The Daily Worker Newspaper, July 5, 1924, Page 12

ARR BTR Communist International to German Party (Continued from page 2.) sition slogan was bound up with revo- luticnary agitation for the prepara- tion of-revolution, whilst for the Men- sheviki the partial demands and tran- sition slogans were substituted for re- volutionary agitation, and opposed to the preparation of revolution. It need not be said that the German Communist Party cannot adopt an at- titude of complete rejection with re- spect to partial demands and tran- sition slogans. If need not be said that the German Communist Party cannot renounce the struggle for the eight hour day. There is, no funda- mental difference between partial economic demands and political tran- sition slogans, so long as we under- stand how to issue every transition slogan to the masses in its true light as an organic constituent of revolu- tionary agitation for the dictatorship of the proletariat. VI. Organizatory Questions. We are obliged to admit that up to now the German C. P. has not yet ac- complished the task of building up its structure upon the basis of Commun- ist nuclei in the works and shops themselves. In questions of organiza- tion, and in many other questions, we are still paying rich tribute to the traditions of Social Democracy. And yet there can be no thought of creating a really revolutionary pro- letarian Party, capable of seizing power out of the hands of the bourge- oisie, until the party is built up on the basis of Communist nuclei firmly anchored in the factories and shops themselves. The Communist Interna- tional is of the opinion that it is high time for words to be converted into deeds in this matter. The Reich party conference must set a term, a term speedily expiring, within which the party has to be reorganized every- where on the principles here given. Without this prerequisite—we repeat —it is ridiculous to taik about the seizure of power by the German pro- letariat. Such a reorganization of the Party is not a simple organizatory task, nor a question of organizatory technies, it is a political question of the highest grade. The solution of this question decides whether the German Communist Party is to be a mere machine for parliamentary elec- tions, like the Social Democratic Party, or whether it is to be an or- ganization capable of leading the mil- lions of workers in the factories and workshops. It is necessary that the party con- ference resolves upon the retention and completion of the illegal party apparatus. We must not on any ac- count caleulate on the permanency of the present “legality.” On the con- trary, we must be definitely prepared for repeated periods of illegality for the party. The present breathing space should indeed be utilized for the creation of a really powerful ap- paratus, one existing not only on paper, but actually capable of action, and of working efficiency under any circumstanees. Until this is accom- plished, it is impossible to speak seri- ously about the further arming of the workers. Vil. Arming the Workers, the Red Defence Units. The arming of the workers is still the most important task before the Party. The preceding period be- queathed us something. But that which has so far been accomplished is merely a drop in the occan. The German workers are striving to gain possession of arms. The party must count it amongst its leading duties to satisfy this striving. And this must be done without unnecessary fuss, properly and efficiently, without stinting forces and means. The party must understand the work of strengthening the Red Hun- dreds; not only those consisting of party members, but those participated in by other revolutionary workers. The party must once and for all grasp the fact that the Red Hundreds can never form a real souree of power so long as they are looked upon as an organization solely intended to appear on occasions of revolutionary celebra- tions, at the moment of a general striko, etc. It is an imperative neces- workers \the idea that the Red Hun- dreds are necessary for the daily struggles. The Red Hundreds will only be able to strike firm root in the working class if they accustom them- selves to the idea that they have to protect workers’ demonstrations from the attacks of the Reichswehr, to de- fend the best fighters against arrest, to undertake this or that enterprise towards the arming of the workers, etc. The Red Hundreds must be root- ed in the depths of the working class itself, in the factories and workshops. And then they will be immune against the attacks of the bourgeois author- ities. Vill. The Situation within the Party. The German Communist Party is at present undergoing a thoro regroup- ing in forces, is working for a fresh orientation, is endeavoring to be :a really Bolshevist party. Danger from the Right has been overcome in the party, altho there can be no doubt but that this Right danger still exists, and may inyolve serious danger for the German Communist Party and for the whole Comintern. During tran- sitional periods between two revolu- Communist Inter. to German Party. 4 tions—and the German proletariat is experiencing such a period at. the pre- sent time—the proletarian party is threatened by two main dangers: on the one hand the opportunist devia- tions of the Right, and on the other the phrases of the “Left.” The lack of strengthening of the Party. The Party can now march forward on the broad road of revolution. The party can at last free itself from opportunist er- rors, and take up a firm attitude to- wards the right and “left” leaders of German Social Democracy. We must succeed in finally creating a situation whereby the German proletariat will believe that the German Communist Party will lead it, not only in word, but in deed, to revolutionary battle; and not only to heroic defeats as in January 1919 and in the year 1921, but to decisive victory over the bourge- oisie. Up to now the German proleta- rians have not had this faith in us. But it is a faith which the German Communist Party must now impart to the working class. It is an important duty incumbent on the party, to put an end to the existence of some factors within the party, and to the contests of these fractions among themselves. It is time that we create a party which employs a hundred per cent of its forces in the struggle against the bourgeoisie and its agents, the Social Democrats, and does not waste its powers in squabbles among its own members. The victorious majority must be capable of taking a number oi clearsighted political and organi- zatory steps, enabling the new major- ity to create a new regime in the party, to utilize all forces of v&lue, regardless of the camp to which they - > ee re Sear st aa i? ~ PRIEST: The masses won't obey the dictates of their masters. ALMIGHTY: Give them a little faith in the revolution of the one, the attempt to evade actually existing difficulties of the proletarian struggle by means of Left phrases of the other, form the two greatest dangers. Bol- shevism in Russia fought under ana- logous circumstances against both aberrations, and it was solely in the struggle against these two aberrations that Russian Bolshevism became steeled, and became the party which we all know. The victory of the left wing of the German Communist Party is of enor- mous significance for the fate of the German revolution. There is no doubt but that this victory is a reflection of a far-reaching process going on in the working class, or at least in its van- guard. This victory signalises the growing readiness to fight among the most advanced strata of the German working class. This victory bears witness to the commencing radicali- zation of considerable strata of the German working class. But woe to us if we over-estimate these symp- toms, if we imagine that what we de- sire has already been attained, if we imagine that the majority of the Ger- man proletariat is already prepared to plunge into battle under the lead- ership of the left wing of the German Communist Party. This is not yet the case. Work towards this goal is the The acute crisis thru which the German Communist Party is passing at the present time may become the sity to impress upon the German/|starting point for the rebirth and yasaaamaarmenaalanyminewmesemane =~ more religion. may have formerly belonged, and to lead the party, on the basis of a firm and steadfast revolutionary commun- ist liné of action, to the fulfillment of the great historical tasks lying before it. Your last conference of the Central Committee quite rightly declared, that the tasks of the European Communist Parties do not consist of demands that the Russian Communist Party be de-Bolshevised, but on the ton- trary, of work towards the Bolshevi- zation of the West European Com- great strides forward in this respect. Unity—a truly steadfast proletarian must impart to the workers the be- lief that the proletarian party is pre- paring, without losing an instant, for the great fight which is coming. The Reich party conference must create a firm revolutionary majority. Reich to be held in high esteam among thé sections of the Communist Interna- tional. The Communist International for its part, will do its utmost to aid the brother Communist Party in Germany to accomplish the great historical tasks with which it is confronted. Long live the proletarian revolution in Germany! Long live the dictator- ship of the proletariat in the German Soviet Republic! Long live the Com- munist Party of Germany! Moscow, March 26, 1924. The Executive Committee of the Communist International, Chairman: Zinoviev. TENNANT—A COMPANY TOWN . By HENRY GEORGE WEISS The sparse-clad peaks rearing against the sky, : The sinuous stream abrawling down the green And rocky mountain meadow, tower- ing high Great pine trees swaying, with the stumps between Of sister monarchs felled by ruthless man, Long rows of houses built to one set plan, And dusty roads o’er which “tin lizzies” bump. - With many a lurching groan and swaying thump. | Here nightly from their toil the slaves come in To bunk-house or to home, wash off the dirt Of ten to sixteen hours work, and grin To think that day went by and still no hurt To life or limb; eat, smoke, and then to bed; Rise, back to toil, and so on, till they’re dead! ATTENTION By HENRY GEORGE WEISS Ye sons of the scythe and the plough- share, Ye slaves to the bankers’ clan, Ye serfs of the field and the orchard, We ask you to march in the van. You who have toiled and have sweated That others might gorge on your toil, Now shoulder to shoulder and onward In defense of your right to the soil. The grafters are flocking like vultures To feed on the wealth ye have _grown: Stand pat with the workers, ye farmers, And keep from the robbers your own. Old parties? Forget theml, They've tricked you ¥ With promises year after year! Now fiing wide your working class banner And graven this battlecry there: To the workers the tools of production, To the farmers the land that they till, To the grafters the wage of corrup tion, To all labor the fruits of its skill! A BRYANESQUE SONNET By |. A. McFADDEN. Missouri remembers Bill Jennings, the On wile were crucified. Wiliam Free of Silver thet Workers might hes When me ined office, te Ged he ~“ the * Coinage” of Paper Left Poor Labor hanging on that Cross of Gold, And lined Willie's pockets, ere he be- came obi! ae Clark, his trust ee FOR WILSOM! Th ‘ ‘ us, The ling Adviser, He quit amid ax to all the tricks he has He tries beth Jackass and Camel cum.f Washington with IE ES SSF HI LN