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-of Forty-eight, under authority of the convention held last winter at St. Louis, had named a confer- -ence committee of 10, all from the East. The West and Middle West demanded recognition and 10 more conference committee members were elected by the convention itself. That act, with the election of Christensen as chairman, was the initial step taken by the Forty-eighters in rebellion against what some of them regarded as a dispositicn on the part of Amos Pinchot, Allen McCurdy, George Record of New Jersey and others to “boss” the con- vention. 2 From that moment on the eastern leaders lost control of the convention. The Forty-eighters did very little on Saturday, June 10, and it was not until Monday, July 12, that any work was actually done by either the Labor party or the Forty-eighters. It was on Monday that both named conference committees and the latter went to work. From then until Wednesday night the conference commit- ! tees worked day and night trying to agree upon a common platform but without success. In that failure to agree lay the tragedy.of the entire gathering. The delegates wanted to get to- gether, They would have adopted any platform the committees could have agreed upon, brought loud “boos” from the labor delegates. The two men who met with favor were Dudley Field - Malone and Parley Christensen. On the second ballot the latter won by a mnarrow margin, and Max Hayes, labor leader of Ohio, was chosen as his running mate. i The party was officially named the “Farmer- Labor” party by an overwhelming vote of the dele- gates present and the third party convention was adjourned at 5 a. m. after an all-day and all-night session. Whatever else may be said about the third party convention or conventions, no man can say they were “bossed.” Whatever mistakes may have been: made were made by the delegates, whatever action was taken was taken by the delegates. There were evidences of a desire to “run” the convention by leaders in all the groups but their efforts were un- successful. = The big mistake the delegates made - was in not insisting that their conference commit- tees either agree on a common platform or that they resign and permit the naming of men who could haye reached an agreement. 5 As Tt is, however, the majority of the men and women who attended the third party convention will + support the ticket. They may not entirely approve of the platform, they may think it too radical, but they -belieye that what was done in Chicago the week of July 12 is & Stepping-stone to better things and that the conference of 1920, with all its failings and all its mistakes, marked an earnest endeavor on the part of really progressive men and women to unite in an effort to remedy the economic and polit- dcal wrongs of the:country, PLATFORM RADICAL BUT ; e STRAIGHT TO THE POINT The platform that was adopted is radical. Even its most ardent supporters admit that. But it is radical chiefly because it does not dodge or evade. It meets questions fairly and at least presents some solution for the vital problems that confront the American people. T And the platform represents the honest convie- tions of the men who drafted it and in the main ‘rep- resents the convictions of the majority of the dele- gates in the convention that approved it. % - In its demand for the restoration of all the civil — \liberties of the people the Farmer-Labor party ex- presses the unanimous sentiment of every delegate at Chicago and it may be said of the great mass of the people of the country. This plank also asks amnesty for political or industrial provided it contained the fundamental principles for which the men and women gathered there stood. The delegates waited and waited for @ report from the platform com- mittees. Some impatient individuals wanted to discharge the conference committee and name others, but the majority of the delegates waited until Tuesday noon, when the Forty-eighters voted to go to the hall where the Labor party was in session and with- out formality or rule simply walk in and form a“joint conyvention. . Some of the leaders of the Forty- eighters opposed that move, but their protest ‘was' ineffectual and Tuesday afternoon the amalgamation of the two groups was perfected by the sim- ple moving of one convention to the other. : And still the platform committee had not reported. 2 After another period of weary wait- ing the convention was presented with two platform reports, one submitted by Robert Buck, labor leader, and the . other by George Record of New Jer- sey, prominent Forty-eighter. : Buck first read his platform. He . was followed by Record, and plank after plank read by Record was word for word the same as planks read by Buck. . But the leaders assured the conven- tion that their differences could not be compromised and that the convention must adopt one platform or the other. By that time the delegates were tired, anxious to go home and many of them, lacking the financial resources of the old party convention delegates, had already left for their homes. By a vote of nearly two to one the Buck platform, the more radical of the two submitted to the convention, was adopted and the rift in the political lute was started. Following the adoption of the plat- form and while the platform was be- ing considered there was much oratory devoted to Senator La Follette. DELEGATES MISUNDERSTAND WISHES OF LA FOLLETTE He was said to be willing to run if a certain platform was adopted. He was said to have refused to run if the - more radical platform was approved, and he was represented as.having re- fused to rum at.all and to have not interfered in any-way in the framing - of a platform. ‘Whatever was the actual circum- stances, it is doubtful if the rank and file of the delegates understood for what or where La Follette stood. ' All they knew was that he had refused to accept the nomination and they, who wanted La Follette above all men, were forced to turn to other candi- - dates. S The mention of Henry Ford’s name THE THIRD PARTY - o 4 I \HE new national Farmer-Labor party created as a result of the Committee of Forty-eight and labor conventions at Chicago represents a genuine effort to meet the funda- mental problems confronting the country, and to meet them in a candid, forceful way. This is true, however wisely the third party enthusiasts chose their candidate, and however sound their platform, and regardless of the fact that some of the groups participating are dissatisfied with the result. And this Democratic conventions. The two old parties have compro- mised, hedged, sidestepped, dodged and trimmed until their platforms are platitud ; cally identical. There is no essential difference between the Republican and -Democratic platforms. and carididates—no. statements of real issues or real choice between the candidates. Hence there can be no real fight between them. 5 It iS'an auspicious year for a third party, but how well the new party will run depends on two things—whether the various liberal and radical elements represented have in fact adopted a platform and chosen a candidate which all protesting groups can fully approve, and whether during the coming months the party can convince the average voter that it has-a | chance to carry a few states or pile up a respectable vote, so - that the voters will not feel they are throwing away their votes in supporting it. It will not have to win to be a success. If it A even though it cuts little figure in the final result, a basis will be laid for a permanent liberal party in America—something there is a crying need for. The National Nonpartisan league had no official or accred- ited delegates at the third party convention at Chicago. “Sev- eral Leaguers were there and seated as fraternal delegates, however. But they had no authority to bind the League in any way. Stories that the. League might amalgamate with the -Committee of Forty-eight or other third party movements are also misleading; as the League has never and never will merge, amalgamate or affiliate with any other organization or party. It might-be that the League would indorse candidates running on a third party ticket, but any such action would have to be taken, in the case of presidential candidates, by the .+ League national committee, consisting of the chairmen of the various League state committees, or by a delegate national H resented. But in indorsing third party candidates, if such were . done, the League would not sacrifice its nonpartisanism. It has indorsed Republicans and Democrats, and even National party -candidates, in various campaigns, and if it did, through a proper national meeting, indorse third party candidates, it other party candidates. There has been no call for a national There is a “Nonpartisan League party” in South Dakota, because under the primary law there it was found necessary for the League and other progressive elements to run as a third party, but this party contains members of the Committee liberal groups besides the League. This party in South Dakota element in it. Tt was represented at Chicago; but of course tional League organization, is something that can not be said either of the Republican or and, what is more significant, practi- can capture a state or two and cast a couple of million votes, " convention, with all states where the League has members rep- . would ‘be only in the sense that it has -in the past indorsed - committee meeting of the League or national convention asg yet. - of Forty-eight, labor bodies, soldiers’ organizations and other | is distinct from the League, though the Leaguers are the chief | - could not bind the League in other states, or speak for the na- prisoners and for the repeal of all espionage acts. ; The platferm’ also demands that a, national' initiative and referendum ", law be adopted by which measures of national importance will be submitted direct to the people and that war shall be declared only by a direct vote of the people except in the case of a mili- tary invasion. The platform declares for extension - of the principle of public ownership to all public utilities, stockyards, grain - elevators, terminal warehouses and all. waterpower, 9 plank that coincides * with the public ownership plank of the Nonpartisan league platform. “Establishment of national and state-owned barks, where the money of the government must and the money of individuals may be deposit- ed,” is still another declaration that < might well have been copied after the North Dakota Nonpartisan league state bank. - } The entire labor platform demanded by $amue1 Gompers of the two old parties is embodied in the third party declaration of principles and the fol- lowing is the plan devoted to “Promo- tion of agricultural prosperity”: “Legislation that will effectively - check and reduce the growth and evils of farm tenancy; establishment of public markets; extension of the fed- eral farm loan system, making per- . sonal" credit readily available _and cheap tofarmers; maintenance of de- pendable ~ transportation for = farm products; organization of a state and * national service that will furnish ade< quate adyice and guidance to appli- cants for' farms and to farmers al ready on the land; legislation to pro- mote and protect farmers’ and con- sumers’ co-operative ' organizations -.conducted for mutual benefit; compre- hensive studies of costs of production of farm and staple manufactured products and uncensored publication of facts found in such studies.” ‘ The platform further declares in favor of the recognition of the “elect- ed government of Ireland” and of the - government “established by the Rus- . s1an people,” demands the raising of the blockade against™ Russia ~and pledges the party to- Oppose any war. .with Mexico “at-the behest of Wall - street.” B .Immediate repeal of the Esch-Cum- - mins railroad bill is demanded,” also the election of federal Jjudges by the - people. S ; The Farmer-Labor party may . not, probably has not, a chance to win this fall, but as has been said before, the - first ‘step has been taken toward the formation of a real unbossed people’s Party founded upon fundamental prin- ciples that must eventually appeal to forward-looking men and women,