The San Francisco Call. Newspaper, September 24, 1901, Page 6

THE SAN FRANCISCO CALL, TUESDAY, SEPTEMBER 24, 1901 Che—dbnc-Call. TUESDAY.......-.........SEPTEMBER 24; 1901 JOHN D. SPRECKELS, Proprietor. Address All Communications to W. 8. LEAKE, Manager. MANAGER’S OFFICE. .......Telephone Press 204 e PUBLICATION OFFICE...Market and Third, S, F. Telephone Press 201. EDITORIAL ROOMS. .217 to 221 Stevemsom St. Telephone Press 202. Delivered by Carriers, 15 Cents Per Week. Single Copies, 5 Cents. Terms by Mail, Including Postage: DAILY CALL (including Sunday), one year. DAILY CALL (including Sunday), ¢ months. DAILY CALL (including £unday), 3 r-onths. DAILY CALL—By Stngle Month. SUNDAY CALL, One Year. WEEKLY CALL, One Year, fsss e 82 All postmasters are authorized to receive subscriptions. Sample coples will be forwarGed when requested. Mail subscribers in ordering change of address should be particular to give both NEW AND OLD ADDRESS in order o insure & prompt and correct compliance with their request. OAKLAND OFFICE.. C. GEORGE KROGNESS. Manager Foreign Advertising, Marquette Building, Ohie® go. (Long Distance Telephone “‘Central 2619.”) NEW YORK CORRESPONDENT: €. C. CARLTON. . voee .Herald Square NEW YORK REPRESENTATIVE: STEPHEN B. SMITH. .30 Tribune Building CHICAGO NEWS{STANDS: Eherman House; P. O. News Co!; Great Northern Hotel; Fremont House; Auditorium Hotel. WASHINGTON (D. C.) OFFICE. ...1406 G St., N. W. MORTON E. CRANE, Correspondent. BRANCH OFFICES—52 Montgomery, corner of Clay, open until $:30 o'clock. 30 Hayee, open until 9:30 o'clock. 683 MeAllister, open until 9:30 o'clock. 615 Larkin, open until 9:30 o'clock. 1841 Mission, open until 10 o'clock. 2261 Market, corner Sixteenth, open untfl 9 o'clock. 109 Valencia, open until § o'clock. 106 Eleventh, open until § o'clock. NW, corner Twenty-second and Kentucky, open until § o'clock. 2200 Fillmore, open until 9 p. m. _—_—— AMUSEMENTS. Grard Opera-house—*'Dr. Jekyll and Mr. Hyde.” Columbia—*'A Modern Crusoe.” Vaudeville. ittle Lord Fauntleroy.” apho.” ‘Carmen.” Tivoli— California—""A Texas Steer.” Chutes, Zoo and Theater—Vaudeville every afternoon and evening. Fischer's—Vaudeville. Sutro Baths—Open nights. AUCTION SALES. By John J. Doyle—On Wednesday, September 2, at 327 Sixth street, at 11 a. m., Horses, Wagons, Harness, etc. By Wm. G. Layng—Thursday, September 2, at 11 o'clock, 100 German Government horses, at 721 Howard street. By G. H. Umbsen & Co.—Monday, October 7, at 12 o'clock, Crooks Estate Properties, at 14 Montgomery straet. = LORD KITCHENER'S TROUBLES. HEN Lord Kitchener issued his famous W proclamatior. calling upon-the Boer leaders %, to surrender themselves and their com- mandos before September 15, he doubtless believed he was nezr the end of his troubles; that there were very few armed Boers in the field, that most of them were willing tc cease fighting and that the long struggle could be brought to a speedy close by a word of warning and a threat of perpetual exile for all who continued to fight. Such at any rate was the beliei that prevailed in Great Britain and was shared by a number of British sympathizers in this country. More than one paper heralded the pro- clamation as “the beginning of the end.” The event has dissipated those delusions. It is once more made evident that the British intelligence office knows almost nothing of value concerning the strength of the Boers. Instead of having but a few scattered and fugitive commands making a desultory guerrilla warfare the Boer leaders have time and again taken the aggressive, have invaded Cape Colony, have attacked fortified British posts, and since the date which Kitchener fixed for the surrender more Britons have surrendered to Boers than Boers to Britons. In fact, Kitchener has had again and again to announce with regret-the capture of numbers of British troops by the very men they were sent out to take. Under these circumstances it is not stfange that once more the British public has become restive. It is noted that the Boers are, seemingly at least, about as well supplied with ammunition, with food and with horses as ever they were. Nor do they show any lack of men, except in those places where the British are looking for them. In the unexpected places they have men enough tc capture troop after troop. Moreover, they appear to have lost nothing except the cities and the railroads. Otherwise the country remains in their hands. One London authority says: “The situation is singularly like the opening of the war two ygars ago, the names of the same places récurring in the dispatches. Utrecht, where Major Gough was entrapped, was the scene of a similar ambuscade eighteen months back. Acton Homes, where the Boers yesterday reappeared, is eighteen miles southwest of Ladysmith, prominent in the early hostilities, and the Natal Colonials are mustering for the defense of the Tugela, as when General Joubert invaded Natal in 1899. In Cape Colony fighting is again going on south of Stormberg, in territory traversed by raiders and their pursuers ‘half a dozen times.” In addition to all the troubles that confront him in the field Lord Kitchener has further troubles in the camps. He has two classes of people to provide for. One of these is composed of the so called loyalists, who were expelled or fled from the Boer states at the outbreak of the war,-and the other is made up of the families of the fighting Boers. The latter have been concentrated into camps where they are kept nominally that they may be fed, but really as prisoners. The number of refugee loyalists is not accurately known, as they are scattered about the country, but it is estimated that Kitchener has to provide something in the way of relief for upwargd of 50,000 of them. The Boer camps contained at the end of July 93,940 white persons, and in separate camps there were 25,000 l‘(afflrs, making 118,940 persons whom the British have to supply with food in- addition to their own army and the refugee Joyalists.” The problem is a serious one and lays a heavy burden on the railways. It is even probable that if the war continues much longer Kitchener will move all of the Boer families down to the coast, where they can be more easily fed. Such is the situation, and now the southern winter is about over and summer time is at hand. That will mean a greater activity on the part of the Boers and more trouble for the British. It means, in fact, 2 virtual certainty that the war will continue for at least six months to come. ~ ++++1118 Broadway |- STROKE OF THE RATTLESNAKE. FTER waiting two weeks,for a lull in the storm of public indignation that burst out against him upon the assassination of the President, whom he had reviled and vilified day after day for years, William R. Hearst on Sunday struck back at the public that condemns him, He notes that “funerals, even the saddest,” pass, and he evidently indulges the delusion that indignation has passed with it. Itis clearly the belief of Hearst that since the President has been buried no one will any longer recall the villainous and criminal attacks made upon him, and so Hearst feels it safe to re- sume. He is himself again. Once more as venomous, false and egotistical as ever. Hearst divides the public that condemns him into two classes—the predatory rich and their organs, and the dull incapables of journalism and of life. He says of the indig- nation of the public. “It is the revenge which infericrity takes in solacing compensation upon superiority.” Such is the view Hearst takes of the situation. The press of the country, presi- dents of universities, the most eminent of the clergy, Archbishops and Cardinals, Judges, representatives of the commercial and industrial organizations of the country, are, in the estimation of this moral idiot, subject to an infuriating envy and jealousy of his superior- ity. An egotism of that kind can hardly be stung by anything less physical than a horse- whip, yet it is likely to be made to suffer by other means. Public condemnation may rot sting it, but a withdrawal of public patronage will force it to silence. It is the claim of Hearst that he has used his papers to fight for the people against greed and class privilege, but the people do not admit the claim. He denounces “the press that lives on subsidies and on alms,” but the public is aware that his own organ, the Examiner, was subsidized by the Southern Pacific Corpany and continued to draw the subsidy month after month until Huntington refused to pay it any further. That the Examiner is not on the payrolls of the Southern Pacific and perhaps of other corpora- tions to-day is due solely to the fact that the subsidies are no longer to be obtained, cither by solicitation or by extortion. The public at this time, however, is not interested in Hearst’s relations to corpor- ations, to the predatory rich or to those whom he regards as incapables envious of his superiority. The question to which an answer is wanted now is that involved in the uni- versal charge that Hearst is directly responsible for promoting a hatred of the Govern- ment and of the prosperous, thus breeding anarchists and encouraging the cowardly but vindictive spirit that prompted the assassination of the President. Public opinion charges Hearst with having a responsible part in the crime of Czolgosz by the publication of lies deliberately invented for the purpose of exciting a vin- dictive spirit against the President. To that charge Hearst is called upon to answer. The questions put to him are these: v Did you not lie when you said of McKinley: “He has made the White House the headquarters of a corrupt trust lobby. He has made the White House the stronghold of tariff jobbery. It is notorious that he has mortgaged and sold the highest offices in his gift”’? . | Did you not lie when you said the President was “an obedient jellyfish”—*“an ab- ject, weak, futile, incompetent poltroon”? Did you not lie when you said “McKinley and the Wall street Cabinet are ready to surrender every particle of national honor and dignity”? Was it not a lie when you said of the Philippines and Porto Rico: “William McKinley is ruling them with an arbitrary disregard of law that George III never dared to exhibit in America”? Did you not lie when you said: “And McKinley—bar one girthy Princeton person, who came to be no more, no less, than a living crime in breeches—is, therefore, the most despised and hated creature in the hemisphere. His name is hooted; his figure burned in effigy”’? > 3 Did you not lie when in a grotesque caricature you represented Theodore Roosevelt with a face like a baboon shouting out: “I am brave. I believe in shooting. I shot a Spaniard in the back”? Was it not a lie when you said: “Mark Hanna, acting for McKinley, will increase the army, and if occasion arise use it against the organized labor which he so miuch detests”? Have you not also made use of lies in attacking every one against whom malice or your egotism felt aggrieved? Was it not a lie which you published in this city but a short time ago when you charged Chairman Syinmes of the executive committee of the Employers’ Association with saying: “If by reason of a struggle we are making on a principle and in defense of individual liberty of actios, the grain crop can’t be moved, let it rot”? your | Was it not a lie when you charged Chief Sullivan with saying to the police: “I} am dissatisfied with the conduct of you men toward the strikers. must be.driven off the streets. * * * Drive them to their homes and see that they are kept there. * * * TLet me impress this order upon you: Keep the streets clear of union men”? Was not that a lie? Were you not lying when you said: “Levi Strauss & Co. are feeling the effect of the boycott levied against it by the organized labor of San Francisco. Workingmen are refusing to buy overalls manufactured by a firm pledged to stifle unionism. Four hundred of the 800 girls employed by the big Fremont-street factory were yesterday laid off”? Was not the lie published maliciously, and for the purpose of inciting further boy- cotts and causing further harm to California’s industries? To what class of people have all of these lies day after day been addressed? Did * * * The strikers | you think intelligent men would believe them, that gocd men would tolerate them, or that | patriotic men would Le influenced by them? Is it not a fact that they were deliberately de- vised to affect the minds of the ignorant, the vile and the vicious? Was it not your in- ice and their brutality would suggest to them? Was it not your intention to incite against President McKinley just the class of which Czolgosz is a type in order that they. might commit just the crime that Czolgosz committed? 2 These are the questions you are to answer at the bar of public opinion. Yeur offenses of the kind have been many. You have assailed not only individuals but whole communities and Government itself. The people of this city have not forgotten the hid- eous, grewsome, loathsome page of pictures and rhetoric which you published for the pur- pose of representing San Francisco as the seat of the bubonic plague. Why was that lie published? \ Have all these vicious utterances been but an idiot’s tale full of froth and fury, signifying nothing, or have they been the malicious incitements of a malignant egotist enraged against society and government because his “‘superiority” is not recognized? You say ' the Examiner is “An American newspaper for Americans,” and you ask: “Has it assailed the church? Has it antagonized any reform movement, or hurt at any time any legitimate business interest?” To those questions you get your answer in the condemnation pronounced upon you at this very time by the clergy of all churches, the worthy leaders of every earnest ef- fort at reform, by farmers, merchants, manufacturers aud workingmen—in short, by repre- sentatives of every church, every reform and every legitimate business interest. You have hurt them all to the full extent of your cowardly ma'ice. You are at this very time doing your best to stop the course of industry in California. The crops of the farmers are ex- posed to ruin, merchants are losing trade, great factoriés are hampered in their work and labor is being brought every day nearer and nearer to destitution by your incitements. - You say you have fought for the peoplé “with more varied weapons, with more force and talent and enthusiasm than any other newspaper in the country.” The filcs of each of your papers give the lie to that statement. Your variety of weapons has been hut a variety of falsehoods. You have faked interviews misrepresenting honest men, you have garbled letters and speeches, you have suppressed news. Yesterday you misrepre- sented the memorial services of the Knights of Pythias, and suppressed the vigorous words of the orator who denounced you and said: “Too long have we been afflicted with the loathsome disease of yellow journalism, poisoning the minds of our children and breeding crime in the hearts of the people.” You have forged telegrams, you have de. vised lie after lie, in season and out of season, and you have given the largest space in your papers and the largest type available to your journalism to displaying the worst and meanest of your lies: You claim to bea char‘npion of free speech, yet you have degraded journalism ‘to the slums, and for liberty have substituted the prostituted license of slander, malice, vice and crime. You have encouraged every industrial disturbance that has occurred at any place within reach of your influence. You have aided agitators and demagogues in forcing % # . 2 2 3 | earners into the unions. tention to excite that class of men to whatever course of action their cunning, their mal- | strikes upon industrious workingmen who do not wish to strike. You haye incited thf: .lawless to take advantage of such disturbances to assault honest and peaceable workmg{nen on their way to or from their work. Yeu have stirred up in the minds and the hearts of ruffians the kind of cour- age that has led them to the commission of robbery, arson and murder. : Such are the charges the public, through the press, t}ixe pulpit, the forum and. the councils of representative business men, have madeagainst Hearst, but it is not expected that he will answer them, Whatever retort he makes will be the venomous stroke of a rattlesnake. He will defend his former lies by new lies. The public is aware of the tactics he will pursue, for his character is. not un].mown_ He has not iived his life in a corner, nor has the darkness of his ways and the depravity of his hab- its concealed him wholly from the public. He is a known and despised man, an e:ule_ from hl.s home, an outcast from society, shunned by the decent and scorned by the good, the prodigal associ- ate and patron of the vilest of men and womer, supporting out of his inherit.ed wealth bl:_ickmaxlers on the one Land and strumpets on the other, a discredit to his profession, a disgrace to his State, a sore upon his party, a foe to law, order and industry, a demagogue and a coward, a s_]an(lerer of virtue and a cefamer of dignity. Rotten in body and in heart, with an educated dellgl]t in debauch- ery and lying, he has made himself a cause of folly among the ignorant and of crime among the vicious. Preaching a creed of hatred which the pariahs of the slums would not accept, and prac- ticing personal vices which Czolgosz would not commit, he stands doubly dyed in infamy as a cor- rupter of morals and a teacher of anarchy, and is thus abhorrent alike to religion and to law, an offense to society'and a menace to the republic. It matters little what the brazen impudence overriding the cowardice of the man may enable him from his retreat to say in vilification of the public that has judged and condemned him, The end of his career is at hand. ® + e R o] CRITICISM OF FATHER YORKE'S ADDRESS ON LOCAL INDUSTRIAL DISTURBANCES AND THEIR CAUSES O the Editor of the San Francisco Call—Sir: Father Yorke perhaps unconsciously abuses his privileges both as a citizen and a priest. He came to San Francisco a young man, possessed of brains, education and char- acter, and consecrated to a profession which, in its present aspect, originated with the “Prince of Peace.” Almost immediately he became involved in controversies, in which he attracted the sympathy of a large part of the public, because he represented free thought, free speech and religious tolera- tion within the broad principles of the American constitution. Now he antagonizes such men as Pope Leo XIII and Arch- bishop Riordan, sets class against class; while verbally com- mending order, in substance incites riot and tumult; and, with marked intensity and unexampled bitterness, parades himself as the Western successor of Father McGlynn of New York. As a citizen Father Yorke should remember that he lives within and enjoys the protection of an American community, of which the strikers constitute an insignificant minority. The brutal criminals among them may break wrists, arms and heads and beat non-union men into jelly, and thus produce conditions with which the regular police are impotegteto cope. But when public officers are ready to perform their duty, and, in any event, when the public is sufficiently aroused, they can be and they will be controlled and punished. The American people at no time and especially now will patiently submit to the insplent dictation of capital on the one side or of criminal- ity, masquerading under the name of labor, on the other. Still less will they tolerate the promotion of disorder by citizens of any denomination who misconceive priestly functions. This sentiment was the keynote of Father Yorke's aggressive as- saults upon the A. P. A., in which men of different sects, creeds and parties stood by his side. He was animated by this sentiment when he literally lcaded the local press with his letters and poured out rivers of speech fromthe local rostrum. On Saturday night last he delivered an address at Metro- politan Temple, in which he made the air blue with invectives against the population of this city outside of the strikers and their sympathizers, and especially against employers. He made no exceptions, but grouped together “all the people that are in any way connected with business and with the Employ- ers’ Association,” and vociferously asserted with almost end- less reiteration that their only purpose is to destroy labor unions. He declared that they were ‘‘against every man and every woman who is earning wages in the city of San Fran- cisco, in the State of California.” These declamatory assertions may be believed by Father Yorke, but they are simply untrue. His entire speech—argu- ment it could not be called—turned upon two assumptions of fact, “‘men of straw,” that have not and never had any actual existence. I quote the verbatim report in the anarchistic or- gan, which most likely is accurate, because Father Yorke in- dorses that paper to the extent that it is ‘“standing up” for the strikers and virtually arraigns the ‘entire reputable press of the United States by charging ‘“‘three of the papers™” of San Francisco, which have published the almost universal denun- .| clation of the murder-inspiring articles in the Examiner, the New York Journal and the Chicago American, as seeking “to injure a rival” because they thought “it would help their busi- ness and extend their circulation.” “The principle of the Employers’ Association—and when I speak of the Employers’ Association I mean practically all the capital in the city of San Francisco engaged in the wholesale and manufacturing business, and, I am afraid, the banks also— is that unionism must be destroyed.” Thus Father Yorke de- fines the issug on the side of the employers. Of the other side he says, “I believe that the principle you are fighting for is that unionism must be preserved.” It is hard to wink at this apparently stolid ignorance of the actual truth. No intelligent man in the United States, no citi- zen qualified to vote, ought to be unaware of the fact that there are virtually no emplcyers who deny or question the full constitutional and moral right of wage-earners to establish and maintain labor unions and to adopt all lawful means within their legitimate objects to make them effective. No such dispute is involved directly or indirectly in the present strike either as to the Brotherhood of Teamsters or any of the unions that represent the “sympathetic’” element of the strike. There is no controversy whatever about hours or wages or upon any matter affecting the betterment of labor, skilled or unskilled. There is nothing in the strike but the unreasoning and obstinate determination of a few “leaders,” surely not American at heart, to enforce a monopoly of union labor by restricting employers to its ranks and thus forcing all wage- This is the correct and the only cor- rect statement of the case. The methods—not formally adopted by the strikers, many of whom are intelligent citizens, but ruthlessly pursued by the refractory element among them—are destructive of all law and order and hostile to the letter and the spirit of our system of government. I am credibly in- formed that since the local strike began there have been at least from twelve to fifteen hundred brutal assaults upon non- union men, and that, far from having been exaggerated in the press, hundreds of them have not even been reported. Not a day elapses that atrocities are not witnessed on the public streets in broad daylight, which are beyond the control of the police. The twisting and fractures of arms and wrists with the avowed purpose of disqualifying men for competing with union wage-earners have been common incidents, and some of our merchants, not timorous or imaginative, have to be protected in approaching or leaving their offices. It is idle and absurd to controvert by declamation what our entire popula- tion knows to be true. Father Yorke is very incorrect in his figures even when he estimates the number of people in San Francisco. He is doubt- less far within the ,mark when he assumes the number of workingmen in this city to be 65,000. But he is still further and more seriously out of the way when he includes all these men among the strikers or their sympathizers, whose ‘cause” he "attempts to advocate. There are not less than 375,000 people in San Francisco, and to allow that there are 15,000 strikers all told is going to the furthest extreme. Of Father Yorke's 65,000, therefore, 50,000 are either neutral or non-union workers and embrace the sufferers from the rampant savagery the existence of which our Mayor and our Governor have thus far failed to discern. 5 Father Yorke not only accepts manufactured pretenses and draws from them false inferences, but he makes a labored ef- fort to array the poor against the rich, and is betrayed into language which, from an ordinary citizen, would rank as the worst kind of demagogism. He speaks as a priest, however, and claims to represent the Catholic church, and in this char- acter demands unusual consideration. In his capacity of eitl- zen he had precisely the same rights as any other citizen and no more. In the use of his priestly functions within their just limits he may be tolerated in the exercise of greater latitude and he will certainly be held to a severer responsibility. I quote enough of his exact words to point out this part of my communication. He says: “I am here to say what good word I can on behalf of those who do not possess this world's goods, on behalf of those who have to labor for their daily bread, BECAUSE I AM A PRIEST OF THE CATHOLIC CHURCH.” He then refers to the poverty of the Founder of Christianity, the “Man of Sorrows,” and adds: “I owe no apology to anybody to speak in behalf of labor, but I should owe an apology to the past, to the great men of the past, and to those whe founded my church, if I were to be found in any place except the place ‘where [ am to-night.” In another place he states “that there is no closer union in the world than the priesthood,” and that without its consent not “a single priestly office’” could be ful- filled. It is beyond doubt, therefore, that Father Yorke spoke as a pries: and representatively. But I feel equally confidernt that he spoke without authority, and that for this assumed sanction introduced into his language he does owe an apology. I am not a Catholie, although both as a man and a citizen I have a deep and abiding respect for all men who love God and his laws and for the church which, in my judgment, in its rela- tion to American citizenship and ‘to - the pending struggle Father Yorke grossly misinterpreted. I shafe—who does not?— his enthusiasm for the poor, a class which embraces not merely striking: unionists, but non-union workmen, and not merely them, but many thousands of shopkeepers, traders, manufac- turers, merchants and farmers, who are suffering loss and threatened with ruin and penury because of the attempt to establish a despotism of selected wage-earners which is un- endurable In an American State. It is unfortunately true that the poor are always with us and excite the commiseration of all human beings who are not callous, as gnificent donations and magnificent edifices all over the civilized world attest. I will venture to assert that there are few, if any, employers in the Urited States, whether Catholics, Protestants, Jews or even freethinkers, who do not enter into this sentiment, and it has been and it is a source of just pride to citizens of all sects, creeds, parties and occupations to observe the rapid diminution of poverty and the equally rapid increase of comfort, pros- perity, intelligence and education among the wage-earners of our country. Even strikers, after weeks of idleness, can fondle their watch chains, smoke cigars, patronize saloons and enjoy life, while such of them as have families presumptively have provided for their homes. All this may be said, and yet Father Yorke is very wide of the mark. There are Catholics as well as other citizens in ebery business and station, and inequality of condition, which is quite different from inequality of opportunity or before the law, exists everywhere. Wage-earners will probably resent being classed among the poor in the sense of requiring ex- traordinary, illegal and unjust concessions from their em- ployers. The rich, the poor and these in moderate circum- stances are all commingled in the vast American fraternity, which recognizes no eristocracy of capital or labor, of wealth or poverty. I defy Father Yorke to show me within the lids of the New Testament where his Master and mine has sought to create an aristocracy of poverty or of labor. The danger of covetousness, the special temptations of wealth and the duty of charity, or rather love, are repeatedly enforced, but there is no rule of exclusion applied to the rich and all are brought within the phrase which, as between man and man, is the sum of the law and of the gospel. “Do unto others as ye would that others should do unto you.” Father Yorke boldly attacks the presidents of both our unt- versities, who are men of high intellect, of thorough training, of deep thought, of irreproachable character, of genuine patri- otism &nd of ardent sympathy with labor. Is ro apology due for this? He also vituperates capitalists, who for many years have successfully promoted the best interests of workmen. Does not this also demand an apology? And what is due for the implied antagonism throughout his address to the noble encyclical letters of Pove Leo XIII, in which the reciprocal duties and obiigations of all classes have been defined and enforced with a precision, clearness and sincerity acknowl- edged or confessed among all civilized nations; in which the tollers of society are warned to “be ever on their guard against riots and the riotous, show inviolable respect for the rights of others and work willingly and with all due respect for their employers,” and in which upon such questions the church s restricted to “the holy task of admonishing all of their duty according to the precepts of Christianity and of drawing rich and poor together in the bonds of fraternal charity.” Almost every sentence of these elevated and imspiring documents might be quoted against the letter and the spirit of Father Yorke's ill-considered denunciations. The very root of industrial disorder, of that evil passions and negation of fundamental rights l::k:?:;fl;:t:: anarchy and occasionally produce such lamentable conse- quences as the assassination of our late President was ex by Archbishop Riordan in his powerful address of last T day, which in and of itself constitutes a perfect answer to in diatribe of Father Yorke, and, to the mind of the nv:ru: American citizen, furnishes convincing proof that the eloquent orator did not legitimately use hi: Gusly for his church. . s prlestly office or act vieari- San Francisco, Sept. 22, 1901 3 ed urs- PERSONAL MENTION. J. W. Henderson, a banker of Eureka, is at the Lick. 0. M. Rosendale, a mining engineer of Portland, Or., is at the Grand. 3 ‘W. H. Nichols, the well-known banker of Courtland, is a guest at the Grand. George E. Goodman, the well-known banker of Napa, is staying at the Palace. E. M. Sheehan, a popular young resi- dent of Sheramento, is a guest at the Oc- cidental. Wallace Dinsmore, a prominent resident of Marysville, ‘spendlng a few days at the Grand. Frank E. Clark, a wealthy young club man of New York, is at the Palace. He is on an extended tour of the coast. J. Morgan Smith, accompanied by his wife, returned from an éxtended tour of younger days. Alameda, Cal. of the author. before that time. ANSWERS TO QUERIES TOM FITCH—G. G. G., City. A friend of this department informs it that Tom Fitch, the “silver-tongued orator,” is at present practicing law in Honolulu, H. I, with all the oratorical elogiuence of his PHROCINE AND MELIDORUS—A. D., This correspcndent wants to know where may be found the story of “Phrocine and Melidorus,” also the name ROSE SPRINGS—H., Berkeley, This correspondent asks if any of the readers of this department can tell where Rose Springs was located in California. According to the correspondent it was the name of a place in this State in 1880, or - L A CHANCE TO SMILE. Hall-How did you get rid of that rail- dn’t think any one would touch it, considering the condition of the road. Ball—-Well, I found a posted. Hall-Who was he? Ball—One of the. directors. Country. party who wasn't —Town and ——— Choice candies, Townsend's, Palace Hotel® —————— Cal. glace fruit 50c per Ib at Townsend's,® ————— Special information business houses and Cal. supplied daily to Public men by tne gomery street. Telephone Mai g2 03 —_——— A carriage manufacturer says he pre- u e 5 AN 1fers the shafts of wit to the t el ST T SRR A +MOSQUITORS: Victiing: City: . 16, yuu | Yenoa: i el ntend going into the interior where there O R y J. D. Farrell, president of the Pacific Steamship Company, and J. G. Wood- | orc Tany mosquitoes you ean protect A Reminder. ward, an employe of the same company, are at the Palace from Seattle. Thomas M. Schumacher, formerly In charge of the freight department of the Union Pacific in this city, arrived yester- day from Salt Lake, where he at present holds a responsible position with the com- pany. —_———— The average Chinaman doesn’t feel that he needs Christianity. He has excellent teachings of his own which he doesn’t follow. / t yourself from attacks by the buzzers by using, so it is sald, a drop or two of citronella rubbed on the hands and face. A simple and not disagreeable preventive. ————— Califernians in Washington. WASHINGTON, D. C., Sept. 28.—Josaph 8. Spear Jr., Surveyor of Customs at San Francisco, is at the Shoreham: Benja- min Norton of San Francisco Is at the Ar- lington; General Harrison Gray Otis of Los Angeles and L. L. Pratt of California are at the Cochran. The last davs of sale for low rate Excursion Tickets to the Pan-Amemicar Expost Buffalo will be October 3 .Ml‘. Only":: (:; the round trip. The Californin Limited leaves at9a m., 3. vour reservations early at the office of the Santu Fe, 641 Market street. ————— e s Dr. Sanford’s Liver Invigorator. Best Liver Medicine, VegetableC ureforLiver Ills. Biliousness, Indigestion, Constipation, —————— Stegert's Genuine Tmportes. Anuseiae Hitierss