The Daily Worker Newspaper, July 5, 1924, Page 5

“The idea becomes power when it pene- trates the masses.” —Karl Marx. The Next By L. TROTSKY. E read reports of the debates and decisions of the Vienna Con- gress of the Amsterdam (reformist, not revolutionary) trade unions with reference to*the questions of war and the struggle against it. How did this question arise? Evidently because the danger of a new war is becoming more and more felt. This conclusion’ must be drawn, first of all. If the Amsterdam trade unions are forced to return again to the question of war, it is quite evident that the dan- ger of a new bloody conflict is getting to be clearer understood and is felt even by the most backward toiling masses. \ The resolution concerning the dan- ger of war and the measures to fight it is introduced by Jouhaux, the gen- eral secretary of the General Confed- eration of Labor of France (reform- ist). By this very fact Mr. Jouhaux recognizes the danger of a new war. However, it is still fresh in our minds that during the last imperialist war Mr. Jouhaux, day in day out, em- phasized the fact that this was to be the last war and its aim was to crush militarism and to establish the triumph of democratic international justice, and because of this very fact he demanded of the French workers active support of the French bour- ~geoisie.in their “last” war which was to end all war. And now, ten years after the commencement and almost six years after the end of the “last” war, Mr. Jouhaux introduced a resolu- tion dealing with measures against the dangers of a new war. Clearly, someone has erred, someone has been deceived. Who? By whom? Was Mr. Jouhaux, deceived by the French bourgeoisie, or did Mr. Jouhaux de- ceive the French workers in the in- terests of the bourgeoisie? This is a,very important question. This pre- liminary question must be solved be- fore we start discussing with Mr. Jouhaux the methods of fighting the dangers of war. One of two things is possible; either Jouhaux conscious- ly deceived the workers as to the meaning and ultimate result of the “last” war, and for this he should be thrown out of the workers’ move- ment, or else he was deceived him- self, i. e, he became the victim of his own erroneous reformist policy and then he should openly proclaim that his own reformist policy during the imperialist war was erroneous. This he must do before he assumes Jouhaux and the others of the» Am- sterdam International will differ from their conduct of 1914 and 1918? Such is our preliminary question. Those very same people who before the imperialist war, at their con- 'gresses, were the sworn enemies of {militarism and military dangers, and during the war became the worst chauvinists—now in the interval be- tween two wars begin again to re- -peat their anethemas against militar- ism so that in the event of war they ‘may again become its most loyal and 'reliable supporters and _ lackeys. This is an indisputable fact. Is it jnot true? One could really stop right jhere, were it not for the fact that some people had already forgotten their experience and that there are jyoung generations who had no ex- iperience. It*\is upon the forgetful- ness of the former and inexperience of the latter that the whole policy of the Amsterdam leaders is based. Let us therefore closer examine the SPECIAL MAGAZINE SUPPLEMENT THE DAILY WORKER. JULY 5, 1924. to preven the bourgeoisie from call- ing forth a new international con- flict. What their means are, we know roughly: partial strikes (in munition works), the boycott and _ general strike. We might as well state at the outset that these patent measures of Jouhaux & Co. represent a sleep- ing draught and nothing else. The munition works continues to work in all countries unceasingly. Why not call a general strike right now? If the Amsterdamers seriously decided to prevent new war, then why, per- mit the manufacture of military equipments? As a small pledge of the future great deed in thwarting war, it would seem that the first act should be to call upon the workers in munition factories to cease work immediately. Utopia, the gentlemen from Amster- dam, will reply. The workers will not respond to this call. The govern- ments will always find the necessary oo The European news agencies, Havas and Reuter, have fabri- cated a speech for Comrade Trotsky in which he is alleged to have said that Russia needs Constantinople later on. As Bessarabia in order to annex Trotsky takes observation of Constantinople before annexing it to Russia. * the right to discuss the policy of the|program of their fighting measures. »number, of strike breakers, etc. Th working class facing new dangers.|This program has a dual character. ; givinee- There is no way out of this alter-)On the one hand it recommends pro- native. As far as we know, neither Mr. Jouhaux nor his other partners are willing to proclaim that their policy with reference to the greatest event of the world history in the imperial- ist war was erroneous and ruinous ‘thru and thru. And if this is a fact, we are justified in considering their present policy, including the resolu- tion of the Vienna Congress, as a continuation of their former policy. We are quite aware of the fact that even before the imperialist war, trade unions and socialdemocratic parties have carried resolutions against war with the same unanimity as the last Vienna Congress. And when the war approached, not a single European socialiemocratic party, not a single trade union organization was in a position, made even an attempt, to prevent it. On the contrary, they all aided the sanguinary work of their national bourgeoisie. Where have we, not to say a guarantee, but even a shade of hope, that with the ap- proach of a new war, the conduct of paganda directed to the abolishing of enmity between peoples, to the establishment of a binding’ court, of arbitration, etc., that is, it is of a pacifist natures One the other hand, it has the semblance of a fighting program for it advocates in the event of war, thé cessation of work in all munition factories, and transport, the economic boycott and finally the pro- clamation of an international general strike, There is very little to say with reference to the pacifist of the program. It is needless say, that it would be splendid if it were possible to establish a “just” and binding for all Interfiational Tribunal. But to establish such a tribunal, it should have been the task of the bourgeois governments, for the power lies in their hands. However, it is from these very bourgeois govern- ments that the war danger comes. Therefore, the question is again shift- ed from the pacifist program to the fighting program and it will be de- cided by the moans and the extent with which the workers will be able arguntents, one must confess, would not be without basis. But is it really easier to call a strike in munition works during the period of approach- ing war than in peace times? One msut either be a fool or a scoundrel to assert this. To advocate a strike in munition factories and other military works during the moment of an immediate war storm is in fact to postpone it to such an hour when it would be less likely possible. We all remember July 1914. On-the eve of war every government is strongest. It completely monopolizes all press organs, all means and instru- ments of mobilization of public opinion, adding terror to these means. How would we have liked to hear Jouhaux call the munition workers on strike in 1914! But no, we recall quite well a totally different program which Jouhaux developed, and latet, Thomas. Des canons! Des munitions! (Canons! Ammunition!) What basis have we to think that on the eve of a new war they will act differently? It is absurd to put the main burden of .the struggle against the war upon a War and the Amsterdam International SECOND SECTION This magazine supple- ment will appear every Saturday in The Daily Worker. group of workers in munition fac- tories. Not one of the gentlemen from Amsterdam take it seriously. They don’t believe it themselves. That much sanity they possess. It is true that the resolution speaks of a general strike, thus making it obligatory upon the whole working class to put out its fighting front against the war. It is not difficult to prove; however, that their speeches concerning the general strike differ very little from their speeches with reference to the strike in munition works. A general strike, they seem to believe, is such a powerful instru- ment of the proletariat that it can prevent the bourgeoisie from ac- complishing its will in the most im- portant question in the life of capital- ism—war and peace. It would seem that the proletariat organized by the Amsterdam international is able to paralyze the will of the bourgeoisie at any moment. If so, why does it not act in this manner in questions of lesser importance? Prolongation of working hours, growth of military ex- penditures, etc. Where did the Am- sterdamers get their splendid assur- ance that in the 24 hours before the bourgeoisie decides to throw the peoples into war again, the prole- tariat will be powerful enough to paralyze this plan with the help of a general strike? During the pre-war period the bour- geoisie, as was mentioned before, con- centrates all power into its hands. A general strike under such condi- tions signifies a revolution. It seems, therefore, that the noble Amster- damers bind themselves at the proper time, chosen.not by them, but by the bourgeoisie to make a proletarian revolution. It would seem, however, that the necessary strength would be an indispensable factor. And if such strength exists, then pray why post- pone the revolutiop to the approach of war? Is it not better to accomplish the, revolution beforehand, and thus by this very fact prevent the possibil- ity of war? This question can be bet- ter understood from another angle. The French General Federation of Trade Unions led by Jouhaux is close- ly bound up with the French Socialist Party, just as the English trade unions are closely connected with the party of MacDonald, and as the Ger- man trade unions stand in the closest relation with the _ social-democracy. The military budget, the very same budget which guarantees, by the way, the work of the munition factories comprises the most important part of the budget of Mr. Snowden. the “la- bor” minister executing the tasks of the imperialists of Great Britain. Thus the Amsterdamer, Snowden, first compels the English workers to pay taxes to cover the needs of the English munition and military works. And then, as soon as the feverish time arrives, when it will be neces- sary to begin action, those very same English workers will immediately have to go on strike in those same munition works and in industry in general, And this is not only so in England. The French Socialist Party decided to vote for the “radical” budget. This radical budget includes quite radical expenditures on militarism. At the same time Mr. Jouhaux, pursuing the same policy as the French socialists, wishes to make the French workers strike as soon as it becomes clear that the “radical” army is not built for amusement, but for serious action for war. Can one imagine a baser form of charlatanism? M During peace times we will collect the budget for the bourgeoisie. We will urge the toiling masses, by the (Continued on page 7)