The San Francisco Call. Newspaper, June 5, 1898, Page 19

THE SAN FRANCISCO CALL, SUNDAY, JUNE 5, 1898. — L] a time when th& Continental nations intended to prevent war by an un- friendly demonstration against us, it is now certain by reason of Mr. Chamber- laig’s strong declaration in his Birm- ingham speech in favor of an Anglo- American alliance. The Call has asked representative men in various part of the country for their views. Here are some of the re- plies: . e e The present COLONED war with Spain ROBERT G. will pave the INGERSOLL. . way for Anglo- s American su- glish tongue is des- tined to be the official language of the world. Even Cessack and Chinamen will eventually converse in the tongue of John Bull and Uncle Sam. This fight over Cuba will lead the way for the elimination of Spain from the map liance'between Great Britain the United States—that is, etween all countries and peo- 1 speaking the English lan- —is now fully within the gua; contemplation of practical poli- of nations. I believe that Spanish ticlans. Whether a treaty will soon barbarism will be forever crushed be- be negotiated is another matter. fore the close of the century beneath the heel of humanity. The time is ripe for a union of Eng- land and America to act together in the name of progress and humanity and civilize the world. Such a combina- tion will possibly come sooner than we g expect. Let them combine and do. it ceably, if possible, but by the per- suasive eloguen of the cannon’s mouth, if necessar It will be a sur- vival of the fittes Politicians on both sides of the water are at least preparing their own minds and the minds of the people of F land and America by considering discussing the possibility of such agreement. By the very act of doi so they have brought the people of the v ries nearer togeth and in rong popular sentiment al- and an glang ready exists in favor of a union. o4 iz 3 Spain is a good subject to begin on It would be d'mcultito fix the perlod - hd ya o N et ar i at which this iment of de- where the result of our war with clded friendlines vard America be- Spain will end, but I think the best gan its present strong and gratifying way to free bleeding Cuba and settle tion, but, ioxical as it the war is for the United States to e inclined to credit the Whip Spain quickly, and give it a with the awakening thorough licking while it is at it. It has deserved it ever since it murdered our sailors, first in the Virginius af- and later when the martyrs of Taine were killed while they slept by Spanish treacher: I have no fear of ropean interven- tion in behalf of Spain, because Spain has no friends, with the possible ex- ception of marriage ties in Austria. No nation feels like clasping the hand of a nation dripping with the blood of murdered sailors of a friendly power. When we free Cuba let the people " of that respect for us which is vious an element of the e B: sting ss and public to- fair tish ans. there men and Mr. ing of the ward Am is no doubt that Eng- society did Jiney’s dispatches rd, and upon Cleve- in the sa y as me of us in this country who did not agree with the President cretary of State. as it may, the fact that an international alliance is desired by there decide whether or not they want Englishmen of all parties is now one the island annexed to the United of the foremost facts of in tional States. We do not want Cuba unless politi If it had not been =fore by reason of the frank confessions of English sympathy for us in our war with Spain, and by active and material aid afforded us by the Government at she wants us. This war is not waged to get possession of Cuba, but to free the Cuban: Personally I do not favor annexation. Cuba ought to be free, and I believe the Cubans are capable Nl! i | | of governing themselves. I want them to add a new flag to the embiems of nations. People who can fight as the Cubans fight are deserving of liberty. ROBT. G. INGERSOLL. e e “I was great- ly disappointed when the arbi- tration treaty negotia tion with Great Britain failed a short time since. “If I had the power, a treaty of alli- ance, offensive -and - defensive, with England would go into effect as soon as it could be formed and made. The nervous agitation, not to say prostra- tion, its mere suggestion has given Eu- rope proves its necessity. “Once established it would compel peace and repress aggression now in contemplation. ‘“We have always operated at the wrong end 6f the British lion. The time is now come to get around to the other end and shake a paw with him.” s ENseily T T “It would be | | & matter of | GOV- JAS. H. BUDD, | Impropriety | and . indelicacy | on the part of R I the Governor of this or any State to express his opin- ion as to what policy should be pursued by the national administration. “I have full confidence in the ability of President McKinley and his Cabi- net to manage the affairs of the nation without any advice from me.” weiive W- H. L. BARNES. Bl have | thought about B R FCLERT it very little, | but it seems to | me that it is nonsense to talk about such a combination being formed on an Anglo-Saxon or any other race or religious basis. The Ameri- cans are not entirely Anglo-Saxon, but in time will develop a type of their own which is bound to differ widely from the traditional men of that race. “My idea is, thuirif an alllance is ever effected between Great Britain and the United States it will proceed on business lines. That is, the two countries will, by virtue of their com- mercial interests, agree to protect each other on land and sea against the re- mainder of the world. “I think the commercial interests of England are at the bottom of her pres- ent friendliness, and if, as these inter- ests are developed and examined, it is seen that they may be promoted by an alliance, England will become more friendly. “Naturally, if we can make money by joining hands with the mother coun- try, we will do so. So far this is all I can see in the talk of an alliance ba- tween the two countries.” B ‘While there has been no formal propo- sition of an alliance of any e g R s kind with Great Britain, we owe to her refusal to join with the Continental powers in a representation favorable to Spain the failure of the latter to make strong alliances against us. If we are to emerge from our happy isolation in this hemisphere, of which we hold the hegemony, and enter upon the wider international theater of af- fairs, we musf understand in the be- ginning that we accept the duties and JOHN P. IRl i [ SH. the methods ' of other governments which exploit themselves in the same fleld. None can stand quite alone. England does so more nearly than any other power, but she has reached that position only by reason of many alli- ances. She was at the head of the European alliance against Louis XIV, against Napoleon and against Russia in the Crimean War. In this Spanish affair we may not see the end until we apply the match to the Continental situation by an invasion of the Spanish peninsula. Nothing is more likely .in the future America needs. All others are unne- cessary and big with innumerable dan- gers. ] It must never be forgotten that our foreign policy is an honest cne, while that of all the leading European peo- ples, England at the head of them, has been to despoil weaker peoples and to wrongfully grab territory. When we are ready to change our national char- acter and follow in their footsteps it Will be time enough to seek allfes. Necessity is the controlling factor in this problem, and at the present time We do not need alliance with any na- of our career than that we must seek ;.- or be sought in alliance. With what S country can we make it t1t not lwtl;ldl —_— e SALEn or England? Since Washington viola ; M, e the French treaty of offensive ?nlacg:. WILLIAM P. LORD, {hebenbe_\::x El;ag fensive alliance by his commercial - vention with England, she has grown | Governor of Oregon. E\‘]:}gs l:ggxég to be our most profitable customer. No | Fed s other country can take her place as a market for the surplus products of our industry. The path wherein our feet are now planted leads of necessity to alliances, and from our present standpoint Eng- ments with forejgn powers, but there may arise conditions which would ren- der an alliance necessary and mutual- ly beneficial. I think the interests of the United States and England are such land is erlies.t to‘be qur ally. ;:t:ef:gu]d now bind them closer to- | e O EEMIPTAT s RO TR e i { Wash—Cir- | | ISLAND | J. R. ROGERS, i cumstances al- | H. S. PINGREE, | gL;\z(L, dM!;:h.. | Vi il S. At 35 urday.— Governor otWashingtonl, SlaSaaEs, ot i Governoriof Michigan. | Let our people ! time an alli- |_ i read Washing- ton’s farewell address and what he says about alli- ances with foreign powers: “If on the camel gets his head inside the tent, etc. I favor arbitration between our- selves and all nations. As duels be- tween man and man are a thing of the past, so should wars between nations be done away with. War is a game which, were their subjects wise, Kings would not play at. %t ance with England is manifestly ad- vantageous to America and should be viewed with unalloyed satisfaction by all good citizens. What the future may have in store is another matter. 1 should not favor a hard and fast al- liance for all time with any power short of the Omnipotent God. All other forces in the universe are selfish and partial. It is safe, however, to trust even Great Britain when her interests coincide with ours. . . s One of the I—‘ An alliance SENATOR FRYE leading Re- JOHN J. DWYER, | with England, publican b of a general of Maine. members of Member of the Democratic | (1 aracter, such the Senate National Committes. ! Committee on Foreign Relations, weighed carefully each word as he said to me: “England’s conduct toward our coun- try in the past has not inclined me to be especially friendly, but she has the same blocd, a like civilization and lan- guage with us, and all the while I have had an inner consciousness that if trouble should come to her my sympa- thies would be with her. In our pres- ent war evidently she is our friend, and this fact has made me just now spe- cially friendly to her. I am satisfied that the peace, prosperity and advance- ment of the world would be promoted by an alliance of the English-speaking nations.” as has been | discussed late- ly, is not, in my opinion, necessary for our national safety. Such an alliance does not hold out sufficient promise of advantage in other respects to make it prudent for us to undergo the risks of becoming embroiled in purely English wars, which such an alliance would in- evitably involve. The true American policy is that laid down by the fathers of the republic— amity with all nations; entangling alli- ances with none. = Our gecgraphical position, our re- sources, our population and our insti- tutions make us superior to the need of an alliance as a general proposition, and it would be the height of folly to enter into a bargain where we have all to lose and ncthing very substantial in sight to gain. The exigencies of a war —certainly not this Spanish war as it * SENATOR COCKRELL L “Our alliance is among our- selves.. I don’t think we have of Missouri. | : occasion for an stands at present—may possibly at k some time require us to seek allies, but —— alllance with those particular occasions may be any other nation on earth. trusted to take care of themselves. . » * Every year adds to our strength far |——— “An_opinion more than to the strength of any na- | SENATOR JULIUS should not be tion on earth, and as we grow stronger CAESAR BURROWS | hastily ex- we will become less and less in need of | | pressed upon alliances. of Michigan. a matter of A powerful navy, a small standing '—— S Huch great moment. Such an alliance, or, indeed, any =alllance with a foreixkn power, would be contrary to the traditional policy of the United States. If entered upon at all it should be with great de- liberation. Without careful and ma- army, with plenty of available educa- ted West Pointers to command the volunteers when called upon—these, to- gether with a happy, prosperous and educated people to pay the taxes and to do the fighting, is the combination LN Dy ture thought, I would not commit my- self upon so grave a proposition. The admonition of Washington ought to make us hesitate to enter upon a policy which he sc pointedly reprobated. And yet the world moves, and no one can tell what a day will bring forth.” e gy ——| “We appreci- SENATOR LINDSAY | ate the friend- 1 ly feeling of | ofKentucky. | Great Britain | | and should cul- ST e e YRt a N W want to be on terms of close intimacy with our friends. But we have not yet got far enough away from old time American doctrines to be willing to form international alliances with any nation in the world—not eve= with our best friends.” the same lines, and Japan must unite TR | “The tradi- with us. The ports of each country SENATOR SEWELL | tions of this must be open on equal terms to the ves- country are sels of the other two.” of New Jersey. against inter- X i b national alli- | PR by })elie\‘? lr; ances of any an alliance o kind. However, the present de- il A the English- velopment of affairs illustrates the of Kentucky. speaking na- fact which many of us have | | tions of the been satisfled of for some time— '—————————| world, and I that seventy-five millions popu- believe that such an alliance will be necessary in the near future, though it may not come out of this war. Our commercial interests are identical with those of Great Britain to a great ex- tent.” lation cannot be controlled on the prin- ciples which governed a few millions at the time the constitution was adopt- ed. In order to live and have our be- ing we must have a new territorial policy. The change of power from sail to steam developed the fact that coal- “I should re- ing stations are a necessity and that REP. MEYER gard an alli- we should, therefore, acqutre the Ha- ance with waiian Islands and construct the Nic- of Louisiana. | Great Britain as desirable if there should be a combination against us. It is certain- ly no disparagement of our naval strength to say that in the event of a combination of European nations against us the assistance of Great Britain would be a very desirable thing to have.” araguan canal. “While we desire most friendly re- lations with Great Britain, I do not think we are prepared as yet to enter into any negotiation or contract by which we should be obliged to interfere outside our own sphere in the policy of any nation whose ideas may have been different from ours for a series of years.” - - . “I do not CRR | _“It there . REP. BAILEY Sk e et P al vee REP. WALKER should be a ol e Unitea States and any foreign nation is advisable at any time.” of Massachusetts. binati oin ] n | European com- ’ | | against us | s the Uwat awith Spain we would make an immediate al- liance with Great Britain, and it would be a firm one, too. From this time on, we must have ship for ship and man for man for the ships of Great Britain or any other.power. It is in- evitable that the United States and Great Britain must co-operate along Statisticians claim that the earth will not support more than about 5,994,000,- 000 people. The present population is estimated at 1,467,000,000, the increase being 8 per cent each decade. At that rate the utmost limit will be reached in the year 2072, AR AR 2 A X R R R R R R R RCRORCRTS LR AR AR R R R R R R R R R R RN CROROR RO R R R R R R R OO R TR R R R R R R R R R R R R R R R RO R RO R R R OO RN R THE 6666660 > ® & POOOPOO P > 0006066006000 0606 PRESENT WAR WITH SPAIN AND ITS MEANING. BY GENERAL JOHN W. FOSTER, Ex-United States Minister to Madrid. John W. Foster is one of the most eminent diplomats in America to-day. He was for many years counsel for the Mexican Legation at Washington. He has been Secretary of State, Minister to Spain, agent of the United States in many delicate diplomatic negotiations and the agent of China in her settle- ment of the Japan-China war. * General Foster has made a profession of diplomacy, and to-day he is acting as the agent of the De- partment of State in negotiating with Sir Julian Pauncefote, the British Ambassador, and a representa- tive of the Dominion Government at Ottawa, a treaty which shall settle the boundary line between Can- ada and the United States. This diplomatic mission, Mr. Foster explained, prevented him talking as freely as he might otherwise have done about matters now pending or which may soon come before the State Department. HEN this war is ended Spain will have nothing left but the peninsula. * It is possible that Spain will retain the Canary Islands when the conflict is over, but not if the war is prolonged. But I do not think this war will extend over any considerable period. I don’t see how Spain can afford to prolong it. She has no resources. And if, as is probable, we destroy her fleets she cannot replace them. They talk of sending troops to the Philippines. Spain can never do that. She has not got them to send. She can raise any number of men to defend ‘her own coast, but not to send to her colonies. I have lived in Spain and I know and have the kindest personal feeling for her leading men. I have the kindest feeling for the Queen. But I cannot see how this war could have been avoided. Spain had to choose between giving up Cuba and fighting the United States, and if Spain had given up Cuba there would have been a revolution which would have over- thrown the present dynasty. This war was inevitable. And since it was inevit- able the sooner it came the better. Spain had been destroying our peace and interfering with our com- merce and we must have intervened. Sjnce Buchan- an’s time it has been the policy of the United States to free the people of Cuba. In fact for nearly a cen- tury we have had in mind the removal of Spanish authority from the island. Spain once offered us great commercfal advantages if we would guarantee her sovereignty by treaty, but we refused to do so. Twice Spain and France ap- proached us to ask that we assure Spain’s control of Cuba, but we would not do it. Grant recognized the right of Cuba to be free in his message 1o Congress in 1869. Secretary Hamilton Fish recognized it when he said that autonomy might postpone but it could not prevent the consummation of Cuba's fight for free- dom. War has been inevitable since Mr. Cleveland made the mistake of supposing that Spain could settle the Cuban question by granting autonomy to the Cubans. Mr. McKinley inherited that policy and he had to give it a fair trial. But that trial showed how hope- less it was and how inevitable was the conflict. It was as Mr. Fish had said—autonomy could only post- pone the freedom of Cuba. Spain could not offer an autonomous government to Cuba when she herself had never had autonomy. It would take a long time to explain the system of Spanish rule, but briefly it is this: When a new administration comes in Governors are appointed for the forty odd provinces; these Governors go out within a day or two to take control of affairs. They appoint their prefects and their sub-prefects. Then the election is held. It always goes in favor of the Governors. It always will. Spain’s rule in Cuba has been worse than her rule at home. It could not be expected that she would break up entirely the system under which so many representatives of Spanish familis have lived on Cuba, and a system of self-government which would leave the reins of power in the hands of Spaniards would be a misnomer. ‘We had no right to expect the Cuban people to accept autonomy from Spain. Suppose that in 1778, when the heroes of the Revolution had been battling for independence for three years, and after they had beaten Burgoyne, Lord North had said: *“We were mistaken. We will grant you representation in Par- liament and a voice in the matter of taxation—for which we had entered into the war for independence. Would our forefathers have done well if they had accepted this compromise? Would we have been sat- isfied with them if they had? The Cubans had held out against Spain for three years. Two hundred thousand troops had been sent against them—there were 100,000 in Cuba when this war broke out; we do not know how many have died since—and the report’ of our Consuls and of trust- worthy men who went into Cuba last winter was that the Spaniards held the cities by force of arms; that they had abandoned the rest of the country, and that the war might go on indefinitely. Under the conditions it was our business to in- terfere. Mr. Cleveland thought that we could per- suade the Cubans to lay down their arms under a promise of autonomy. But no nation has the right to guarantee what it cannot enforce. The Cubans re- fused to accept autonomy and it was our duty to fol- low out the policy of the United States of half a cen- tury and declare them free. As to Spain, she could not withdraw from Cuba without precipitating a revec- lution, and so war had to come. I have believed for two years that it was inevitable and that the sooner it was over the better. At one time the United States, not officially, made overtures to the Spanish bondholders for tne assump- tion or guarantee of at least a part of the Cuban debt by this country, but they were not willing to accept it. I hope Cuba will not be annexed to the United States. That is a matter which affects our honor. ‘We have entered on this war in the name of humanity and under a pledge that we do not want to annex Cuba. It would injure us unspeakably if we .an- 00000600 POOOFOO0PPPO0D00D0ODOPI000000000000000POO00000000000000000000000000000000000000060680 nexed the island now. If at some time in the future, when the Cubans have had an opportunity to test self-government, the conditions should become like those in Hayti, where the people got to cutting each other’s throats, it might be necessary for the United States to step in, but not until that time. 1 do not care to talk about our policy toward the Philippines; first, because we do not control them yet, and second because I do not believe in meeting a difficulty until I have reached it. Now as to the ability of our people to cope with the trained diplomatists of Europe. Whenever the need shall arise I am sure the man will be found. It has always been so. The record of the United States in diplomacy is remarkable. It equals the record of any of the nations of Europe. After the revolutionary war the treaty with England which our commissioners negotiated was generally admitted to be a triumph of diplomacy. In the treaty of 1814 Lord Wellington admitted that we had got the better of the English commissioners. He made that statement in Parliament. As to recent negotiations political prejudice warps popular judgment of them for the present. But dur- ing the civil war we were most ably represented in diplomacy by Mr. Seward in the Cabidet, by Mr. Adams in London, and by our other representatives abroad. It is acknowledged that in the treary of 1883, out of which grew the Geneva Convention, we gained a distinct advantage. I think we need have no fear of diplomatic difficulties. As to our representatives in Congress, it has be. come popular to criticize them and to compare them with the statesmen of the past to their disadvantage, but I think unjustly. > A CALIFORNIA GIRL'S VIEW OF THE ANGLO ALLIANCE. zette, both of which are read by the wealthier and better educated classes, criticize in no mild terms the American HE impression seems to be gain- ing ground in the United States that Engiiéh sympathies are en- tirely with America in the pres- ent war. This is a mistake, for while the dignified attitude of the President is warmly praised, the policy forced on him by Congress is as heartily con- demned by the thinking English public as it is in other European countries. I have noticed, during the three years I have been on this side of the water, the half-veiled hostility of most Euro- peans toward America and Americans. I have been at a loss to explain this except by a feeling of jealousy at the growing power of so young a nation. This hostility, in spite of the‘various declarations of neutrality, has now be- come openly avowed, in England, as well as on the C-ntinent, Two of the most reliable Bfiglish pa- pers, the Tliass and the St. James Ga- policy. very closely.” The Gazette quotes one of the French papers as saying: Spanish arms would render humanity in destroying, once for all, the pretense of American greatness,” and adds on its own account: who think the same; and both powers might well be encouraged to speak out by Spanish success in the Old Bahama Channel, and then we might be touched It goes'on to say that the war has been brought about by politicians who hold Mr. Olney’s idea of the Monroe doctrine on one hand and Mr. Bryan's silver leanings on the other. In a word, it is a war made by politicians for par- ty purposes or the furtherance of their own private ends. And this view is held by the large majority of English people. dent in interfering in Spanish the time will ““What a service the same treatment. “There are Germans Here is a pertinent incident: during the performance of the New York.” and a patriotic coldly received, ing from the “god S0ng was sung. England seems to be jealous of her own possessions in America, and thinks if the United States establish a prece- come when her American colonies will be’subjected to Some of the papers are still exhibit- ing soreness over the Venezuela epi- sode and disclaim any likelihood of an Anglo-American alliance, and the “bill- ing and cooing going on at present be- tween emotional Anglo-Americans” is attributed to the lower classes. tempt at a demonstration was made “Belle of The British and American flags were hung together on the stage the only applause com- 5 The working classes show great in- terest in the war and thelr sympathies are enlisted on the American :ld‘e’.. But that the more intelligent and governing classes are on the side of Spain is shown by the numerous letters pub- lished every day in different papers. The Countess of Casa Valencia, wife of the ex-embassador of Spain to the court of St. James, is receiving numer- ous letters expressing sympathy for Spain from the most prominent people, and subscriptions are pouring in to her fund to aid the sick and wounded. The other European powers show their Spanish sympathies in various ways. They blame Spain for the mis- government of Cuba, but at the same time they hold the United States re- sponsible for the continuance of the re- bellion. The time is not far off when the alli- ance will probably be an accomplished fact, but the American people must not think that it has been formed because of sympathy in the present war, or be- cause of the “blood thicker than wa- ter” principle, which has been so over- done by some of the American papers. . B. London; April 29, 1898. affairs, own An at- cases It was 1 which dure them, just now their life is more and are ordered hither and thither as tne wind bloweth, and their families are not left safely behind in their own homes, but must vacate these quarters to the next comers. At almost every post in the country, in lieu of draperies and bric-a-brac, packing halls and rooms, and the housekeeper struggles along with as few dishes, pots and pans as she can so that the last day's packing may be as light as possible. Instances of the philosophic way TMES THAT TRY THE MINES OF THE SOLDIERS: HESE are the times that try wom- | out number. en's souls as well as men’s, and nowhere more sorely than in: the regular army.. Used at all times to inconveniences which make their sisters in civil life stare with amazement that they should en- ease. quences. than ordinarily hard. For, of course, the | her P regulars are the backbone of the army glt tke prizes war anks. It is told of a family and burlap are the adornments of moved from the citles in she accepts the Inevitable are with- For your true army woman regards war and the discomforts it en- lafi: on her as a doctor's wife does his night calls or his irregular hours or his visits to a patient with a contagious dis- It is a sad part of his profession, but a part, no matter how dire its conse- 50 the army woman—and ideal is probably the daughter of one of- ficer and the wife of another—packs away retty things and tries to think only can bring—not fications In the army that the meeting of father, sons, sons-in-law_and brothers at Chickamauga was the first when all had been together. pleasure of the meeting was marred by the knowledge that wives and daughters, mothers and sisters had been left to complete the packing. Think of what that meant, ve women of the cities, when it is remembered that the g:ndence for carpentering, packing. etc., d, up to_that time, been placed on the soldiers. ‘When -the troops- were - with- drawn the women had their own hammer- ing to do, and who shall sa; A crates were made by hands tk{a{“tjhe :’a‘t;\r{ ist accuses of bei 3 fon e honds Ng unable to hit a na'l The haste with which final ] orde: —v:xhen they did come at lnst—!orrfflgsbm? zation was another hard feature for the SrwY woman to face. One young engineer Ve up Lis bridal tou; Aol wir His ur and carrled off his That was no such hardshi ship, however, as came to a young cavalry officer far away on the plains. His betrothed was visiting her sister on the post when or- ders came at night for the troops to march at daybreak. The young offiecr hurried over to the house -where she lived and besought her to have him on the spot, As there was sure to be uncertainty |p not danger of death ahead of them, "she finally consented. and her sister agreed that such a course of action would be far the best. By the time everything was ready it was midnight, and when the groom left the new wife discovered that she had been married with only one slip- per on. In her nervousness.and excite- ment she had not noticed the fact, the its with wide rami- occasion But the ehind 0Sts were re- and that all de- v