Omaha Daily Bee Newspaper, February 10, 1895, Page 13

BY JOHN G Author (with Colonel John Hay) of 1860 to 1865 Lincoln's Private Sec t (Copyrighted, 1894, by §. 8. McClure.) In American politics should the man seek the office, or the office seek the man? The orrect answer doubtless is that nefther rule i inflexibly good or inflexibly bad. As a matter of pure theory, the latter seems pref- erable; ns a result of actual practice, the former obtains in probably nine cases out of ten. The problem, Ilike so many others In human affairs, Is relative. It de- ponds on the office, the time, the place; on custom, 'on momentary conditions; above all, it depends on the man. If Abraham Lincoln, at the beginning of his career, had mot sought the office of representative in the legislature of Illinols, it is likely that the office of president of the United States Would never have sought Abraham Lincoln. The publication of Mr. Lincoln's col- Jected works makes It posible to print, in; their proper sequence, a few of the let- tets written by him which set forth, with all tho spirit and interest of an autob'og- raphy, his feclings and actions at the several earlier crises of his political career. These crlses resulted at least as often in defeat as in victory; but from cach defeat his great qualities of head and heart gathered new resources of experience, of hope, and of steadfast adherence to princple, which car- xied him ultimately to that crowning succe:s that has enshrined his name among the im- mortals of history. LINCOLN'S ADVENT INTO POLITICS AT 23, His advent Into politics s marked by the the publication of his first “address to the people of Sangamon county,” dated March 9, 1832, and printed in the “Sangamon Journal' of March 15. At the time of writing this document he was 23 years old. He was then living in the village of New Salem, into which he had como one year before, an entire stranger, and as he atlerward de- seribed himself, a ‘“friendless, uneducated, penniless boy, working on a flatboat at $10 per month.” Even a part of that year had béen taken up by a journey to New Orleans on the flatboat he had ~helped to build. Practically, therefore, he had been among the constituents whom he offered to represent only eight months, and those spent in the seclusion of a village of twenty houses; an infinitesimal little corner of the county which formed the legislative district esti- mated to contain 2,160 square miles. What could have prompted this unheralded, un- friended, inexperienced stranger to aspire to the honors of leadership, and the responsi- bilities of legislation for a county he had mearcely seen, and a people he could not know, but that intuition of genius, that con- sciousness of powers, which justify their claims by their achievements? The confidence which inspired it grew partly out of the primitive condition of lTocal Politics. One of the strongest characteristics of the ploneer was the feeling of equality. Wealth did not yet exist; there was no recog- mition of rank or privilegs, and but little AQifterence in conditions or prospects. Every man was free to offer himself; every other free to choose whom he preferred. Popula- tion was too sparse to engender combinations; caucuses and conventions were yet undreamed of. Lincoln had, therefore, to do only what his twelve competitors did—have himself an; nounced as a candidate in the newspaper, and this. was accompanied by the ‘‘card,” or address, mentioned above. If we carefully read this address, we shall soe that his description of himsel being “uneducated” was prompted by that modesty with which he always understated his ac- quirements and powers, ‘for the document is quite as well worded, as clearly phrased, and as cogently argued as the average of political manifestos from colleglans in their twenties. The same may be sald of the subject matter of his address. The prom- inence given to the improvement of the Sangamon river as the central toplc was due to local and accidental causes. Un- usual freshets were prevailing that spring, which, for the moment, gave °the little stream a respectable width and volume, and the whole country was on tiptoe at the widely announced and expected arrival of the steamboat Tallsman from Cincin- natl and St. Louls with malls, newspapers and a cargo of new goods. 'The Talls- man did come, and this justified the ar- gument of the young politician. He could ot then know that nelther she nor any other steamboat would ever make the miraculous voyage again. But the address does not. con- fine itself to the improvement of the Sanga- mon. It must be noted that, among other toples, it already recognizes the coming rival and conqueror of steamboat navigation—the rallrcad. “No other improvement,” it says, “that reason will justify us in hoping for can equal in utility the rallroad.” It must be borne in mind that when Lin- coln wrote this the first railroad in the United States—a line at Quincy, Mass., four miles long, and run by horse power—was only six, years old; that the first locomotive had been imported only three years before; and only a little more than one year had elapsed since the first locomotive was bullt in Amer- fca, to be used on a track eighteen miles long between Baltimore and Ellicott’s Mills. It is a striking {llustration of the hunger of the American mind for progress, that the mew system was already thus being diséussed in the backwoods villages of IIfinols, and no Jess illustrative of the wide awake intelli- genco of this young frontier politiclan that he hatled It as the Infant Titad of trans- .portation. But he also used as' an argu- ‘ment in favor of his river scheme that its then Insurmountable cost made the adoption of the superior commerclal agent an [mpos- . NICOLAY' “Life of Abraham Lincoln,” and from etary. he was one of the nine defeated candidates. This was the only time he was ever defeated in a popular vote. The canvass had been what is designated in the west as a “scrub race.” There were four members to be elected In the county, and thirteen ambitious patriots had announced themselves candi- dates. The list of successful and unsuccess- ful aepirants and their respective votes was o8 follows: B, D. Tayl 27; J. T. Stuart, 091; Schiller Morris, 045; Peter Cartwright, 815, The unsuccessful candidates were: A. G. Herndon, 800; Willlam Carpenter, 774; John Dawson, 717; Abraham Lincoln, 657; T. M. Neale, 571; R. Quinton, 458; Zachariah Peter, 214; Bdward Robinson, 169; — Kirk- patrick, 4. The returns also show that the total vote of the counly was about 2,168 Comparing this with the vote cast for Lin- coln, we seo that he recelved nearly one-third of the total county vote, notwithstanding his absenco from the canvass; notwithstanding the fact that his acquaintanceship was lim- ited to the neigborhood of New Salem; not- withstanding the sharp competition. Indeed, his talent for active, practical pol- ities was demonstrated beyond question by the result in his home precinct of New Salem, which, though he ran as a whig, gave 277 votes for him and only three against him. Threo months later it gave 185 for the Jack- son, and only 70 for the Clay electors, proy- ing Lincoln's personal popularity. LINCOLN'S FOUR TERMS IN THE LEGIS- LATURR. He was now In the attitude of a disap- pointed office-seeker, but he did not recelve Lis defeat as a popular mandate to remain perpatually in the background. Another clection for the legislature coming around two years later, he again sought the office, s appears by this notica in the Sangamon Journal of April 25, 8134: “We are author- ized to state that A. Lincoln of New Salem is a candidate for representative for this county.” It was another “scrub race,” with thirteen candldates for the four places, as on the occasion of his first venture; but this time the election returns in August show his name nearly at the head of the list of the four successful candidates: Jol Dawson, 1,300; Abraham Lincoln, 1 William Carpenter, 1,170; John T. Stuart, 1,164, The votes recelved by the nine unsuccessful candidates ranged from 1,038 to 42. From this time on Lincoln appears to have had no serious difficulty in securing an election to the legislature so long as he desired it. He was again chosen in 1835, 1838 and, 1840. But four terms probably convinced him that he had by stuty and experience become fitted for higher service, and he declined further re-elections. It is perhaps worth while to quote his idea of the relation the representative should bear to the constituent, as defined in his “card” in the canvass of 1836. “If elected, I shall consider the whole people of Sangamon my constituents, as well those that oppose as those that support me. While acting as their representative, I shall be governed by their will on all subjects upon which I have the means of knowing what their will is; and upon all others, I shall do what my own judgment teaches me will best advance thelr interests.” LINGOLN'S GENEROSITY TO POLITICA! L ADVERSARIES. . It was also a noteworthy feature of this ten years of Lincoln’s political activity, when individual action had such free play, when party controversies between whigs and democrats was so hot, when local issues had such fierce contention in the legislature, that thero remalns scarcely a trace of his falling into personal difficulties. It is, of course, ex- plained by his characteristic kindness of heart, his uniform good temper and liberality of spirit_toward adversaries, and that high sense of honor which scorned all intrigue and subterfuge. Even Where he had cause to re- pel an unjust assault, he had the unusual charity to, impute good motives to his assail- ant, as in this letter, which only the noblest personal courtesy could have inspired: NEW SALEM, June 21, 1836.—Colonel Rob- ert Allen: Dear Colonel—I am told that dur- Ing my absence last week you passed through this place, and stated publicly that you were In possession of a fact, or facts which, if known to the public, would entirely destroy the prospects of N. W. Edwards and myselt at the ensuing election; but that, through favor to us, you should forbear to divulge them.. No one has needed favors more than [, and, generally, few have been less unwil- ling to accept them; but {n this case favor to me would be injustice to the public, and therefore 1 must beg your pardon for declin- Ing it. That I once had the confidence of the people of the Sangamon is sufficlently evident; and f I since have done anything, olther by design or misadventure, which if known would subject me to a forfelture of this confidence, he that knows of that thing and conceals it is a traitor to his country's interest. I find myself wholly unable to form any conjecture of what fact or facts, real or sup- posed, you spokey but my opinion of your ve- racity will not permit me for a moment to doubt that you at least believed what you sald. I am flattered with the personal re- gard you manifested for me, but I do hope that, on more mature reflection, you will view the public interest as a paramount con- sideration, and therefore determine to let the worst come. I here assure you that the candid statement of facts on your part, how- over low it may sink me, shall never break the tie, of personal friendship between us. [ wish.an answer to this, and you are at \iberty to publish both, if you choose. Very respectfully, A. LINCOLN, And similar in spirit and bearing is the answer he wrote, in another controversy, in sible hope; and, in fact, ten to fifteen years passed before the first rallroad train was run in_Illinois. Perhaps the most promising sign In this malden address s the almost timid phrase- ology and transparent sincerity with which he stated the secret of his desire to enter the public service. He said: “Eyery man Is sald to have his peculiar wmbition, Whether it be true or not, I can say, for one, that I have no other so great as that of being truly esteemed of my fellow men, by rendering myself worthy of their esteem, How far I shall succeed in gratify- ing this ambition is yet to be developed. I am young, and unknown to many of you, I was born, and have ever remained, in the most humble walks of life. 1 have no eply to & written question whether in a cer- T aiscussion his words “imported insul LAWRENCEVILLE, Oct. 81, 1840.—W. G. Anderson—Dear Sir: Your note of yester- day is recelved. In the difficulty between of which you spoke, you say you think I wai the aggressor. I do not think 'I‘ was. You say my ‘words imported insult”” I meant them &s a ‘air set-off to your own state- ments, and not otherwise; and In that light alone I now wish you to understand them. You ask for my present'feeling on the sub- Ject.” 1 entertain no unkind feelings to you, and none of any sort upon the the subject, except a sincere regret that I permitted my- self to get into such an altercation. Yours, ete. A. LINCOLN. The mext ten years of Lincoln's political \ife fell under new conditions, Population wealthy or popular relations or friends to recommend me. My case I8 thrown exclu- slyely upon the independent voters of the country; and, it elected, they will have con- forred a favor upon me for which I shall be unremitting In my labors to compe) But, if the good people In their wisdom shall goe fit to keep me in the background, 1 have been too familiar with disappointments 1o be very much chagrined.” URSE AND RESULT OF LIN- e CCOOLN'i FIRST CANDIDACY. The whole world knows with what fidelity he followed the pathway of unselfishness which led him to the sublime helght of his ambltion. It was not Lincoln's fortune to immediately learn the effect of his manifesto upon ‘“the people of Sangamon county.” Just one month after it was printed in the Sangamon Journal, and while the comm unity was yet ‘wejolcing over the arrival of the Talisman, the governor of Illinols issued his proclam: tlon calling out volunteers for the Blackhawk (Indlan) wa Within twelve days from the “oficial summons, Captaln Lincoln's company was - mustered Into service at Beardstown, the rendezvous, and, recelving its arms, imm diately began its march with the rest of the army toward the hostlle frontler, leaving his candidacy for the legislature in the hands of his friends. At that date Sangamon county had large limits, extending over forty wwiles from east to we and over fifty from wmorth to south, Even allowing that the popu- lation was as yet concentrated in a few set- tley ts near its center, the obstacles to ordi- mary electioneering remained sufficiently ob- vious. ‘When Captaln Lincoln returned from the campalgu, on foot, only ten days before the August election, his friends had done manf: duty for him, bad greatly increased; by his ald Springfield had become the new capital of the state, and he was now one of its leading citizens. Never a radical, but always a timely reformer, he was prominent in Inducing the whigs to adopt the new method of selecting candidates by delegate conventlons, which, to their cost, many of them had- hitherto resisted. In an address to the party at large, dated March 4, 1843, which, as one of a committee of three, he was instrumental in originating and pre- paring, he wrote: “The sixth resolution recommends the adoption of the convention system for the nomination of candidates. This we believe to be of the very first importance. Whether the system is right in itsell, we do not stop to inquire, contenting ourselves with trying to show that, while our opponents use it, it is madness in us not to defend ourselves with it. #** In its application we know there will be incldents temporarily palnful, but, after all, those incidents will be fewer and less intens: with than without the system. If two friends spire to the same office, it is certaln that both cannot succeed. Would it not, then, be much less painful to have the question decided by mutual friends some time before than to snerl and quarrel until the day of election, nd then both be beatep by the common enemy ' LINCOLN'S FIRST CONTEST FOR A SEAT IN CONGRESS. One of these “Incidents temporarily pain- ful,” under the new system which he so earnestly recommended, fell to his own ex- perience a couple of weeks later. He was seeking & nomination for congress, against the sharp competition of other am- hl'umu young whigs, as the followlng letters show: SPRINGFIELD, March 24, 1843.—Dear Speed: ¢ * % Wo had a meeting of the whigs of the county here on last Monday to appoint delegates to & dlstrict comveation, and Baker beat me, and got the delegation instructed to go for him. The meeting, In #pite of my attempt to decline it, appointed me one of the delegates; so that, in getting Baker the nomination, T shall be fixed a good deal like a fellow who is made a grooms- man to a man that has cut him out smd Is marrying his own dear “gal.” A. LINCOLN, SPRINGFIELD, 1ll, March 26, 1843.— Friend Morris: Your letter of the 234 was received on yesterday morning, and for which (instead of “an excuse, which you thought proper to ask) 1 tender my sincere thanks. It is truly gratitying to me to learn that, while the people of Sangamon have cast me off, my old friends of Menard, who have known me longest and best, stick to me. It would astonish, if not amuse, the older cltizens to learn that I (a stranger, friendless, uneducated, penniless boy, working on a flat- boat at $10 per month) have been put down here as the candidate of pride, wealth and arstocratic family distinction, Yet o, chiefly, It was. There was, too, the strangest com- bination of church influence against me, Baker Is a Campbellite, and, therefore, as I suppose, With few exceptions, got all that church.” My wife has some relations in the Presbyterian churches, and some with the Ipiscopal churches; and, therefore, wherever it would tell, T was set down as either one cr other, while it was everywhere contended that no Christian ought to go for me, because 1 belonged to no church, was suspected of being a deist, and had talked about fighting a duel. With all these things Baker, of course, had nothing to do. plain of them. As to his own church going for him, I think that was right enough; and a8 to tho influences I have spoken of in the other, though they were very strong, it would be grossly untrue and unjust to charge that they acted upon them in a body, or were very near so, 1 only mean that those influences levied a tax of a considerable per cent upon my strength throughout the religious contro- versy. But enough of this. * * * You say you shall instruct your delegates for me, unless I object. I certainly shall not object. That would be too pleasant a com- plment for me to tread in the dust, besides, it anything should happen (which, however, is not probable), by which Baker should be thrown out of the fight, I would be at liberty to accept the nomination if I could get it. I do, however, feel myself beund not to hinder him in any way from getting the nomination. I should despise my- selt were 1 to attempt it. 1 think, then, it would be proper for your meeting to appoint threo delegates, and to instruct them to go for some one as a first choice, some one else s a second, and perhaps some one as a third; and if in these fnstructions I wero named as the first choice, it would gratify me very much. * * ¢ A. LINCOLN. 14, 1843 intimated April heard it Priend Morris: 1 have that Baker had been attempting to get you or Miles, or both of you, to violate the = in- structions of the meeting that appointed you, and to go for him. 1 have insisted and still insist, that this cannot be true. Surely, Baker would not do the like. As well might Hardin ask me to vote for him in the conven- tion. Again, it is said there will be an at- tempt to get up instructions in your county, requiring you to go for Baker. This is ali wrong. Upon the same rule, why might not I fly from the decision against me in San- gamon, and get up Instructions to their dele- gates to go for me? There are at least twelve hundred whigs in the county that took no part, and yet I would as soon put my head in the fire as to attempt it. Besides, if any one should get the nomination by such extra- ordinary means, all harmony in the district would inevitably be lost. Honest whigs (and very nearly all of them are honest) would not quietly abide such enormities, I repeat, such an atempt on Baker's part cannot be true. Write me at Springfleld how the matter is. Don't show or speak of this letter. A. LINCOLN. SPRINGFIELD, May 18, 1843.—Dear Speed: Yours of the 9th instant Is duly received, which I do not meet as a ‘“bore,” but as a most welcome visitor. I will answer the business part of it first. * ¢ * In relation to our congress matter here, you were right in supposing I would support the nominee. Neither Baker nor I, however, is the man, but Hardin, so far as I can judge from present appearances. We shall have no split or trouble about the imatter; all will be harmony. * *,* A. LINCOL! LINCOLN'S ONE TERM IN CONGRESS. These letters prove that Lincoln was a keen and aspiring politician, looking minutely after all the legitimate means and chances of success, but as inflexibly scorning every act and every suspicion of unfairness. Then, as ever after, he belleved in party organiza- tion, but party action in open and manly rivairy, consistent with the most delicate sense of honor and the warmest personal friendship, This same spirit anlmated his second and successful effort to secure a nomi- nation for congress. SPRINGFIELD, Nov. 17, 1846—Friend James: The paper at Pekin. has nominated Hardin for governor, and, com- menting on this, the Alton paper indirectly nominated him for congress. It would give Hardin a great start, and perhaps use me up If the whig papers of the district should nomniate him for congress. If your feelings toward me are the same as when I saw you (which I have no reason to doubt), I wish you would let nothing appear in your paper which may operate against me. You under- stand. Matters stand just as they did when I saw you. Baker is certainly off the track and I fear Hardin intends to be on it. * = A. LINCOLN, SPRINGFIELD, Nov. 24, 1845.—Friend James: * * * You perhaps have noticed the Journal's article of last week upon the same subject. It was written without any consultation with me, but I was told by Fran. cis of its purport before it was published. T chose to let it go at it was, lest it should be suspected that 1 was attempting to juggle Hardin out of a nomination for congress by Juggling him into one for givernor. Yours, as ever, A. LINCOLN. SPRINGFIELD, Jan. 14, 1846.—Friend James: * * * I should be pleased if I could concur with you iIn the hope that my name would be the only one presented to the convention, but I cannot. Hardin is a man of desperate energy and perseverance, and one that never backs out; and, I fear, to think otherwise is to be decelved In the char- acter of our adversary. I would rejoice to be spared the labor of a contest; but, “being in,” L shall go it thoroughly, and to the bottom. As to my belng able to make a break in the lower counties, T tell you that I can possibly get Cass, but 1 do not think I will. Morgan and Scott are beyond my reach; Menard is safe to me; Mason, neck and neck; Logan is mine, To make the matter sure, your entire senatorial district must be seeured. Of this I suppose Tazewell is safe; and I have much done in both the other counties. In Wood- ford I have Davenport, Simons, Willard, Bracken, Perry, Travis, Dr. Hazzard and the Clarks, and some others, all specifically com- mitted. At Lacon, in Marshall, the very most active friend I have In the district (if 1 except yourself) is at work. Through him I have procured their names, and writ- ten to three or four of the most active buts) whigs in each precinct of the county. Still 1 wish you all in Tazewell to keep your eyes continually on Woodford and Marshall. Let no opportunity of making a mark escape. When they are safe, all will be safe, I think. * * ¢ Yours truly, A. LINCOLN. This time Lincoln was duly nominated and elected to congress, and served one term. As he had been patient and hopeful under defeat, 80 now he was fair and liberal in victory. Following the recognized custom in the district, he gave way without effort or apparent regret, and alded in the nomination of Judge Logan to succeed him, wha, how- ever, falled to be elected. Before the expiration of Lincoln's term the presidential election of 1848 came on, He had been candidate for one of the presidential electors for the state of Illinols in both the Harrison campalgn of 1840 and the unsuccess- ful Clay campalgn of 1844, making in each instance an active campalgn of stump speak- ing. Many eminent whigs desired Mr. Clay's renomination. But Mr. Lincoln’s very con- siderable political experience, added to the natural political sagacity he always mani- tested, caused him to oppose this policy, and to warmly advocate the nomination of Gen- eral Taylor; the accuracy of his judgment being In time confirmed by Taylor's nomina- tion and triumphant election. Mr. Lincoln again bore his full share of campalgn work in Ilinols and other states. LINCOLN TAKES AN INTEREST IN AP- POINTMENTS, ‘When, therefore, President Taylor was in- augurated, he had a right to think that the new administration ought to give his services and cl not only impartial, but generous, consideration The result may be read in the subjoined letters BPRINGFIELD, 1L, April 7, 1849.—Colonel | be chaste, but above & shall be tendered to m#, to say, “Give it to MryBdwards, or, it so agreed by them, erty above stated. Nor do I com- | And, | W. B. Warren and Others: Gentlemen—In answer to your note land office, T have to could be secured to Iihol¥ by my consent to accept it, and not otherwime, 1 give that con- sent. to secure the appointiienit to that office of Mr. Cyrus Bdwards, if'fn of a vacancy; and mote repently 1 stipulated with Colonel Baker and Colonel J. L. with each other for &né‘'of them to with- draw, we would jointlyrepommend the other. raing the general 'Vlhll. It the office Some months sluge 1 gave my word y power, ifi case ) Edwards At it M. B Hotton couta arrange In relation to these D|‘l‘l:r-‘l.l 1 o - :;'-\uy picion. the office must be permitted and With to_Colanel Morrison, 1t; It not, 1 accept.’ understanding = yom are at b to procure me. the offer of the ap- pointment §f you can; and I shall feel com- plimented by your eftdtt,” and still more by its success. "It should ‘net! be overlooked that Colonel Baker's position entitles him to a large share of control in this matter; how- ever, one of your number, Cononel Warren, knows that Baker has at ail times been ready to recommend me, If 1 would consent. It must also be understood that If at any time previous to an appointment being made 1 shall learn that Mr. Edwards and Colonel Morrison have agreed, I shall at once carry out my stipulation with Colonel Baker as Yours truly, A. LINCOLN. 1 decline this SPRINGFIELD, TIl, April 25, 1849.—J. M. Lucas, Bsq.: Dear Sit: Your letter of the 15th I3 just recelved. Like you, I fear the land office is not golng as it should; but I know nothing I can do. In my letter written three days ago, I told you the department urderstands my wishes. As to Butterfield, he is my personal friend, and s qualified to do the duties of the office; but of the quite 100 Tllinolsans equally well qualified, 1 do not know one with less claim to it. In the first place, what you say about Lisle Smith Is the first intimation 1 have had of any one man in Illinois desiring Butterfield to have any office. Now, I think if any- thing be given the state, it should be so given as to gratify our friends, and to stir ulate them to future exertions. As to Mr. Clay having recommended him, that Is quid pro quo. He fought for Mr. Clay against General Taylor to the bitter end, as I un- derstand; and 1 do not belleve 1 misunder- stand. Lisle Smith, tco, was a Clay del gate at Philadelphia, and against my most earnest entreaties took the lead in flling two vacancles from my own district with Clay men. 1t will now mortify me deeply if Gen- eral Taylor's administration shall trample all my wishes in the dust merely to gratify these men. Yours, as ever, A. LINCOLN. SPRINGFIELD, I, May 18, 1849.—Gen- oral Duff Green: Dear General—I learn from Washington that a man by the name of But- terfield will probably be appointel commiz- sloner of the general land office. This ought not to be. That is about the only crumb of patronage which Illinojs,expects, and 1 am sure the mass of General Taylor's friends here would quite as lief see it go east of the Alleghanies, or west bf thé Rocky mountains, as into, that man’s hands. They are already sore on the subject of his getting office. In tho great contest of 1840 he was not seen or heard of, but when the victory came three or four” drones, “IneRidMT&- him, got all the valuable offices, thréughi what'inflience no one has yet been able {o tell. I belleve the only time he has been very active was last spring a year ago, in opposition to General Taylor's nomfnation. Now, cannot you get the ear of General Taylor? Ewing is for Butterfield, and, there- fore, he must bé avolded. Preston, I think, will favor you. Mr. Edwards has written me, offering ‘to decline, but I advised him not to do so. Some kind friends think I ought to be an applicant, but I am for Mr. Edwards. Try to defeat Butterfiled, and in doing 50 use Mr. Edwards, J. L. D. Morris, or myself, which- aver you can do to the best advantage. Write me and let this be confidential. Yours truly, A. LINCOLN, SPRINGFIELD, June 8, 1849.—Hon. N. Pope: Dear Sir—I do not know that It would, but I can well enough concelve it might, em- barrass you to now give a letter recommend- ing me for the general land office. Could you not, however, without embarrassment or impropriety, 8o far vindlicate the truth of history as to briefly state to me, in a letter, what you did say to me last spring on my arrival here from Washington, in relation to my becoming an applicant for that office? Having at last concluded to become an appli- cant, T have thought it Is perhaps due me to be enabled to show the influences which brought .me to the conclusion, and of which Influences the wishes and opinions you ex- pressed were not the least. Your obedient servant. A. LINCOLN. LINCOLN AN UNSUCCESSFUL APPLI- CANT FOR THE OFFICE OF LAND COMMISSIONER. Having become an applicant In earnest, Lincoln wrote letters to his friends, asking recommendations, but his effort came too late. Butterfield was appointed, and the administration tried to make some amends by offering Mr. Lincoln the governorship of Oregon, then a territory, but he declined the honor. The affair, however, soon brought out an interesting tralt of his character. Though the administration had “‘trampled his wishes in the dust,” his personal friendship and loyalty remaifed steadfast. A friend of his made a violent speech in the Illinols legislature, criticising Butterfield’s appoint- ment, and denouncing the then secretary of the Interior for making it. When the matter was brought to Mr. Lincoln's attention, he printed the following letter in a Chicago newspaper: SPRINGFIELD, Noy, 21, 1849.—Editor of the Chicago Journal: 'Dear Sir—Some per- son, probably yourself, has sent me the number of your paper containing an extract of a supposed speech of Mr. Linder, together with your editorlal comments. As my name is mentioned, both In the speech and in the comments, and as my attention is directed to the article by a speclal mark in the paper sent me, it Is perhaps expected that I should take some notice of it. I have to say, then, that I was absent from before the commencement ,tijl after the close of the late session of the legislature, and that the fact of such a Jspeech having been de- livered never came ;to-my knowledge till. I saw a notice of your grticle in the Illinois Journal, one day before your paper reached me. Had the inténtion of any whig to deliver such a speech /been known to me, I should, to the utmost of my ablility, have endeavored to prevent it. When Mr. Butter- fleld was appointed dommissioner of the land office, I expected him to be an able and faithtul officer, and .nothing has since come to my knowledge disappointing that expecta- tlon. As to Mr. Ewing, his position has been one of great difienlty. I helieve him, too, to be an able and faithful officer. A more intimate acquaintance with him wo Id probably change theé” Viéws of most of those who have complained of him. Your obedient servant, A. LINCOLN. LINCOLN ASPIRES TO A UNITED STATES SENATORSHIP, . The path to enduring political distinction is usually beset by wearying labor and harassing disappointments, and Mr. Lincoln was destined to suffer his full ghare of both. After his retirement from congress, while there always remained the certainty that he would be called on to make stump speeches in every campalgn, every prospect of an election to a prominent place seemed utterly shut out, until the repeal of the Missouri compromise brought upon the country the new storm of the slavery controversy, which formed the exciting prelude to the rebel- llon. The zeal, the courage, the ability with which he took up the new debate at once gave him leadership in his state. When unex- pectedly the antislavery opposition gained a majority in the Tilinols legislature in the November elections of 1854, there ssemed to be & ghance that his talents and services might be Auitably rewarded, without any mock modesty he his personal friends among the whig members-elect for their support. There s 1o better history in detail of the con- test which ensued than that recorded in his letters. SPRINGFIBELD, Noy. 27, 1854.—T. J. Hen- derson, Bsq.: My Dear Sir—It has come round that a whig may, by possibility, be elected to the United States senate, and I want the chance of belng the man. You are | 2 member of the legislature, and have a vote to glve, Think It over and see whether you can do better than go for me. Write me, at all events, and let this be confidential. Yours truly, A. LINCOLN. 1L, Dec. 11, 1854.—Hon. Washburne: ¢ * ¢ Ag to my own matter, things continue to look reasonably well. 1 wrote your friend, George Gage, and threo days ago had an answer from him, in which he telks out plainly, as your letter taught me to expect. Today 1 had a Istter from Turner. He says he i not committed, | and will not be until he sees how most ef- | fectually to oppose slavery extension. |, T have not ventured to write all the mem- | bers in your district, lest some of them should be offended by the indelicacy of the thing— SPRINGFIBLD, B. B | that is, coming from a total stranger. Could you not drap some of them a line? Very truly, your friend, A. LINCOLN, SPRINGFIELD, Dec. 14, 1 Hon. . B. Washburne: My Dear Sir—So far as 1 am concerned, there must be something wrong about United States senator at Chicago. My most intimate friends there do not answer my letters, and I cannot get a word from them. Wentworth has a knack of knowing things better than most men. 1 wsh you would pump him, and write me what you get from him. Please do this as soon as you can, as the time Is growing short. Don't let any one know I have written you this, for there may be those opposed to me nearer about you than you may think. Very truly yours, etc., A. LINCOLN, SPRINGFIELD, Dec. 15, 1854.—Hon. T. J. Henderson: Dear Sir—Yours of the 11th was recelved last night, and for which I thank you. Of course I prefer myself to all others; yet it is neither in my heart nor my con- sclence to say I am any beter than Mr. Willlams, We shall have a terrible struggle with our adversaries. They are desperate, and bent on desperate deeds, * * * Yours truly, A. LINCOLN, SPRINGFIELD, Jan. 6, 1 Hon. E. B. Washburne: * * * As to the senaticrial ele tion, I think very little more is known than was before the meeting of the legislature, Besides the ten or a dozen on our side who are willing to be known as candidates, I think there are fifty secrelly watching for a chance. T do not know that it is much ad- vantage to have the largest number of votes at the start. If T did know this to be an ad- vantage I should feel better, for I cannot doubt but I have more committals than any other man, Your district comes up toler- ably well for me, but not unanimously by any means. George Gage is for me, as you Inow. J. H. Adams is not committed to me, bat I think will be for me. Mr. Talcott will not be for me as a first choice. Dr. Little and Mr. Sargent are openly for me. Prof. Pinckney is for me, but wishes to be qulet. Dr. Whitney writes me that Rev. Mr. Law- rence will be for me, and his manner to me &0 indicates, but he has not spoken it out. Mr. Swan I have some slight hopes of. Turner says he is not committed, and I shall get him whenever I can make it appear to ba his in- terest go for me. Dr. Lyman and old Mr. Diggins will never go for me as a first cholce, M. P. Sweet is here as a candidate, and I understand he cla‘ms that he has twenty-two members committed to him. I think some part of his estimate must be based on in- sufficlent evidence, as I cannct well see where they are to be found, and as I can learn the name of one only—Day of La Salle. Still it may be 80. There are more than twenty-two anti-Nebraska members who are not com- mitted to me. Tell Norton that Mr. Strunk and Mr. Wheeler come cut plump for me, and for which I thank him. Judge Parks I have decided hopes of, but he says he Is not committed. I understand myself as hav- ing twenty-six committals, and I do not think any other one man has ten. May be mistaken, though. Yours as ever, A. LINCOLM LINCOLN'S OWN ACCOUNT OF HIS DE- FEAT IN THE ELECTION FOR SENATOR. SPRINGFIELD, Feb. 9, 1855.—Hon. E. B. Waghburne: My Dear Sir—The agony is over at last, and the result you doubtless know. I write this only to give you some particulars to explain what might appear dificult of understanding. I began with forty-four votes, Shields forty-one and Trumbull five; yet Trumbull was elected. In fact, forty-seven different members voted for me, getting three new ones on the second ballot, and losing four old ones. How came my forty-seven to yield to Trumbull's five? It was Governor Matteson's work. He has been secretly a candidate ever since (before, even) the fall election. All the mem- bers round about the canal were anti-Ne- braska, but were nevertheless nearly all democrats and old personal friends of his. His plan was to privately impress them with the belief that he was as good antl- Nebraska as any one else—at least could be secured to be so by instructions, which could be easily passed. In this way he got from four to six of that sort of men to really prefer his election to that of any other man— all sub r¢ of course. One notable instance of this sort was with Mr. Strunk of Kan- kakes. At the beginning of the session he came, a volunteer, to tell me he was for me, and would walk a hundred miles to elect me; but lo! it was not long before he leaked it out that he was going for me the first few ballots, and then for Govérnor Matteson. The Nebraska men, of course, were nct for Matteson; but when they found they could elect no avowed Nebraska man, they tardily determined to let him get whomever of our men he could, by whatever means he could, and ask him no questions. In the meant'me 0sgood, Don Morrison and Trapp of St. Clair, bad openly gone over from us. With the united Nebraska force and their recruits, open and covert, it gave Matteson more than enough to elect him, We saw into it plainly ten days ago, but with every possible effort could not head it off. All that remained of the anti-Nebraska force, excepting Judd, Cook, Palmer, Baker and Allen of Madison, and two or three of the secret Matteson, men, would go ‘nto caucus, and I could get the nominaticn f that caucus. But the three senators and one of the two representatives above named ‘“‘could never vote for a whig," and this incensed some twenty whigs to “think" they would never vote for the man of the five. So we stood, and so we went into the fight yesterday—the Nebraska men very confident of the election of Matteson, though denying that he was a candidate, and we very much belleving also that they would elect him, But they wanted first to make a show of good faith to Shields by voting for him a few times, and our secret Matteson men also wanted to make a show of good faith by voting with us a few times. So we led off, On the seventh ballot, I think, the signal was glven to the Nebraska men to turn to Matteson, which they acted on to a man, with one exception, my old friend Strunk going with them, giving him forty-four votes. Next ballot the remaining Nebraska man and cne pretended antl went over to him, glying him forty-six; the next, still another, giving bim forty-seven, wanting only thres of an election, In the meantime our friends, with a view of detaining our expected bolters, had been turning from me to Trumbull till he had risen to thirty-five, and I had been re- duced to fifteen. These would never desert me, except by my direction; but I became satisfied that if we could prevent Matteson's election one or two ballots more, we could not possibly do so a single ballot after my friends should begin to return to me from Trumbull, So I determined to strike at once, and accordingly advised my remaining friends to go for him, which they did, and elected him on the tenth ballot, Buch Is the way the thing was done. I think you would have done the same under the clrcumstances; though Judge Davis, who came down this morning, declares he never would have consented to the forty-seven men being controlled by the five. I regret my defeat moderately, but I am not nervous about it. I could have headed off every combination and been elected, bad it not been for Ma'teson's doul game—and his defeat glves me more pleasure than my own gives me pain. On the whole, it is perhaps as well for our general cause that Trumbull Is elected. The Nebraska men confess that they hate it worse than anything that could have happened. It is a great consolation to see them worse whipped than I am. I tell | mont campaign of 1 them it fs thelr own fault; that they had abundant opportunity to choose between him and me, which they declined, and instead forced it on me to declde betwéen him and Matteson, With my grateful acknowledgmonts for the kind, active and continued Interest you have taken for me in this matter, allow me to subscribe myself yours forever, . A. LINCOLN. Mr. Lincoln's philosophic view of the result was correct; it turned out that Trumbull's election was ““as well” both for himself and for the cause. By the unwritten law of party affiliation, party faith, and party fairness, he now had ‘a valid claim for the next chance His defeat as a whig made easier the final dissolusion of the whig organization in 11li- nois, as Trumbull's election made certain and permanent the disruption of the democratic organization fn the state on the slavery is- sue. Once more he proved himself not a radical, but a timely reformer, by leading the formation of the republican party in Il1i- nols as a compact organization and again he contributed over fifty speeches to the Fre- The “know-nothing™ defection gave the state to Buchanan, but the republican ticket for governor and state officers was triumphant, and gave promise of full success in the future MEMORABLE CONTEST WITH DOU Two years afterward came the & able Mlinols senatorial campalgn of 1868, of which the famous Lincoln-Douglas joint de bates were the central point of interest. It is hardly necessary to restate dents of that contest of Intellect and physical endurance; {t involved t ational destiny and has become national history rather than a passage of statd or personal politics. The November election of that year gave Lincoln a triumph in tke popular vote, but ylelded Douglas, through the unequal apportionment, a victorious re-election to the senate. Under this. his fourth serlous defeat for the honors of office, Lincoln's brave words of party courage and faith descrve perpetual remem- brance, SPRINGFIELD, Nov. 4, 1854.—Hon. John J. Crittenden: *" ¢ * The emotions of de- feat at the close of a struggle in which I felt more than a merely selfish Interest, and to which defeat the use of your name con- tributed largely, are fresh upon me; but even in this mood 1 cannct for a moment suspect you of anything dishonorable. Your obedient servant, A. LINCOL SPRINGFIELD, Nov. 15—Hon. N. B, Judd: * * For the future my view I that the fight must go on. The returns here are not yet completed; but it is believed that Dougherty’s vote will be slightly greater than Miller's majority over Fondey. We have some 120,000 clear republican’ votes. That pile is worth keeping together. It will elect a state treasurer two years hence. In that day 1 shall fight in the ranks, but I shall be In no one's way for any of the places. 1 am_especially for Trumbull's re-election, * * * Yours, as ever, A. LINCOLN. SFRINGFIELD, Nov. 19, 1858 —Henry As- bury, esq.: Dear Sir—Yours of the 15th was recelved some days ago. The fight must go on. The cause of clvil liberty must not be surrendered at the end of one, or even one hundred defeats. Douglas had the ingenuity to be supported in the late contest, both as the best means to break down and uphold the slave interest. No ingenuity can keep these antagonistic elements in harmony long. An- other explcsion will soon come. Yours truly A. LINCOLN. SPRINGFIELD, TIL, A. G. Henry: * * * am glad I made the late race. It gave me a hearing on the great and durable question of the age, which I could have had in no other way; and though I now sink out of view, and shall be forgot- ten, I belleve. I have made some marks which will tell for the cause of civil liberty long after I am gone, * * * Nov. 19, 1858.—Dr. A. LINCOLN. LINCOLN'S FIRST NOMINATION FOR PRESIDENT. While it is undoubtedly true that a great political career is generally begun, and for a time prosecuted mainly through personal ambition and effort, it Is equally true that when the aspirant comes to the higher and more responsible stations of public service his individual influence and work sink to relative insignificance. Thenceforward it is practically the rule that the office seeks the man. The influences which place or sustain him there become too varied to be gathered and controlled by a single hand. Even if we grant that sometimes merely sclfish motives equal and outwelgh public and patriotic ones on the part of those who rush to the support of an “available’ name, they come spontaneously and unsolicited, and combination and intrigue serve more often to_defeat their object than to secure it. Mr. Lincoln’s case was peculiarly an illus- tration of this rule. At first he positively declined to permit his friends to put forward his name for the presidency. Even after he had at last ylelded to their urgent solicita- tion, few canidates have contributed so 1 ttls direct effrt to obtain the nomination, as may bo seen from the letters which form so much of the record ms has been preserved, SPRINGFIELD, April 16, 1859.—T. J. Pickett, Esq.: My Dear Sir—Yours of the 13th is just received. My engagements are such that I ‘cannmot at any very ecanly day visit Rock Island to dellver a lecture, or for any other object. As to the other matter you kindly mention, I must in candor eay I do not think myself fit for the presidency. 1 certainly am flattered and gratified that some partial friends think of me in that connec- tion, but 1 really think it best for our cause that no concerted effort, such as you suggest, should be made. Let this be considered con- fidential. Yours very truly, A. LINCOLN, SPRINGFIELD, IIl., Noy. 1, 1859.—W. E. Frazer, Beq.: Dear Sir—Yours of the 24th ult,, was forwarded to me from Chicago. It certainly is Important to secure Pennsyl- vania for the republicans in the next presi- deatial contest, and not unimportant to also secure Illinofs. As to the ticket you name, I shall be heartily for it after it shall have been fairly nominated by a republican national convention; and I cannot be com- mitted to it before. For my single self, 1 have enlisted for the permanent success of the republican cause; and for this object I shall labor faithfully In the ranks, unless, as I think not probable, the judgment of the party shall assign me a different position. It the republicans of the great state of Penn- sylvania shall present Mr. Cameron as thelr candidate for tho presidency, such an indorse- ment for his fitness for the place could scarcely be deemed insufficient. Still, as I would not like the public to know, o I would not llke myself to know, I had entered a combination with any man to the prejudice of all others whose friends respectively may consider them preferable. Yours truly, A. LINCOLN. SPRINGFIELD, Dec. 9, 1859.—Hon. N. B. Judd: * ** As to the charge of your intriguing for Trumbull against me, I be- lieve as little of that as of any other charge. If Trumbull and I were cadidates for the same office, you would have a right to prefer him, and I ghould not blame you for it; but ‘all my acquaintance with you induces me to bolieve you would not pretend to be for me while really for him, But I do not understand Trumbull and myself to be rivals, You know I am pledged to not enter a struggle with him for the seat in the senate now occupied by him; and yet I would rather have a full term In the senate than in the presidency. * * * A. LINCOLN, SPRINGFIBLD, Feb. 9, 1860.—Hon, N. B, Judd: Dear Sir—I am not in a position where it would hurt much for me to not be nom- inated on the national ticket, but I am where it would hurt some for me to not get the Illinols delegates. What 1 expecied when I wrote the letter to Messrs. Dole and others is now happening, Your discomfited assailants are most bitter against me, and they will, for revenge upon me, lay o the Bates egg in the south, and to the Seward egg in the north, and go far toward squeezing me out in the middle with nothing. Can you not help me & little in this matter in your end of tho vineyard? I mean this to be private, Yours, as ever, A. LINCOLN, LETTER TO ~——, March 16, 1800.—As to your kind wishes for myself, allow me to say I cannot enter the ring on the money bas First, because in the maln it fs wrong; and, secondly, I have not and can- not get the money. I say, in the main, the use of money Is wrong, but for certain objects in a political contest the use of some 18 both right and in- dispensable. With me, as with yourself, the long struggle has been’oue of great pecuilary 4. I now distinetly say this—f you shall be appointed a delegate to Chicago, I will fur- nish $100 to bear the expense of the trip. Your friend, as ever, A. LINCOLN. SPRINGFIELD, I, March 17, the 14th instant, I found yours of the 1st. any pro-slavery course.) suppose 1 am not the first choico of a very | reat many offence to othoers come to us, It they shall b compelled to give up Justly with all, and leaving us fn a mood to support. heartily whoever shall be nominated, hopeful | especially wish to do no ungenero the inci- | sympathy d stinguished man do for me, consistently with theso suggestions, 1860.—E Stafford, Esq.: Dear Sir—Reaching home on Thanking you very sincerely for v kind purposes toward me, I am mmwl(!:‘lo sy the money part of the arrangement you Pose 18, with me, an Impossibility. "1 could not raise $10,000 if it would save me from the fate of John Brown. Nor have my friends, as far as I know, yet reached the point of staking any money on my chances of success. I wish 1 could tell you better things, but it qven so. Yours very truly, A. LINCOLN, CHICAGO, March 24, 1860.—Hon. Ssmuel Galloway: My Dear 8ir—I am here attend- Ing a trial In court. Before leaving home 1 recelved your Kind letter of the 16th. OFf courso T am gratified to know T have friend: in Ohio who are disposed to give me the highest ev.dence of their friendship and cons fidence. Mr. Parrott of the legisiature had written me to the same effect. If I have chance, it consists mainly in the" fact that the whole opposition would vote for me, it nominated, (I don’t mean to include the opposition of the south, ot name is new in the fleld, and I My Our policy, then, Is to g.ve no leave them in a mood to their first love. This, too, is dealing 1 believe T have oncoe before told you that I thing to- ernor Chase, because he gave us his In 1858, when scarcely any other did. Whatever you may ward Gov will_be appreciated and gratefully remem- bered. Please write me agaln. Ycurs very truly, A. LINCOLN, HOW LINCOLN'S NOMI COMPLI The wisdom of Mr. Lincoln's attitude and advice were demonstrated by the results. All the inferences warrant us in believing that he did not expect a nomination for the presidency, but that he held a nomination for vice president to bo possible; or, falling that, the vote he might receive in fhe con- vention would prescrve or increase his fa- vorable chances for the senatorship when Douglas's term should expire. Up to the very meetingof the Chicago convention thera was no organization to push his claims, ex- cept in the delegation from his own state, though many mdividual delegates from other states were known to regard him as thelr first_choice, some from personal friendship, but more generally from motives of party ex- pediency. When the convention finally met, and tha different state delegations came toge(her in thelr several caucus rooms to compare notes, the question soon resolved itsell into & very simple sum in political arithmetic. The republican party must have success, Suo- cess could be had by carrying four doubtful states. By the judgment of the delegations from those four doubtful states, Lincoln could get more votes in them for president than any other man. And the problem being thus once fairly presented to intelligent minds, all subsequent manipulation was but the elimination of personal jealousies, the coquetting for party standing and future party advantage, underlying deep and tenas cious party loyalty to favorite leaders, which are present in all national conventions, Against such minor motives the Hiinols delegation, a body of intelligent, experlenced and enthusiastic men as were ever sent to represent their state, were able to urge, with truth, that, in addition to his exceps tional availability, Abraham Lincoln, of hon est principle, of firm will, and of that in- definable quality which gathers to itself the admiration, the affection, and personal devos tion of high and low, of rich and poor; a wan who had adversaries, but no enemfes; convictions, but no malice. And how he saved the union and liberated a race, s known to all the world. 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