The San Francisco Call. Newspaper, September 25, 1898, Page 1

This Paper not ! to be taken from the Library.+*+** ~ The Issues of the Campaign|-- Plainly Outlined by the Orator. A Great Audience Listens to a Masterly Speech at Odd Fellows’ Hall. Morris M. Estes addressed an enthusiastic audience. last night at 0dd Ko man in the State is better versed:in local and national He discussed the issues of the present State campaign in an able He advocated the retention of the territory acquired during the recent war, and demonstrated that thg holding of the conquered islands was a political and commercial necessity due to the progress of the nation and e He denounced the single-tax heresy of Maguire and advocated the construction of the Nicaragua canal. He warned ths Republicans to stand together to combat the railroad influence in the administration of public affairs and to fight for the protection of American Fellows’ Hall. politics. manner. the extension of its commerce. industries and American producers. M Estee M. addressed a large of voters last night at Odd Fel- Hall on the pol sues of the present His address was' an delivered in a masterly lows well filled but The rain kept there was a and those who composed it 1g in enthusiasm. vas the chairman of troductory remarks of the Republican t accomplished. During the Amer- through many me near d the nation’s publican party has gone The Republican party has and has made —the greatest there are great Repubjica furnished the men to ished Lincoln' to carry it fratricidal war; Grant ation together during a time withal George the meeti said ior m. the Blaine to spread its fame world d to-day it has hed even a greater leader in Wil- McK »ages of history,” he : be found a Demo- name of any of crat “The Republican party will not com- work until it has cemented this n into one great brotherhood. ng election is one which has local and sults will be an expression of con- fidence or of condemnation of the actions and deeds of the present administration and of the President. 1 do not believa there is a man here who is not proud of the achievements of the nation during the recent war under the guidance of William McKinley w M. M. was introduced he was greeted with cheer after cheer. “It may be a little raihy and cold on the outside, but it is warm in here,” he said, in re to the greeting. “Before 1 commence 1 want to intro- duce to you two men whose names are on the Republican ticket for State of- fices are Truman Reeves, candidate They sasure and M. J. W or General.” ght, candi- Cornwall, A. Hayward, A. C. T. J. Ryan, Arthur G. Fick, ering Low, Thomas Eager, George B , N. B. Engle, E. F. Loud, E. A Selt Frank McGowan, Guy C. Earl, Hon., W. H. Beatty, P. Chipman, A. W. Wehner, H. Whittle, P. Crowley, J. P. McCommack, L. H. Noite, Joseph A. Way- mire, John D. Siebe, Thomas , O'Brien, James Somers, M. 8. Jeffers, E.'T. Donnel- 1y, Wilson H. Sigourney, Leonard Everett, Charles de la Fontans, E. B. Read, J. F. Twomey, Reubén H. Lloyd, W. W. Stone, George S. Squires, Frederick Whitney, L 8. Belcher, A. G. Borth, A. N. Pitty, John ridge T. Kidd, A. D. Hathaway, E. F. Steen, Daniel Hayes, Z. U. Dodge, Edward Briggs, Charles A. Shurtleff, Sargent . Morton. Benjamin Duncan, Bruce Cornwall, James Byrnes, James Deering, E. H. Beacock, W. W. Chase, C. L. Morgan, Julius Kahn, W. 8. Wood, Dr. W. H. Mays, John C. Lynch, William J. Robinson, John Haynes, W. B. Benolst, We G. ‘Witter, James W. Orndorff, John Hutéhinson, F. H. Staples, C. F. Bassett, A. W. Crandall, lsaac Thomp- son, William J. Leavitt, Charies J. Deering, Emerson W. Scott, Charles H. Holbrook, Joseph Britton, George H. Bahrs, A. E. Bolton, H. C. Dibble, Thomas J. Haynes, W. B. Walkup, James Field, O. F. Willey, Charles H. Holbrook Jr., Judge John Hunt, N. W. Spaulding, Hon. E. D. Sawyer, Henry L. Davis, J. C. Kimball, George Greenwood, George Dixon, A. E. Ball, George H. Ryan, Michael Shannon, J. ¢. B. Hebbard, James Cross, L. W. Secley, Robert Christy, George B, Knowles, Alonzo Davidson, M. S. Blackburn, Dr. F. W. Harrls, Andrew Wintee, Captain James C. Eschen, J. J. Campbell, Arthur Mullin, H. A, Parrish, B. L Shechan, O. F. von el WA s R dmar Ko | sectional lines 7 “LET THE LINE BE FORMED FOR TRUTM AND JUSTICE.® Rhein, P. H. Prendergast, J. B. O’Brien, E. Somps, A. J. Mitchell, George Walcom, ‘Willlam Lewis, Chris Dunker, E. A. Margo, W. T. Kibbler, H. G. Millzner, John O'Con- nell, J. J. Callender, Anthony Christoffer- son, Captain Robert Minor, F. Preston, Captain C. E. Allen, P. B. Quinian, George F. Neal, George F. Shaw, A. Houston, Charles H. Forbes, E. D. Douglass, G. D. Graham, L. H. Clement, John Hynes, Daniel Erwin, Meyer Jacobs, John E. Berg, Amos Currier, Sol Cahen, C. T. Hazeltine, Victor E. Boucher, L. F. Thayer, Henry Peterson, Henry Prien, H. J. Riggins, Isaac Upham, T. D. Riordan, Joseph King, G. Delmartin, G. E. Buck Jr., J. H. J. Seyden, O. C. Pratt, Walter Mead, C. W. Lingen- felser, P. W. Lannon, Charles J. King, E. S. Salomon. Mr. Estee spoke as follows: My Fellow-citizens: I am constraineu to speak to you to-night more as a citizen than as a partisan. 1 am a Republican and believe in the principles of that great party. But new and unsettled questions are now for the first time brought to the attention of the peopie. Whatever differénces may exist among Americans on sfinc‘ple. there are now no ividing our country. Fitz- hugh Lee and Joc Wheeler, Shafter and Miles, and the blue ard the gray, in com- mand or in the ranks, fight under the same flag, wear the same uniform and form the same American army in the same war. A common destiny now awaits us all. We are all Aemricans—descended from the same illustrious ancestry, proud of the same heritage, entitled to the same past renown and present glory. ‘We have recently been making history s0 fast that it may be wise to look back- ward and see whither we have been and where we are to go. History repeats .c- self. What has been may again. be, Events come trooping after each other in such rapid succession that we can hardly note the approach of one before others take its place. The Republican party is the party of progress. It was formed to defend the in- - tegrity of the nation, 1 tr::l: the slaves nmg or the protection o The Party | American industries. Its principles have of been adopted by and en; l“lfl‘ed ‘upm‘ tne political policy of the Progress. regubllc—ltsy ty achievements fill the most splendid ges of American history. For‘a full third of & century the Republican ty has T‘u.rlb ed out and munmnn:“tgn political - ~oe0 00000 ° *SHALL THE SINGLE TAX CRAZE PREVAIL IN CALIFORNIA On these lines it consecrated the early years of its existence; since then it has %een fighlln§ to perpetuate these princi-- ples. It to-day and at all times has been the grenl tribune of the American people —it boldly met every new issue confront- ing this nation. From the beginning it has proclaimed the e(éu!ll rights of man; it has been the defender of the poor and the homeless; it has sccured to the Amer- ican_ worker new and more ample re- wards; it has protected Ameritan Indus- try and American enterprise from the un- falr competition of foreign labor; it has stood at the gates of commerce and de- fended American trade. Its protective policy has enlarged the opportunities of all toilers to increase the value, amount and variety of the results of such tofl. t is through the influence of the Re- publican party, and by reason of the en- couragement which our laws afford, that America has become the home of the suc- cessful artificers of the world. It was through . the Republican party that the flag of our country has been re- baptized and rededicated to the cause of humanity, and it now typifies more than ever before the greatness and giory of the republic. It to-day stands as a symbol of liberty in the Western World. Thus this republic has advanced to the front among the nations of the earth. Its rogress 18 chiefly noted by our increase n population and in wealth. the intelli- gence of our peonle. and the achievements of our army and navy. These have all been a revelation to the people of *Europe and an inspiration to America. Amon, civilians Lincoln stood at the head. Afi in all, he was the greatest man this coun- try has produced since Washington. His marvelous leadership was shown by his confidence in_ his people. He knew he could trust the people's ment. It was he who said, “You can fool all the people some of the time and some of the people all the time, but you can- not fool all the lleorle all the time.” He never tried to fool the people at any time. Moral courage was his most con- splcuous virtue; he was not afraid to do ght _whatever might be the conse- quences. There was nothing.sensational in his character; he could look danger in the face without fear or emotion; he was a patriot— - He loved his country be~ause it was his own, Nor cared to give aught other reason why. His death left a nation in tears and the whole world in sorrow. The Republican arty, formed thn)\lx’gh his commanding nfluence, must continue in the lines he marked (out.” = It must continue as the great ‘‘people’s party’ of this nation. It cannot: live alone by its traditions. e lve in the present; behind us is the im- perishable record of millions of free men courpe i which the great ship of state whao re) r:;e::ntedlt{fi ntellf en:a md“h." has sailed—it has also- stood spl the de- :? ulp' lnot.;:n hocpu'a g-'msl'tne’- n'n:lbom fender of civil and religious liberty, and | millions The past is ~safe, the future 'of law and order.. - - ‘m.-m.‘. \ A b t ® “This fall there is a bugle call to summon Republicans into line. Let that line be formed for truth, justice, honor and patriotism.” ENTHUSIASTIC REPUBLIC PRICE FIVE CENTS. The present. political czmgu.ig‘n in Cal- ifornia has a national significance not so much because we are to elect national ofil- cers as from the grav- ity of the questions involved in this con- test. The war with Spain has emphasized i and nationalized the Campaign. | 25 5000 section: e— PU.1iC_ODinion is being formed -to meet new conditions. One of these new questions is, “Shall :we acquire, territory iying . beyond the limits of.the continent?”’ “The'United States has recently made a new departure in this direction. ‘For the first time.in the history of- our: country: we -have -acquired territory. beyond the:continent. In the:past, both by practice and tradi- tion, we have been an isolated people. Our Spanish misrule in the West Indies until that misrule violated every principle of humanity; nor even then, until Ameri- can lives were taken and American prop- erty destroyed and our honor assailed by the blowing up of the Maine. We found from experience that neither life nor property was safe in Cuba. The war with Spain had thus become inevitable, and that war has resulted in our taking Span- Americans, and it goes without saying that an American who can govern him- self is capable of governing others. If this were a question of government only, we could successfully meet the new con- ditions thus presented. But the graver problem of amalgamating so many peo- le of another race with our American amily now confronts us. Speaking for myself, I am opposed to this. i it i/ ZZ8 4 "ALL ELECTIONS ARE IMPORTANT * HON. M. M. ESTEE SPEAKS FOR REPUBLICANISM. form of government differed so much from that of other nations that we stood alone among the great peoples of the world. Now we are known only as the great American nation, and while we speak the English tongue and belong to (Re Anglo-Saxon race, we have been and are in the broadest sense American. Our national prejudiees and our . civilization are American. Since the Declaration’ of Indeperdence it has been the settled policy of Ameri- can statesmen to cppose the acquisition of territory beyond the iimits of this continent. Now we want resting places in_the great oceans distant from us. Many reasons were urged against the acquisition of territory in the early days of the republic which do not exist now. ‘We did not then need more territory, nor daid we require harbors for defense, coal- ing or for refuge. We had little or no foreign commerce; we had more land than ople. The Amarican nation had just g:en created, and its perpetuity was yet a problem. ‘We had just ended one war and were not seeking another. and so as a matter of self-preservation a policy of non-inter- course and of isolation was ‘adopted by us. But a century of time has made reat changes im our conditions. Amer- ca i8 mow a great nation, and it must move on with other sreat nations or go to the rear. This is a commerclal age, and we must be one of the first or we will be one of the last in the march to empire. We must have 2 navy. great enough to meet our new conditions, and coaling stations in every sea. This Is a necessity. sail, and coal is-now, in war as in. com- merce, a necessity, and 80 America must greguu for the future and guard. every w‘fl way of American commerce, or we 1 have no commerce to guard, It is a fact that not one salling war vessel is pow in the course of comstruction either in America or England.. There is-not one war vesgel afloat which could steam from here to Manila and back without coaling. Hitherto we have been slow to as our rights. - We did' ngt.mtm. ith P S i Steam has taken:the place of | ish territory, some of which we must keep, all of which we may keep. Call it conquest or what you may, we will re- tain what we need. 1f we r. '~ any territory back Spain will be in position where she can pun- ish her revolting colonies, and thus ren- der our war for humanity a failure and turn our victory into defeat. But if we retain the Philippine Islands we have to assume the responsibilities of . wisely governing the people who Ilive there. They are a strangimople. not of n Retain the our o®%n race, and Island they have no experi- "{,‘“ lln ganernlng themselves —all _ are of Luzon. | 4 iiiics. I am there- fore opposed to_our retaining of the Phil- ipplan group more than the Island of uzon. This will furnish a coaling sta- n_for American shipping. This is all need, and all we have conquered. We do not want any remote American States ‘whose population is not of our race. It s more than doubtful statesmanship to attempt to Americanize a vast number of people who have no sentiment of pa- triotism in common with our people. Race distinctions cannot be remedied by legislation or by any political action of our home government. International complications might,. and doubtless would, arise by reason of our attempted ‘control cof all ‘of the Philippine Islands. I say all because there are about 200 of | them which are inhabited, and it would require American soldiers on every one of them to maintain government or se- cure peace. Speaking of the Philippine Islands, | 'Restdent. Archbishop Dosal recently said: hope the islands will not “1 " earnestl; n 8 sh, use the rebels are T now £0 strong that such a course would inevitably cause appalling bloodshed. The reconquest of the natives is impossible until after years of the most cruel war- . fare. B e 2 200, America want years of war? ast: o ““-THE VOICE OF THE PEOPLE MUST BE SUPREME.' . I know we cannot be a hermit longer; that_*in this age whatever stands still recedes, whatever ceases to grow dies,’ and that all other great nations are grasping for territory, and so it seems to be the present American sentiment, and some think a wise one, too, that we should, by -taking#the Philippine Islands and. the people inhabiting them, get all we can, but L would not imperil Ameri- can liberty at home by increasing our population abroad. The. permanepcy of this republic may depend upon the position assumed by our Government In relation to the Philippine Islands. It may be quite as.dangerous for us to ask too much from B‘Ba.in’nk it would be to accept too little. This war has grati- fied out ambition.and excited our pride, and it has advanced us to a new and more commanding Rosition among the family of nations. et us not risk that position by demanding what we cannot afford to Keep. We are great now both as to war and as a financial power. We just floated a $2,000,000 loan among our | own people, and Do one person was per- mitted to take more than $5000 worth of the bonds, and even then we had more than a billion of dollars subscribed. These bonds are now selling at a premium. In the near future the islands of the great oceans will be our country’s out- posts. In war they will form the skirmish line of our army and navy; in peace they will be the sentinels guarding our com- merce and protecting our flag. Our cities are overflowing with a great populatior, which must have employment or public support, and the best way to support them is to secure to them re- munerative employment at home and let them support themselves. Our wealth has accumulated faster than our oppor- tunitles for .good investments; our popu- lation is now ‘quite 75,000,000 people. Bve should make no larie additions to our population except they are intelligent people and of our own race. A vast population is always a danger to a free nation, so much-so, that for years many thoughtful Americans_have ~favored a larger restraint upon European Immigra- tion. ‘With these conditions confronting us at home, what will be the effect if we in- crease our population by adding millions of a foreign and unassimilated -ace to our American. population? We cannot maintain the protective policy of our party by adding a vast number of cheap Asiatic laborers to our American family. This is ‘a most serious matter, and so serious that this will be a test of the strength of this na- tion and the wis- dom of our rulers, Mc- Place Trust | Kinley is a great and pure man; he thinks | in wisely and acts with caution. Trust the McKintey. ship of State to hum and all will be well. Give him the unstint- ed support of a grert and free people—this is due him—and he will not be unfaithful to the confidence re- posed in him. He was not hurried into war, nor is he unduly influenced by ine results of that war. It was once said that “to gain empire was easy and common, but to govern it well was difficult and rare indeed.” We are now about to try the experiment of “gaining new empire.” We are enterin, upon the uncertain and dangerous task o “governing it welk’” ‘ellow-citizens, “we cannot lower the standard of American citizensnip and long maintain Republican institutions in America. It may be, and possibly is, our mission to control America, but we can- not go over to Asia and control those coples. War has its successes and its fettatslet us not turn victory into *de- feat. A great victory may be more dan- gerous than a great defeat. It is not the peril of war, nor indeed the unrest caused by political factions that now endangers our country, but rather the folly to which unrestrained ambiuon may lead American diplomacy in its for- eign policy. In. the United States business success or failure depends largely upen the busi- ness conditions which flow from party victories. Two years ago Mr. L.c&inley was elected President and a Republican Congress was elected at the same time. A new tariff law was passed, and although a war with Spain has since followed, and thousands of men were called into the army and navy and ceased to be pro- ducers, and the expense of the Govern- ment was greatly increased, yet our ex- orts were never as much as this year. fn a word, the peole of this nation never before sent abroad for sale such a large amount of surplus products. This is the crucial test of a nation’s prosperity; just as much as it is a test of business success | when a farmer sends away from his farm for sale double what he buys or brings onto the farm for use. I am_quite aware our Democratic friends may say that our great business success arises from conaitions they in- augurated. If this be so, how is it that | during the eight years Mr. Cleveland was President we labored under business de- grsulon. while during the greater part of | he intervening four vears of President Harrison's administration, and after the msmgo of the Republican tariff bill, we ed good times, and we now have a mark- recurrence of the same thing. The ef- fect of the Republican tariff legisiation is especially noted by reference to the ex- Imports from foreign countries in 1897 ... .. 764,730,413 144 530 $286,263, Exports to forelgn countries in 1898.§1,231,329, Imports from forelgn countries in ‘1898 616,005,159 $615,324,791 Last year shows the largest surplus to the credit of our country ever before at- tained in our history, and a much larger surplus than any other nation can show for the same year. The construction of the Nicaragua ca- nal is a national necessity. It is said by men of experience in this matter that if we had a war with any Nicaragua | one of the great pow- grs _of Europe the Canal Nicaragua_ canal would pay for itselt in twelve months. ut Is Needed. | S0 % om its use in war. it is invaluable to the United States in peace, because it would connect our ter- ritory on both sides of the continent and would be of especial value to the Pacific States. It is a mistake to build battle- ships to protect our coast and defend our commerce, and at the same time not to construct this canal. It is a greater mis- take to attempt to bufld up American commerce and not provide the highways over which that commerce shall move. The Nicaragua canal is one of the great- est necessitles of this age. Its construc- tion will not only unite two oceans, but two continents, and it will shorten the distance between both more than one- half. At present the people of the Pacific side of this republic have no chance to compete with our people living on the Atlantic. . China, Japan, the Indies, Oceani all of that vast number of Pa S| ands, including Australia and New Zeal- and, will be brought nearer to the At- lantic side of America when this canal is completed; the commerce of the Pacific will be greatly increased, and thus we will reap an immeasurable benefit. So much has been said in-favor of this great canal and so little against it that one is led to marvel why it has not been built. The fact seems to be that for- eign nations do not build it for fear of American diplomatic complications, and America does not build it becaus can put it off. But the time is fast ap- proaching when we must cease this “dog in the manger” policy. We must either act or let some one else act. The whole civilized world is interested, and further delay on the part of our Government will be dangerous to our future control of the commerce of the Pacific Ocean. Let it be sald, with bated breath if need be, that theySouthern Pacific Railroad corporation opposes its construction. The knowledge is.common to the public men in and éut of Washington that such is the fact. IL.et us adopt the remedy pro- posed by. the -Republican platform—to take the money due the Government from the railroads and use it to build the nal. This would be retributive j The Republican platform on the s is as follows: “The last Congress having unanimously passed a law providing for the collection of the indebtedness due from the Central and Western Pacific railroads to the Gov- ernment, the Republican party favors the enforcement thereof, and, unless such law and all the provisions thereof be promptly accepted and complied with by such spe- cified railroad companies, that the law be strictly enforced and the lien on said roads and properties be foreclosed and said roads and mortgaged property be sold according to law, and that all funds that now or hereafter are realized from either or both said Pacific railroads, or from the collection of their debt to the Government, whether voluntarily or by foreclosure, be applied to the construction of the aragua cana The silver problem, which two years ago disturbes the American business world, nas, for the | present at least, set- tled itself, and there can be no reason for that question entering into . nolitical aiscus- sions this year, for the The Silver Question a Dead Issue.'| amount of money in circulation is most — 2TDC . This question has been largely. settled through the medium of Republican tariff legislation. That is to say, since the Republican protective tariff laws went into effect we only im- port about three-fourths of the amount we imported under former tariff condi- tions; for instance, for the fiscal year ending July 1, 1887, under the Democratic tariff laws our imports were $764,730.412, while for the fiscal year cnding July, 1868, under the Republican tariff act, our imports were only $615,324,791; and this was in war times when our foreign demands were largely increased. ‘The result of tius is that our exports have greatly exceeded our imports, and, when this_occurs, money flows into the country. Foreign peoples are payving us more money than we are payving them, thus our, money for home circulation is increased because we do not have to send it abroad. We do not need to increase our mintage of silver to increase our cir- culation of -money. Thus in America, with our presernt trade conditions ana for all home purposes, a silver dollar, a pa- per dollar and a gold dollar has to-day the same value. Our protective la: and trade conditions have, for the present at least, settled the great monetary ques- tion %o recently disturbing our country. ‘As our population increases the labor problem becomes of the most serious mo= ment,. and that' party which offers the most and best opportunities for labor serves the country best. Taking the month of March of the two years of 1895 and 1898 as a test. we find that in the former year the Wilson bill, a Democratic tariff measure, was in fuil operation. It appears by an official . ex~ amination of 2229 manufacturing estab- lishments situated in different States, that in the month of March, 189, there werse employed 204,58 men who received wages in the aggregate of $7,049.323 34; for the month of March, 18%. just three years after, the same establishments employed exactly 269,320 bands and paid them $i 198,136 4 In salaries These factories rep. resented a large variety of production and were widely scattered over the country The average wages per capjta per month in March, 188, when we had pro- tective laws, was $38 60, and the aver: wages per capita per month in March, 189, when we had Democratic free trade laws, was 334 60, making a clear gain monthly in wages when the Republican tariff law was in force of $4 for each employe. It must be seen that protective laws do protect, and th they protect labor against. all unfair foreign competition, | and they sustain the price of labor, and, therefore, protective laws protect the laborer and thereby benefit the people, because the workers are a large majority of the people. The protective theory is the Republican theory of governmen the free trade theory is the Democratic theory of gov- ernment. The protective theory gives an advantage to the producer rather than to the consumer; the free trade theory benefits the consumer at the expense of the producer, and as the people who have means are the chief consumers, and the people who have nothing but their labor as capital are the chief producers, it should be the policy of the Government to sustain the producer and let the con- sumer buy what he needs of his neigh- rts and imports for the vears e=ding | b ho produces. It may be said tha qll{ 1 of 1897 and 1898 s t)‘:; wro%egtl‘:‘e olicy should apsly wm& e following. are the exports and im- | equal force to the men who produce and ports for those years: to the tI produced, and this is an ad- Exports to forelgn ‘why, we should not over- A countries in 1397.§1,050,28,56¢ | ditlonal ‘k