The New York Herald Newspaper, October 14, 1877, Page 7

F RANCE. Dawning of a Day of Fate for the Republic. CALM, EARNEST, EXPECTANT NEW YORK HERALD, SUNDAY, OCTOBER 14, 1877.-QUINTUPLE SHEET. mons to ; atapecio from some plumed fellow in epaulets, surrounded by 8 staff of officers with sabres bare and pistols ready, the people would have a brief moment to decide on one of two things for themselves—retreat or slaughter. Such is Paris on the eve of the most momentous day for France since the fall of the Bastile, nearly ninety years ago. To-morrow decides more than the composition of the Assembly. It decides the fate of the venerable, illustrious monarchy; it decides the fate of the established hierarchy and its power unwisely wielded; it decides the fate of the Empire encircled with Napoleon’s alo 6Of §=6fate; it decides the fate of An Intensely Bitter Conflict on the a Republic, which, arising amid the desolation Verge of Decision. EUROPE’S FUTURE of France, healed its wounds, restored its credit and saved the nation; more than all, it decides the fate of the warlike Empire of Germany, whose IN THE AH ALE. corner stone is the sword; the fate of the stupen- dous Empire of Great Britain, whose corner stone is prestige, privilege and primogeniture. Should France to-morrow, in spite of such un- _How Paris Looked Last | parateiea opstacies as the army, the Church and Midnight. “THE: PULSE OF FRANCE. the government, re-elect the 363, it will demon- strate liberty and not license—wili show that France 1s no longer the intractable colt of the Brumaire days, needing the brutal heel of a Bonayarte, but disciplined, severe and enlightened in public opinion. Never was Republic so harassed by pre- Series of Interviews With Her Lead- | tenaers crowaing about tue throne, policemen ers in Thought, hovering about the presses, detectives burrowing beneath the hearthstones, priests fervid in devo- tions, the army awaiting the drumpeat, and over all the apparition of the Commune like the Genius STATESMEN AND JOURNALISTS. | of tne “arabian Nights.” fmperilist, Orleanist, Legitimist and Repub- lican Speak. BISHOP, POET, DUKE. Rouher and Victor Hugo, Dupan- loup and Rochefort GAMBETTA AND DE CASSAGNAC. Villemessant and Venillot, D’Audiffret-Pas quier and Edmond About. THE ENTIRE PARISIAN PRESS. Amazing Conflict of Opinions and , *Conclusions. GOOD REASONS FOR EVERYTHING. “The Country Is In Danger’— “France Is Safe.” IP DECIDES EVERYTHING”.—MTDRCIDBS NOTHING.” The Voice of Calm Wisdom, of Alert Patriotism and Court Intrigne. THE CLERICAL QUESTION. FROM ALL, SIDES. then aOR [SY CABLE TO THE HERALD. 1] PARIS, Oct. 13, 1877~—Midnight. Paris is calm, earnest, expectant. Every politi- cal passion is strained to the utmost tension. lis tne calm hour of preparation before the battle. Let us hope it is not the calm before the storm. Every thought is bent on the morrow, every eye seeming to spesk of hope and expectation. Never ‘was party bttterness at so high a tide; never were the lines so sternly drawn To-morrow, peace or Tevolution ! Yet the great city, the beautiful majestic city. is calm as the eve of a Lenten feast. This day ot fate, ot hopes to France has been a model day, The rich, ripe, warm autumnal foliage hung purple and golden as though steeped in wine. The boulevaras were thronged by eager multitudes, the currents of life, business and society pulsing at fever heat. As the correspondent passing in the classic shadow of the Madeline toward the Place de Concorde, where the guillotine stood in the times of the ‘Terror,’ where the fountains ever gush as though vainly endeavoring to wash the innocent blood away, it seemed an ever radiant sigit.An avenue of tight ‘sweeping: |- toward the Bastile, a mass of light emblazoning the obelisk of Luxor, the streaming moonlight bathing the gilded dome of the Invalias. Above ali rose the murmur and humof the metropolis on the mid- vight air like the far-off cadence of the sea, The wails blossont with colored proclamations and appeals, their tints of pink, orange and biue rivaling the gorgeous autumn hues. Prominent over allis the Marshal's white circnlar, where in staring capitais the President of the French Re. public sinks to the level of a Fourth ward pollti- cian, pleading for votes as plaintively asa Tammany candidate for coroner. ‘This eve of fate and hope Paris commands her- selt. Americans here miss the lusty enthusiasm of the New York canvass, with its thousands of torches flashing, thousands of rockets spangling the spangled heavens, brass bands braying, drums beating, orators speaking, campaign songs shouted in mighty choruses, and above all the “hurrahs” and ‘‘tigers” of the tens of thousands of the ‘‘unter- rifled.” Alas for turbulently restiess France! Should Grévy or Gambetta attempt a review of the Paris republicans on the scale of a review of Tammany by Tilden how soon the likeness would end! In @ moment the leaders would be in the hands of the gendarmes. Thick as bees mysterious police agents, sergeants de ville and mouehards would be pushing among the crowd, hissing with a subdued ferocity, ‘“ciroulez, circutez.” as they kept the crowd in motion. Then would be heard the tramp of horses’ hoofs on the trot, the jingling of sabres and soon the torches’ glare would glance from helmet and cuirass, sword and carbine; next would come the rolling of the drums and the bugte notes witha heavy accompani- ment of the tramp of intantry; last of all the creak and roll of cannon, and with @ short stern sun If, in spite of obstacles, the Republic wins, then / will be seen the beginning of the movement ending in a republican Confederation from the Danube to the Clyde. Should the threats of the government and the prayers of the priests prevail then the outlook will be dark indeed. The first Republic was destroyed by the greatest soldier of the age; the second by the heir of his stupendous name. If the third Republic falis, nothing remains but a machine which Bona. partists, Legitimists and Orleanists will regard as the warming-pan for 1880, when the quarrels of the pretenders will end for France, as Italy and Germany ended, amid the pretenders of the Mid- dle Ages. SATURDAY EVENING'S PARIS PAPERS, The election is the absorbing theme o! the even- ing journals thus evening. M. Emule de Girardin, in La France, alluding to the four revolntions of 1789, 1830, 1845 and 1870, says:—“ Victory to-morrow is as- sured definitely, and that from the 14th of October, 1877, will date the consolidated, impregnable Re- Public, meaning order, security and the realization of the highest ideal of liberty.” La Presse says:—The country is weary ot pro- scriptions, arbitrary laws and occult governments whose réle is to couceal the sword, -to prevent which in future the country should elect repubii- cans, L’Ordre warns its followers to beware of elec- tioneering canards. La Liberté admonishes all the friends of liberty to vole. i Le Moniteur Universel contrasts the antagonism of a MacMahon Chamber with the antagonism be- tween Grant and democracy. “Le-Temps says:—"France commands the admira- tion of civilization by the patience and good sense with which she resists arbitrary government.” Le Bien Public regards the elections as a great Plebiscitary manifestation against the present form of government, and shows how, notwithstanding, Europe welcomes and honors Grant. Le Patrte says abstention from voting now will be equal to treason to the country, as the absten- tionists led to the election of a majority of MacMa- hon’s opponents at the last elections, L'kstafette advises conservatives to vote against all of the 363, because they are all equally danger ous. GOVERNMENT PRESSURE, The expulsion of Mr. Bedel, the American, for canvassing for M. Menier, radical republican, at Mont Rouge, has been made so much of by the re- publican papers that the Foreign Office has ad- dressed a reproving and admonitory communique to the Bien Public and France, the same as to the Kappel, which censured that journal for en- deavoring to excite public opinion in regard to Bedel's case. The agents of London papers are required to produce a written license for the de- livery of their bundles at the station. The sale of papers thus depends on the pleasure of the gov- ernment. The Daily News was seized at the Post office and railway yesterday. DECAZES LOSING HIS HEAD, The Duke Decazes, Minister of Foreign Affairs, who has heretofore been very careful ana reserved, has lost ms head, and delivered a most intemper- ate speech at Libourne, in which he aamitted no distinction between the republican party and the Communists and other demagogic enemies of the constitution, VICTOR HUGO SPEAKS OUT. Ato magting lant pight in support of M. Grévy’s candidature Victor Hugo presided and made an eloqueat speech. He said:—"France is of age. She knows what she wanta. Montesquieu would hesti- tate to say to her, ‘My policy ;} Washington would not dare to say, ‘My will.’ At the fiat of universal suffrage the clouds will disperse, France will give her orders, and no matter who it may be he will ovey. 1 will not offer anybody the insult of doubt- ing his obedience. “The victory is already certain. We feel some pity, and we will not push our victory beyond rea- sonable bounds. But the triumph of law and right Have faith in the country and never France has a predestined mission. Bleeding, mutilated, put to given up to factions of the past, smiles superbly and works miracles in~ the fleld of ideas and in the fleld of events. Sne makes even her catastrophes serve as a foundation for the future. Yes, you may expect everything of France. She makes use of the most formidable of revolutions to found the most staple of govern- ments.” THE LEFT OF THE SENATE'S MANIFESTO. The following manifesto has been addressed to the electors by the Left of the Senate:— “DEAR FRLLOW CITIZENS:—At the last moment a supreme effort is about to be made to influence your vote to the advantage of the oficial candi. dates. Ifyou are told that republican institutions are not imperiiied you will demand why the Brogiie-Fourtou Ministry have only adversaries of the republic tor their agents; why that Ministry leave unpunished and encourage the insolent at- tacks of which it 1s the object, while they prosecute with all their power the men who defend it, and you will reply:—No; we do not bellove it’ If you 1s certain. despair. * ransom, the are told that this Ministry is not subject to clerical influences, you will remember the indulgences and Prayers. placed publicly at the services of the omcial candidates and you will reply:—"We do not beheve you.’ It you are told that republican elec ons would plunge the country into troubles and danger you will show them the hames of tié oMctal candidates, all enemies of the republican régimes and concealing neither their aims nor | their hopes,’ and you will reply, ‘We do not believe you.’ ir You are told that the government guarantees order and peace you will reply that the most profound order prevailed before the 16tn of May; that it has not since then ceased to prevail, despite great Provocation, and you will repeat with the late M. Thiers, that the only fomentors of discord are those she | men characterized as anarchists and perturbators Electors, you will vote tor the °363,’ and. you will everywhere protest against the official candidactes, which are an insult to your tiberty, to the dignity of universal suffrage and to the sovereignty of the nation.’ THE LEADERS OF FRANCE INTERVIEWED. It has seemed very curious to note the confict- ing opinions , respecting the result to-morrow, of Persons high in office—people best able to advance stable views, men of influence in the parties, and the editors of the principal daily newspapers of Paris, who receive information irom their correspondents im the provinces, if there is any of importance, or from the political group they represent. To endeav- or to collect and group these views your corres- Pondept made what may be called the grand tour. DIFFICULTIES OF INTERVIEWING FRENCHMEN. The task undertaken was long, tedious, delicate, because French editors and statesmen do not un- derstand either the system or usefulness of the in- terview. An American statesman appreciates the ‘4nterviewer,” 98 a general rule, because it is an easy channel through which to convey his wishes and ideas. It was long, in this case, because of the great number of persons seen; delicate, in the sense that it failed to obtain the truth in many of the responses made apparently with the greatest frankness—that is to say, the whole truth, devoid of subjects to which it is more or less sacrificea— here by the exigencies of style, there out of respect to persons or thie government, A GREAT WOR® ACCOMPLISHED. It is suMctent, perhaps, to state that the arduous work undertaken has been finished. Several of my assistants were sent into the country so as to sce gentlemen living ata distance. In certain ex- ceptional cases friends have been called upon to aid in securing data, by which means the entire ground has been covered, as the readers of the HERALD Will observe by the accompanying state- ments. PICTURE OF THE PARISIAN PRESS. It has also been thought advisable to add & few lines biographically or each of the gentlemen men- tioned to aid the reader in his judgment. In ad- dition to the curious electoral question I send a complete picture of the Parisian press, an abso- lutely true, impartial picture. Many of the person- ages introduced will doubtless be greatly surprised to see the reproduction of conversations whicb, of course, they scarcely believed would be made public in their entirety. Before introducing the men of the press let me first lay before you a series of interviews with some of the men whose views and leanings are at present on the tongue of every one, and whose abilities are being weighed daily in the scale by thousands 0! Freachmen, JULES GREVY. M. Grévy, the distinguished lawyer and states. man, who was President of the late Chamber and one of the oldest republicans in pubife life, having been elected from the Department of the Jura in 1848 by an overwhelming majonty, is sixty-four years old. He is slightly bald and wears. gray whiskers A man of simple manners, he devotes his moments of leisure to the game of chess, of which he is passionately fond. His republicanism has been unswerving. In the Assembly of the Republic of 1348 he was Vice Presi- dent, and also a member of the Committee of Justice. fle made several fine speeches, and when President Bonaparte began the series of in- trigues which preceded the coup d'état he found in M. Grévy an uncompromising opponent. After the events of the 2d of December, 1851, he retired from politics to his profession of advocate, and did not reappear in public life for sixteen years. In 1868 he offered himself to his old constituents of the Jura, and in the election that followed gained such a vic- tory at the polls that the government of Napoleon III. did not enter an oficial candidate against him in the general elections of the follow- ing year. Since that time he has been a marked figure in the public life of France. As President of the Assembly of 1671 and of the late Assembly, he gained universal applause. His manner, at once conciliatory and firm amid the stormy debates ‘Which his Presidenvy , witnessed, secured. him’ the confidence of all parties. He 1s, however, a man of no initiative in the great political sense, and glows -bimeelf, in a great. measure to be guided by events. A political opponent once sarcastically said of him that he belongs to the category of people one invites to dinner to avoid having thirteen at table. That he has been turned to by the republicans with one voice since the death of Thiers and called on to be the leader of the party shows that this estimate is a little absurd. In a conversation with a visitor, from whom I have the conversation, he remarked:— “The majority of the late Chamber (the repunlt- cans) will receive recruits, Whether the majority numbers 380 or 400 does not matter. The new As- sembly will derive indisputable force from the double verdict furnished by the country,” Visrror—W hat will follow? M. Grevy—Competition between the three powers. Setting aside the Marshal fora moment there remains the Senate and the Cham- ber. The latter, as I have sald, is the expression of, the nation’s will, In that re- spect it is superior to the Senate, whose hybrid composition deprives it of political value. The latter body will demonstrate not only the ntility but the mischievous influence of the Senate. It must disappear, One Chamber must sufice—a sovereign Chamber, of whom the President of the Republic must be the tirst servant, Visiror—But this is neither more nor less than the Convention? M. Grevy—Call {t whatever you please. Vistror—Then you believe it necessary to sup- press the Senate? M. Grevy—Indispensable, + Vistron—But the Marshal, as guardian of the constitution, will never consent | of @ tooth atone side of his mouth. i" ‘Grevy—We shall find ourselves in presence of the impossibility of conducting the government, Vistror—Necesaitating another dissolution? M. GREVY—Unless the Marshal compromises, or those able to bring a suMctent number to the Lett in the Senate to make a majority shonid reise, we shall have another dissolution. The new elec. tions, however, would be a plebiscite, in which the person of ihe President would be involved. , VistTor—In the event of the Marshal falling or Tesigning it is reported that you would be his suc- cessor. M. Grevy—I havo said that I shal} hold myself at the disposal of the Republic. M. ROUHER, ‘The history of M. Rouher, formerly Prime Min- ister to Napoleon II1., and at one time termed “Vice Emperor,” is too well known to require More than brief repetition here. His biographers Style him politician, Minister, Senator. Born at Riom, November 30, 1814, he secured his first fame asa lawyer in bis native town. He was elected and re-elected to che Legislature, and secured his first position in the Cabinet as Minister of Justice in 1849, in the October of which year Napoleon put forth his new policy. Opposing universal suffrage iu the Tribune he was forced to relinquish his pusi- ion as chief of the Department of Justice. In 1852 he was made Vice President of the Council of State, having charge of the departments of Legislation, Justice and Foreign Affairs. After he had been created Senator in 1856 a commercial Tevulution arose, necessitating treaties of com- merce with Great Britain and Belgium His voice ‘was always heard in opposition to anything, re- publican or monarchical, that did not accord with the views of his imperial master, and he took oc- casion to support the expediuon to Mexico as something which was to bring unheard-of glory to thg Empire. His errors at the time so excited the late M. Thiers that he exclaimed, from the Tribune, “Vous wavez plus de sautes & commettre.” (You have no more taults to commit.) His public life has been remarkable, and the Emperor, in ap- preciation of his services, gave him, in July 1867, the insignia of the Grand Cross, wrought in dia- monds, an honor which had been conierred only on two other persons—the Duc de Morny and Count Walewski. Jt may almost be said that he has now returned to the serenity of private life, for he purposely ab- stains from taking part in heated discussions and avolds any agitation in the interest of the party of which he is the head and chiet. If you call upon him at his residence, No. 4 Rue de l’Elysée, oppo- site the gardens of the palace, whose foliage during the time of M. ‘Thiers hid the agents whom'the President of the Republic employed to watch M, Rouher, you meet an usher in livery who sends in your card. Then, alter having passed the two secrefaires, you enter into the private office, where you are received by a tall, thin faced man, with a very long crooked neck, and wearing a collar high up among the masses of gray hair, a figure which leads you to take @more particular glance. In the face the ex-Minister resembles a lawyer or provincial no- tary, and his general pnysiognomy, pointed and lined like some bird of prey, involuntarily recalls the image of an eagle to your mind. It appears as though the servant may be so much attached, as in this case, to the governing chief as to become the living embodiment of the descendants of the mod- ern Cesar. His voice is full and sonorous, with a slight hissing, which is doubtiess caused by the loss “The elections,” said he, without walting for any preliminary conversation, aftet I had been seated, “wilt bring the Marshal 1ocreased supporters, which L estimate at eighty votes. This minority will carry him to the vestibule of the Universal Exhi- bition, which will sustain him until October. At thisgime will come the cataclysm. Then all the hates and ambitions will burst forth which had pre- viously been silenced in order not.to irritate the workingmen, This is what will come to pass if the Marshal does not press matters and does not demand a second dissolution to obtain a real ma- jority. “About a year after the elections [ turned to the Marsnai and said, ‘Marshal, while convinced that you will not listen to me, I still think it my duty to put you on your guard against this Chamber, com. posed for the most part of men nominated under your patronage, and who now annul the conserva- tive elections without restraint. These meu thirst for power, and illegality costs nothing. Send them home again without delay and make anotner appeal to the country.’ As | expected, the Marshal did nothing; but subsequently it occurred to him to take measures which hundreds of well-intormed men regarded as irregular, which six months before might have appeared not only userul, but Indispens- able, Thus the matter has been deferred fora year.” CORRESPONDENT—What after this year has ex- pired? M. RovneR—After the expiration of this’ year many of the men now living will have passed away. CoRRESPONDENT—What of M. Grévy? _M. RovierR—Oh, he has yet to be born. ConkEsronDEST—And His Highness the Prince Imperial? M. RovnER—He Is quite well, I thank you. M. VICTOR HUGO. 1 met Mr. Hugo in the street. He commenced to feel the cold, he said, and the great poet sported a small woollen comforter, the ends of which peeped His walk seemed to me en- feebied; happily his mind is not the same. This remarkable man always commands attention, whether he is on the Boulevard orin the tribune, Since the revolution of 1848, when he became a out beneath his vest. political apprentice to M. Lamartine, his voice ana his pen have labored incessantly for the liberty and well being of France, Exiled and abused for his opinions he nevertheless remains as one of the most honored of lis country. Requesting his opinion on the present situation he said :—For the moment I am very nopeful Le) success that the republicans, according to my cal- cwiations, will return at least four hundred and twenty members."’ CORKESPON DENT—What, then, sir? M. Hvueo—You ask me “What then’ This will be ail. The people are as tired of great things as they have been of little things, and what could be greater in the estimation of the ordinary mind than @ political contest. People are tired of glory, of this much-abused amour, From the time of the Romans any people which hed been beaten as we have been would have itidden {ts head in the dust of humiliation for two generations, until the grana children of those disarmed had come ot age to a are without a carry sword, we Parailel, It seems as though an effort has been made to draw the attention of the entire world to France. For a long time amour had been Towday forgotten, then glory was made light of, now their interest in the contest {s so small, and they give it 80 little attention, that they throw the names of Persons around about in the same way they throw salt upon @ dead fire in order to revive it. They Pronounce names with the utmost familiarity, say- ing “MacMahon,” “Gambetta,” “Grévy,” that is as they would soaxoaly speak of the Republic. If these three men atone Ale ‘to. “morrow you might as well “shut up shop” a8 a Warehouse that had liquidated and closed all accounts. Notwithstand- ing all opposition the Republic exists, though we have to keep it under lock and key, as it were, Show it through a glass case like the crown jewels in the Tower of London. The visitors pass on and the diamonds remain intact. “What does it matter tf sovereigns change? Iti on this account that the Republic will remain the more tranquil, Without ¢écéa/, without contests, Passions will disappear and the young will be found to have as much power as others, the old will be unable to appreciate the fact that they dream when they have not the happiness to shed their blood, or at least their tears, for things of the past. Happy those who are only twenty to-day. Vofla, this is all Jean say.’ As the readers of the Henan will imagine I was greatly pleased at the manner in which my tus trious friend spoke, and sougnt by every moans to have him continue, but he leaped trom rock to rock away from my questions, until I felt that I was to be dashed to pieces against the precipices of his Olympus. BISHOP DUPANLOUP. Felix Dupanioup, the great ultramontane leader, @ Senator aud member of the Academy, an able wniter, @ prelate with ascetic features that bear witness to his lite, with the suave manners of the old régime, the eye of a soldier gnd a rare com- bative eloquence, is seventy-five years old, but un- Wearying in his religious and political activity. He Stands alone among French statesmen as a church- man that only loves France less than Rome. Of the saintiiness of his private life, his amend- ing charities and his frugal fare enough has been written to disprove all that is said against the Gallic, Church by his enemies, if only in these respects the good Bishop of Orleans was a representative of his brethren. In his diocese, where he has organwed reunions for popular amusement, he is adored; in religious and Papal circles his influence 1s enor- mous, The tall, slightly stooped figure, with the long, thin, white hair imparting a venerable char- acter to the sharp, intellectual face which greets the visitor, at once makes a decided impression, The strength of his character is seen in that face, and through the kindly, yet dignified, words of his greeting, and the tone of his conversation, may be caught a flavor of that causticity which at times distinguishes his public utterances, as when he said of Edmond About:—M. About will always be the first writer in France—in alphabetical order.” Upon being asked by a visitor what he thought would be the result o1 the elections, the Bishop replied:— “They will give no result. Everything must be recommenced, because in reality it1s the Catholic world that is aimed at. whiie, ostensibly, the quarrel is of another kind. For some months there ts nothing that has not been said against the . clergy. and -their tendencies, Everything has been imputed to them. Barefaced inventions have been made concerning them and & pretended note sent on the subject to the Italian Cabinet. Our government has been literally bom- barded with anti-clerical paving stones. The same thing will recommence after the elections. All willartive at nothing. Ifthe question of Religious Worship Budget were approached frankly we should know wiiether France wants the clergy any longer. That question decided, the radicals would lose the only trump they want to play. No matter what may be the composition of the Chamber, the candidates should have declared themselves in professions of faith for or against the clergy. This time the elections should be arranged asin Belgium, where there are only two parties— clerical or non-clerical. A second dissolution would bring us no nearer a result The religions ques tion should first be settled. It would, perhaps, arouse {rom apathy those who abstain troin voting We should then see categorically how France is divided.” VistTor—May I remind you, Monseigneur, of the question I had the honor of putting to you as re- gards the probable result of the elections? Duraxtour—I do not believe the government will succeed in obtaining a majority, although it is not impossible. I receive daily so many assurances and contradictions that I am continually induced to change my opinion. Nevertheless, it is impossi- ble that the government should not gain some seats. DUC D'AUDIFFRET-PASQUIER. ‘The able man who presides over the Senate and who since he first sprang into notice, when he pre- sented the report of the Comimission of Inqdiry into the War with Germany and made a famous and bitter speech denouncing the imperialists has been a man of mark in the conntry, is sixty-two years old. He was an jnstantancous success, and his cry, after recounting the shameful ruption which sent the French army into the field without supplies and ieft it to be shattered through incompetency, “Vare, legiones redde !"’ (“0 Varus, Varua, give me back my legions!) rung in the ears of France for months. Due d’Audiffret-Pasquier is a man of magisterial presence; he wears blonde whiskers, In political beliet he holds the juste miitew between Orieanism and the Left Centre, or, more properly speaking, between the Republic and the Right Cen- tre. He can await events withont disquietude, take oMice under any régime excepting Bonapart. ism without any glaring inconsistency. In con- versing with a friend the other day, he said;— “My opinion is that the government will gain enough seats to render the Left Centre the mas. ters of the situation, In which case that group will cor. become the pillars of Hercules to demagogues, pro- claiming to them ‘Ne plus ultra,’ Friexp—You regard the future without dis- quietude ? Duxe—What disquietude? The first word the ir- reconcilable radicals would utter would be ‘“am- nesty.”” Thatcry alone would restore the Marshal to the power they seek to contest. It would not require more to dyive all the centres into his arms, and even some of the republicans, Frienp—Might not Grevy acquire some power? DUKE . because in the eyes of the public Grévy would not be backed by the same influence that the Marshal has over the army. Friexp—You believe, then, that tue aid of the army wiil possibly be needed? Dvuxe—I don’t mean to say there may be ¢meutes to suppress, but we must give foreign governments guarantees for tranquillity, the first of which must be a soldier at the head of France, FRIEND—And if the Marshal should die at hig task? DuxE—There is every reason to suppose that General Chanzy would be called to replace him. FRizNp—You don’t velieve in a second disscly tiont DvuKkE—It would be useless, in view of the Lefi Centre taking care of the future, and J believe wé can count on that. “LA REPUBLIQUE FRANCAISE,” | morning paper—ordinary circulation, 20,000—ade vanced in opiuion—opposed to the Marshal M. LEON GAMBETTA. M. Léon Gambetta, editor-in-chief of this journal, is now thirty-nine years of age. His hair is worn long ana his beard 1s becoming slightly gray. He looks heavy and awkward. Notwithstanding his black dress, which he adopted in order to give 9 serious aspect to his appearance, he has not suc ceededin getting rid of a certain uneasy manner, which, eight or nine years ago, when he professed adisdain for appearances, drew notice to him in the streets. He receives visitors as though they were presented to him in a café—that is to say, with acordiality which is partly indifference; during a conversation he changes lis position many times, He is naturally gay, In reply to the question, “What will be the re sult of the elections?” M. Gambetta said:— “We will have more than four hundred im the next Assembly, and the consequence will be that the Marshal will be obliged to submit or retire. In saying this before I gave him a piece ot advice: But things are changed now. He must retire.” CORRESVONDENT—But suppose he should submit? M. GaMBETTA--In any case he must retire. We do not need him any longer. He can never agaig inspire confidence in the majority, whom he drove from the Assembly and who are about to return. CORRESPONDENT—Then you discern a new repub+ lican Presidentin the near future. Who will it be? M. GAMBETTA—M. Grévy. CORRESPONDENT—Do you believe that the death of M. Thiers will modify the result of the elections? M. GAMBETTA—In regard to individuals, yes; ig regard to numbers, no. CORKESPON! T—It is sald that, your party once in power, you will re-establish the National Guard and suppress the territorial army? M. GAMBETTA—M. Thiers’ labors will not be Inter+ fered with, and the reorganization of the army Is one of them. CORRESPONDENT—It was nevertheless M. Thiers who condemned the Communists to whom you wish to grant pardon. M. GAMBETTA—M. Thiers Wes forced to do this If he could have gained time he would not have carried on the greater part of the suits which are still dragging along; nor would he have prosecuted Marshal Bazaine, who nevertheless was a greater criminal in the eyes of France than the Com- munists. CORRESPONDENT—What, will be the end of the prosecution which condemns you to three months in prison? M. GAMBETTA—I have not yet had time to think about it? “LE SIECLE.”” Le Siécleis one of the leading republican journals and was at one time the principal exponent of ree publican opinion in Paris. Napoleon IIL used ta say “If the opposition must have an organ and 1@ Sidele did not exist I would found it, Its ciroulas tion is 35,000, M. JULES SIMON, M. Jules Simon, the lately dismissed Minister o¢ Marshal MacMahon, occuples the position of editor in chief of Le si¢cle. M. Sumon was born at L’Orien¢ in Brittany, December 31, 1814, and his original name was Suisse. After finishing his studies at the coileges of L’Orient and Vannes he was aj pointed assistant professor at the College of Rennes In 1833 he was admitted to the Ecole Normale, in Paris, thence be went to the lycée of Caen and subsequently was transferred to Versaliles. Ree called to Paris in 1838 he was appointed Assistant Professor at the Ecole Normale, and in 1839, at the age of twenty-five years, suppiemented M. Cousin in the chair of philosophy at the Sorbonne, He be- came very successful as a lecturer, and soon began to contribute to the Révue des Deus Mondes. In 1849 he was elected to the Constituent Assembly from the Cotes du Nord, and subsequently was chosen @ Councillor of State by the National Assembly, During this period he voted with the Lett Centre, and at the time of the coup a’ttat he uttered a dignified protest im the Sorbonne against that outrage on liberty, and his lectures were sup. pressed in consequence. During subsequent years many efforts were made to induce him to make peace with the Empire by offering him the Mimstry of Public Instruction, but he spurned all such offers, aithough lodging in a filth floor in the Place de la Madeleine. In 1869 he was elected to the Corps Législatif for the Gironde: «He offered an energetio opposition to the declaration of war against Prussia in 1870, and alter the revolution of the 4th of Sep. tember he was chosen @ member of the Governmeng of National Defence. Under M. Thiers he was Mine ister of Public Instruction. On the establishment of the pr at constitution he was elected a mem. ber of the Senate, and about the same time the high honor of a seat in the French Academy wag conferred upon him, More recentiy he was for @ brief period the Chiel of Marshal MacMahon’'s Cable net. M. Simon received the visitor coldly. When asked about the elections he expressed himself ag tollows:— “The republicans will return to the Chamber with from 380 to 390 votes, Short as was my sojourm at the Ministry it enabled me to appreciate beforehand the result of the efforts of the republicans if they continne to act prudently and leave nothing wo chance.” Visrror—What will the majority do when the Aw sembly meets’ M. Sion—It will vote the credits without oppo sition. Those who believe it will be betrayed into follies deceive themselves. The dissolved Chamber was a serious body; the new one will be the same, from the fact that its second election will have cons firmed their confidence in the country. The credits willbe voted. Idle words wiil be replaced by acts tending to consolidate the Republic, Vistror—Do you mean that the constitution wil} be revised? M. SIMON—No. The new laws will bo based upon the constitution, and will so complete the existing Jaws and give increased strength to the republicam organism. Visiton—Will Marshal power? M. Stmon—He {s a8 much master of his action im MacMahon rema'n ig