eliminated and fresh, Child Labor Increasing. new and militant members brought The working class children, along By LEON PLATT } The Party policies, however, are not forward from the ranks. The de- bate on the Daily Worker in Eng- land soon found all those right ele- ments arguing for postponement, and most all the rest for speeding up the date of publication. In the end, the Party Congress sharply condemned the sample first page of the proposed Daily put for- ward by the old leadership, and branded it as a deviation to the right, at the same time pointing out that those who had the conception of the Daily Worker shown by their sample first page, would naturally be found doubting whether the respondents elected by such groups, and by every unit of the party, as well as all local units of sympa- thetic organizations, that we have not established in America. So our circulation is still weak where it |should be strong—in the factories, and the mines. Let us honor the British Com- munists for seeing this fact clearly, and let us wish them more energy, determination, and therefore suc- cess, in building these mass contacts than we have shown in, America. | Let us at least do this orgaization | work now, which we should have THE DOORSTEP TO THE NEXT IMPERIALIST WAR heart in Gastonia; it saw two strik. ing carmen shot dead in New Or- leans; it spelled death to a striking laborer in New York, and oil sold during the oil-drivers’ strike in New York was streaked with blood. The year 1929 would have sent seventeen workers to the electric chair—at the bidding of the capital-| ist class—had it not been for one | powerful fact. Mass protest!! Sixteen Gastonia strikers lived under the shadow of the electric chair for six months. Salvatore Accorsi, a coal miner of Pennsyl- HE right danger and opportunism | 4 presents itself in the Party not | only in political questions of our | everyday struggle, but also in im-} “portant questions of Party organiza- tion. Basically, opportunism in or- ganizational questions flows directly | from a wrong political line, and op-| portunism in questions of the Party policy generally. The usual practice |.of all opportunists in the Comintern who were politically defeated and their wrong policies rejected is to tronsfer their opportunism also in the sphere of party organization. Insisting on their wrong political | subjected to individual interpretation | and selection. If every communist | would be given the right to carry) out Party decisions only when he sees fit to do so, if every Party| member would carry out only those | decisions he agrees with, then we! would not have a Communist. Party. | The Party must be positive that) every member is going to carry out | all dicisions and instructions given| to him, even if he does not agree} ith them, Any violation of Party | discipline Lenin considered as an| act against the interests of the Party, and in the interests of the | with the adult and young workers, are feeling the burdens of rational- ization and are beng drawn more actively into the growing struggles of the workers against the speed-up, the wage cuts, and for the establish- ment of militant working class unions. There are over three million child laborers in the U. S. Even the U. S. Department of: Labor is forced to admit an increase in the number of child laborers. In the Southern textile mills, children of eleven and twelve work beside their mothers for eleven and |done first, and thereby show that |we really feel our Communist con- | gratulations to the British Daily | Worker, a mass press, and a mass bourgeoisie. “He who weakens, no matter how little, the iron discipline of the party of the proletariat (es- yania, was slated for electrocution by Andrew Mellon, archbishop of capital in Pennsylvania and high priest of the American treasury. ‘line and refusing to subordinate themselves to the decisions of higher bodies and the majority of the Party, the opportunists are forced to resort masses’ will to struggle was great enough to justify launching it on the first of the year. The main resolution adopted by twelve hours a day, usually re- ceiving no pay for several months. Bourgeoisie Seeks Control of Children. London Naval Conference Jan. 21 to Sharpen: z the Party Congress declared: “Without a Daily there can be no systematic exposure of the Labor Government, and it will not be possible to reach masses of work- ers in the factories and organize them in a struggle against Mac Donald’s Social-Fascist policy..The preparation for the publication of the Daily on January 1 must dom- inate all our political and organ- isational work, and calls for the maximum energy and self sacri- organizer. them an example. TO THE 8TH YEAR OF |THE W.LR By LUDWIG LANDY, National Secretary WIR. fice on the part of every member, so that enthusiasm for the Daily will be erganized amongst, the ma: of workers, who will re- gard it as their own paper and | support it financially.” The resolution on the Daily Work-| er adopted at that congress bears} a little study by those who want 4) class all over the world. When the| famine broke out in 1921, the work- | teal mass Daily Worker in America.| {t seems that the comrades in} England have profited by some ot our lessons, and intend to avoid some of our failures, perhaps even before we correct them ourselves.| After listing the evidences of the| rising militancy and radicalisation of the workers in Great Britain, in- cluding the colonial revolts, (in an- other resolution it is pointed out that the pehenhomena are world wide, “and even America” is in- yolved in them) the resolution goes bn to yi “Without a Party daily paper based on. a mass circulation in the factories and pits, the strug- gle of the masses will remain un- co-ordinated, it wiil reach neither its maximum growth or political development.” That Mass Circulation. The real test is just to get that mass circulation of a Communist daily paper in the factories and pits. It is good that the English com- yades recognize it. The Daily Worker in America has barely made a beginning on the job after six years’ struggle. Perhaps our slowness is because we have failed to do some of the elementary things the Communist Party of Britain outlined as first steps, After indicating the neces- sity of winning over the present readers of the weekly Workers Life, apd the Sunday Worker, the congress delegates find that the circulation of these papers is too little in the factories and develop a plan to draw all sympathetic organizations into the task of building up The Daily Worker. But even more important than the Minority Movement and W. I. R., ete, machinery for this purpose is a plan for direct circulation and news gathering contact with the masses of workers themselves. The resolution states: . “The non-Party and sympathe- tic workers must be drawn to the supporting of the Daily Worker through the establishment of Daily Worker Groups, based primarily in the factories, but if necessary in the localities. Close Contact “Their function is to supply ma- terial on the conditions and strug- gle of the workers and to elect a worker correspondent for the or- ganization of this work, to actively participate in the mass popularisa- tion of the paper and the collection of finance, etc. “Only on the basis of experi- ence and mass development can we finally decide politically on the question of what precise forms of organization the Daily Worker Groups can achieve. “Every Party local, factory or pit group, concentration group, ete., must elect a worker corres- pondent for the Daily Worker in order to ensure the organization of every member as a correspon- dent for our paper. The Daily Worker correspondent has , the most important task of seeing him- self that the material is prepartd and that all forces possible are slso drawn into this task. | | The Workers’ International Relief came into existence in 1191. The Russian revolution, the heroic fight of the Russian workers and peasants against their inner and outer ene- mies, and their success in combat- ting them, inspired the working ers the world over came to the res- cue of the workers and peasants in the famine-stricken area of the Soviet Union, on the solidarity call | of the lief. This response further inspired the Russian workers and peasants in their fight against the white guards and the united attack of the capitalist countrees. I'he Workers International Relief dis- tributed food and dlothing throughout the famine-stricken area and participated in building model farms in the Soviet Union. In 1922 during the earthquake in Japan when thousands of workers were left homeless and destitute, it | was again the Workers International Relief, through the solidarity appeal, which sent hundreds of thousands of dollars for relief of the stricken Japanese workers, After the war, when the Ger- man workers were starving—this time not due to a natural cata- strophe, but to imperialist war in which millions of workers were slaughtered leaving their fam- ilies destitute, and many more millions crippled, it was again the Workers International Relief that came to the rescue with relief. Here, in America, the Workers In- ternational Relief gathered all its forces in helping the Passaic textile strikers. In the New Bedford tex- tile strike, the Workers International Relief was also on the job. In North Carolina, in spite of all attacks of thugs, gangsters, hirelings of the bosses and the state police, the Workers International Relief opened relief kitchens and erected tent cold- nies and maintained its relief ac- tivities there from the first day of the struggle. ° The American Federation of Labor, the social democrats and all other reformists have always recog- nized the Workers’ International Re- lief a fighter against their bureau- cracy. The Workers International Re- lief at this period must mobilize all workers in all countries to help to organize the unorganized. Espe- cially in this country the Workers International Relief must work hand in hand with the new trade union center to help build new re- yolutionary unions and to fight to- gether with them against all the reformist trade union leaders and the enemies of the working class. At present the Workers Interna- tional Relief is engaged with relief work for the struggling miners in Illinois who are fighting against the bosses and the Lewis and Fishwick machines, and for a militant union. The Workers International Relief has opened three food stations and sent out a solidarity call to all work- ers throughout the country soliciting help for the striking miners and their families. The Workers International Relief gives full consideration to the strug- gles of the Negro masses in their fight against discrimination and fosters the spirit of solidarity be- tween white and Negro workers. Workers International Re- We should have shown Imperialis By HARRY GANNES It is the irony of history that secretary of state, Henry L. Stim- son, should be the head of the Unit- ed States delega- tion to the Lon- don five-power naval conference, set for Jan. Ist. Stimson, who strove so hard to drape the war maneuvers of U.» s. imperialism with the shreds of the Kellogg “peace pact,” " openly assumes % Gannes ;the role of negotiator for naval in- creases for the next war. Street,. nurtured on the imperialist battle field in the World War, schooled in the intrigues of finance capital in Nicaragua and the Phi- \lippines, colosal failure in his at- tempt to invoke the Kellogg pact as a war threat against the Soviet Un- | ion, now strips himself of his comic opera peace angel wings and re- veals himself as the chief intsru- ment of U. S. capitalism in its sharpened struggle for naval war | armaments. The precipitating world crisis of capitalism makes the war dan- ger a living reality. World capi- talism is fast moving towards war. The London race-for-arma- This same Stimson, bred in Wall | ments conference expresses the war fever that is agitating the imperialist powers. Five nations are to meet in Lon- don, each desiring to limit the naval ing its own to that point which will give it an advantage in the intensi- fied battle for world markets and redivision of colonies. Anglo-American Rivalry Growing. The two foremost powers at the conference, Great Britain and the United States, while attempting with might and main to mislead the |masses into the belief that there is a semblance of agreement, are in reality rent with insoluble, sharp contradictions and rivalries. These rivalries, contradictions and antagonisms, fundamental and sharp as they were when Ramsay MacDonald met Hoover at Rapidan have during the past few months heightened many fold. Great Britain has the lead in mod- ern cruisers. The United States, smelling war in the air, in order to press its imperialist ambitions, begins a cruiser building campaign. Realizing that in an open race it will be outdone, British imperialism through its flunkey Ramsay Mac- | Donald broaches the question of | parity. That is, they offer to come to an agreement permitting the U. S. to build a certain number of cruisers which’ will place it on an equal plane with Great Britain. No one is fooled by this. There is the | question of war alliances; the grouping of the powers in battle ar- ray against one another. Anglo-Japanese Alliance. Great Britain and Japan are re- newing their alliance directed against U. S. imperialism in the Pacific. Italy leans towards British imperialism, and the French, not satisfied with the alliances or naval increases offered it, threatens to smash the conference entirely. The French imperialists in their state- ment preliminary to the naval-race meet put the issue very clearly. They demand a navy for themselves large enough to “protect the French empire.” They want the Kellogg pact dressed in a suit of mail armor. They want more submarines to har- rass the trade of the larger impe- trialist powers in the next world slaugther. When asked in the House of strength of each other, while build- | in the guise of friendly emmisary, | t Rivalries Commons _on December 12, who Great Britain was arming against, MacDonald became very flustered and blurted out: “Great Britain is not arming against anybody. Our defense establish- ment is decided upon after con- sideration of every factor that de- termines its existence.” MacDonald’s logic, to be charit- ;able, is childish. The very “factor |that determines” the existence of |the war machinery of Great Britain jis the existence of its nearest and most formidable rival, the United States. Hence, every cruiser add- ed to the British navy is laid down |for the battle against this mightly | rival. Navy Parley Step to War. In picturing the bitter race for armaments that will take place at \the naval conference, it is confusing |to juggle the figures of battleships and criusers that fill the columns of the capitalist press. There are many \factors left out, such as naval bases; \industrial war strength of the re- | spective nations; strategic war posi- | tions, nolitical factors, etc., etc. The | big fact that the leading imperialist | powers are girding for war cannot | be hidden. The London five-power |conference is the doorstep to the next world war. |Asree in Enmity to Soviet Union. | One point of agreement, and only one, cements the powers that will | | haggle over their war strength. That | lis hostility to the growing menace; to capitalism, the Soviet Union. |While capitalist economy in all countries declines, in the Soviet | Union, which the Five-Year Plan |speeding up the building of social- lism, the reverse is true. Across the naval-race ‘conference table, fall like a black shadow, the power of the |Sovit Union. What attitude the leading imper- | jialist powers will take on measures |devised for war against the Soviet | | Union is typificd in the unanimous | |response to Stimson’s war threat against the workers’ republic. ‘That | Japan did not join in the note does not indicate that it is not in the front ranks of hostility to the Sov-| liet Union. The Soviet Union stands as a threat against the war prepara- tions of world imperialism and their colonial ambitions. It is the revolutionary inspira- |tion that the workers’ republic gives |to the workers in the imperialist | ‘nations that makes the imperialists | |scowl. The Soviet Union, time and | “peace” declarations. Only the | world revolution will put the finish to war preparations and wars of the imperialist powers. New U. S. Cruiser | | The third of Wall Street's new series of war cruisers—the,10,000 ton Chester. Fifteen more are being built. The main discussion between the imperialist powers at the London five-power meet will be over the building of this type of cruisers to add to their war strength. While the imperialist | | | But the workers of America and |the world shouted “No”—and the electric chair did not go into action, although seven at Gastonia are now facing the living death of long prison terms. The I. L. D. Did It. That one strong directing force! that welded together the protest of the world’s workers is the Interna- tional Labor Defense. The I. L. D. as it is known from coast to coast, faced the machine guns and the Black Hundreds in Gastonia, in Southern Illinois, in New Orleans. The I. L. D, handled the cases of 5,905 workers in 1929 and saved seventeen men and women from the electric chair. 4,316 Arrested in Strikes. The 5,905 workers who went to | prison fell into the following cate- gories: 435 for distributing litera- ture; 627 in demonstrations; 96 in | deportation charges; 4,316 in strikes; | 210 for protesting the Gastonia sen- | tences; 91 for sedition and criminal | syndicalism; 130 on miscellaneous charges, libel, disrespect for the| flag, etc. Just a Few. Remember, these are but a few of |the major cases of the I. L.| D. There are many others that | in this brief article mlst be} overlooked. Remember that 1930 looms as a year of gigantic class | battles. Remember further that the | police and the government agencies | are tightening the screws—polishing up the sedition laws—getting out, their frame-up plans—and the In- ternational Labor Defense must | cope with this coming year of | struggle. | The organization is directly on} the way to becoming a mass organi- | zation—of a strength comparable | with the powerful Red Aid in Euro- | pean lands, The organization is now | driving full speed ahead for a mem- bership of 50,000 workers. It wy laid down a minimum quota of Neg- roes to be included in that number. | The drive will continue until March | 18—the day of the Paris Commune. | Today the I. L. D. counts as mem-| bers fishermen and cannery workers | in Alaska and stevedores in New| Orleans. Farmers from among the fields of corn in the Northwest be- long to the organization as well as | Negroes in the South, Free the Gastonia Strikers! One of its major duties at the opening of this year is to gain the | freedom of the Gastonia strikers. | Four of them, Fred Beal, Joseph Harrison, Clarence Miller and George Carter, have been sentenced to 20 years; two others, Bill Mc- Ginnis and Joe McLaughlin, to 15 years and K. Y. (Red) Hendrix, to seven years, Their appeal comes up January 15 —a few days hence. You can save them from being buried alive in prison! The year 1930 has begun with a major task. A united working class can accomplish Forward to the freedom of the Gastonia strikers and all class-war prisoners! Forward to a mass 1, L. D. | | LOW WAGES FOR MASS. WORKERS. BOSTON, Mass. (By Mail). Fred- erick H. Payne, chairman of the Massachusetts Industrial Commi sion, has announced that there will | | be no change in the low wage-scales | | current in the state for 1930. He made a weak suggestion that some firms “might” increase wages, BOMBING PLANES IN CAUSE OF “PEACE” WASHINGTON (By Mail). — The Navy Department, anxious to rush preparations for the approach- ing imperialist war, has contracts with the Keystone Aircraft Corpor- ation, Bristol, Pa., to construct 18 representatives talk they continue to build, airplanes at a total cost of $1,607,- 829.45, ; |number of very vital questions of | Party |Party member must carefully con- jit is impossible to have a strong| to such means of carrying thru their | policies which are in direct violation of the most fundamental principles {of Party organization. To a Com- |munist, therefore, the question of Party discipline, inner Party democ- lracy, etc., are not simple routine organizational -matters, but are principled questions, the proper un- derstanding of which is imperative |for the development of our Party jand the success of our struggles. The struggle against the right danger in the Party, particularly our struggle against Lovestone raised a organization, which every sider and draw the proper conclu- | sions. Leninist Conception of Party Discipline. pecially during the period of dic- tatorship) effectually helps the bourgeoisie against the proleta- | riat.” (Lenin—Infantile Sickness) Loyestone’s Conception of Party | Discipline. | Lovestone’s theory of exceptiona- lism concerning the economic and political developments of American capitalism is also being applied by him to the organizational principles of the Communist Party. The Love- stone group took upon itself the right to determine which decisions which are to be rejected and fought, which decisions are in the interests | of the Party and which are not. Al real and sincere member of the| Communist Party subordinates what- Workers join the Communist Party because they become convinced that | |the Party and its program repre-| sents not only their immediate in- terests, but fights for the complete | emancipation of the working class, | Workers join the Communist Party | | voluntarily; however, once one be- comes a member of the communist Party, he immediately imposes upon himself the duty to carry out all} Party decisions. The carrying out of | Party decisions is not merely a me- chanical process. No Bolshevik is a blind subordinate to party discipline. Party discipline is baséd upon the political conviction of the Party |members, on their conviction that without the Party minority subordi- nating itself to the Party majority, that without the subordination of the lower party organs to the higher, | united Communist Party that will] be able to fight capitalism success- fully. Lenin considered Party dis- cipline one of the main prerequisites for the success of the Party. “TI repeat, the experience of the triumphant dictatorship of the pro- letariat in Russia has furnished an object lesson to these who are in- capable of reasoning or who have ever personal opinions he has about | the decisions of the Party to the| collective judgment and decisions of | the majority of the party and the| Communist International—the em-| bodiment of the experience and knowledge of the International revo- lutionary movement. To conceal his unprincipled fac- tionalism and open warfare against the Comintern and its program, Lovestone, like all other opportunists | of the past, parades as the “defen- der” of Leninism, as the “savior” of the Comintern and the American Party. In one of his documents Lovestone states: | “Every conscious éammunist, everyone who regards the defense of Leninism as his highest duty, will necessarily refuse to allow formal discipline to stand in. the way of saving the Party. A cor rect revolutionary policy is the | end to help carry through which Party discipline is the means. When the two conflict, the means must be subordinated to the end.” (Lovestone—in the document of Aug. 31st 1929 | “Question of Party Discipline”). | However, who is to judge if Len- inism is being revised if not the had no opportunity to reason on this question. It proves that un- qualified centralization and the strictest discipline of the proleta- riat are among the principal con- ons for the victory over the bourgeoisie.” (Lenin—Infantile Sickness) Discipline in a Communist Party is maintained thru the devotion and self-sacrifice of the membership of | the party for the interest of the| working class, thru the ability of | the Party to bring its policies to the | broad working masses and thru the| correctness of the Party ali Mexican for “Hush!” | | Plutarco Elias Calles, the Mexi- can Mussolini, though a bit whisk- ery for Benito, has the same liking for murder. For years his name has been used against him. “Calles!” in Mexican, meaning “Hush!” Besides numerous mur- ders of workers in Mezico, one recently in Texas had to be “Naha” by Secretary Stimson. Party membership and the Comin-| tern? What unprincipled faction-| alist will ever say that he is not| the name of saving Marxism and Leninism. Bernstein revised M: ism in the name of saving Ma m. Trotsky even today while fighting the Soviet Union, is also pretending to save Leninism. It is not words that count but deeds, not intentions but the objective meaning of poli-| cies and the direction in which they lead. Lovestone’s conception of dis- cipline very closely coincides with the position of Trotsky on the same question. | “Discipline is acceptable only | in so far as it guarantees the pos- | sibility of struggle for what one | | thinks is right, in the name of what one accepts as discipline.” | (Our Political Task | The established Leninist principle |in the communist movement is that \in ease of any political disagree-| ments in the Party, these disagree- | ments, after a discussion, are re- ferred to the highest authority of| the world party—the Communist In-| teractional, and its decision is final. | One has only to read the constitution and rules of the Comintern which were formulated with direct partici- pation of Lenin to see that. “The decisions of the ECCI are obligatory for all sections of the Communist International and must be promptly carried oute® (Article 13). This question brings us also to a similar period of the Second Con- gress of the Russian Social Demo- cratic Party in 1903, when Lenin and | the majority of the Iskra assumed, the leadership of the Party and the Mensheviks refusing to carry out) the decisions of the Congress and the Party because “they were not convinced of their correctness.” To! The Boy Scout Jamboree in Eng land last Summer was an: interna tional mobilization of the capitalist forces to further strengthen thei1 hold on the workers’ children. In the schools, the Junior Naval Re: serves, Cadets and other militarist organizations are being built rapid ly, while the anti-labor, strike-break: ing propaganda is an integral pari of the school curriculum, Young Pioneers. The Young Pioneers of ‘Americs is leading the working class childrez in all phases of the class struggle of the Party and the Communist In- |In all of the most important: strikes |ternational should be accepted and we find the Young Pioneers mobiliz- ing the workers’ children for dirrect participation in the struggle. It New Bedford, hundreds of workers children were on the picket line every day, leading the lines wit) their song of “solidarity.” Pioneers Feared. Harry Eisman is now serving si3 months in a reformatory for his part in the Pioneer demonstration agains the Boy Scouts, He was expelle¢ |from P. S, 61 for his Pioneer worl within the schoolh;:In Milwaukee under a Socialist city administration a Pioneer was expelled from, schoo because of his refusal to repudiats the Pioneers. In spite of the in creasing persecution in the schools the Pioneers are strengthening thei struggle, building school nuclei, is suing their school bulletins, and mo \bilizing the workers’ children to figh |for better conditions, Joneers, who are the leaders in thi It is the Pi struggle against overcrowdet schools, against’ cérporal punish ment, anti-working class propa ganda and for free lunchés fo: workers’ children. The Young Pioneers must becony a mass children’s organization. Thii |can be done only, with the fullest support of the revolutionary work ers. The adult wotkers must joi in the fight to win.the masses * the workers’ children for the work ing class, to. train: their childrer to be real fighters for the working class, to bring them into the strug gle against bosses’ wars and for thi establishment of a workers’ ané |fighting for Leninism or against the |/@tmers’ government. \interests of the Party? What crimes | ———— |did not the opportunists commit in|them Lenin ierefore replied. “Refusal to submit to the leader- ship of the Center is equal to s refusal to continue in the Party, is equal to the destruction of the Party; this is not a means of con- vincing but a means. of destruc- tion. And precisely this substitu- tion of conviction by destruction shows the absence of consistency in principle, the absence of faith in their own ideals.” In the same document of Augus 31st Lovestone quotes Lenin in 1 letter to Gorky (1908) where Leni: states that one is justified to figh! against a doctrine which he consider) wrong. It is true Lenin on certair occasions did break Party discipline This he has done while he was stil. in the Second International, wher he was convinced that the Social. Democratic Party was no longer 4 revolutionary organization, that \it gave up the platform of the clas: struggle and entered into an alli: ance with imperialism, and ‘conse. quentiy betrayed the interests o{ the working class, Lenin justified breach of Party discipline only in such instances. “Revolt is an excellent thing when it is the result-of the ad- vanced element against the reac- tionaries. It is well the revolution- ary wing revolts against the op- portunist wing, but when the op- portanist wing revolts dgainst the revolutionary wing, it is a bad thing. . . .” (Lenin on Organiza- tion p. 190). The opportunistic’ “and social- democratic character of Lovestone’s platform, which leads directly into the camp of capitalism, is today be- ing exposed by life itself. His de- generation into socialademocracy it already established.