The New York Herald Newspaper, July 12, 1876, Page 6

NEW YORK HERALD | 9°77 ™707'"8 2f 01" Service Bo BROADWAY AND ANN STREET. JAMES GORDON BENNETT, PROPRIETOR THE DAILY HERALD, published every day in the . Four cents per copy. Twelve alias pee year, or one Follar per month, free of postage. All business, news letters or telegraphic despatches must be addressed New York ZRALD. Letters and packages should be properly sealed. Rejected communications will not be re- tarned. HERALD—N PARIS OFFICE—AVENU Subscriptions and advertisements will be received and forwarded on the same terms as in New York. VOLUN XLI AMUSEMENTS TO-NIGHT. PARISIAN VARIETIES, NO, 194 eer. xu. SUS THEATRE, WALLACK'S THBATRE, BHA MIGHTY DOLLAR, at 8 P.M. GILMORE’S GARDEN. @EAND CONCERT, at 8 P.M BOWERY THEATRE. @REEN BUBHES, at 51M. WOOD'S MUSHRUM. VALLEY FORGE, 018 P. af. Matinoo at 2 P.M. KELLY 4 LEON'S MINSTREL, aseP. M. TONY PASTOR'S THEATRE. VARIETY, at 8 P.M. TRIPLE SHEET. SDAY, JULY 12, 1876, From our reports this morning the probabilities are that the weather to-day will be slightly cooler, with local rains, and probably, thunderstorms. sli a During a” r be sent to subscribers in the country at the rate of twenty-five cents per week, free of postage. Norce to Country Newspnarers.—For prompt and regular delivery of the Hunarp by Sast mail trains orders must be sent direct to this office. Postage free. Waut Srazer Yxsrzrpay.—Stocks under the leadership of Western Union and Lake Shore were depressed. Gold opened at 111 34 and closed at 1117-8. Government and railway bonds were firm and invest- ment shares steady, Foreign exchange strong. A Hares axp Wueruzr Rarirication Merrine is to be held at Cooper Institute this evening, when it is expected there will be an exhibition of some of the enthusiasm which is to characterize the canvass. This meeting may be regarded as the opening of the campaign on the republican side. Tms Hor Sxasox is fraught with danger to little children, who, seeking to escape from the stifling atmosphere of ill ventilated rooms, climb out on the window sills and fall into the street. A few wooden bars yperly secured across the window open- gs would save many infantile lives and limbs. Mounicrean OrGanmation is just now the important political question in France, but it involves no principle, the only point being how mayors shall be chosen. Gambetta and the extreme radicals want them elected, but es this is too republican for France, republi- eanism will be best served perhaps by the adoption of the government policy. Born Turks axp Sgrvians are claiming important victories whenever there is a skir- mish between the opposing forces, and our despatches this morning are but the state- ment of these rival claims. It is pretty safe to assume there has not been a battle of any importance so long as both sides oan claim the victory, CenTenntat Fines in this city numbered ninety-cight, and eighty-cight were caused by fireworks. We have had a marvellous escape from a disastrous conflagration, and we hope that in future the Police and Fire Department regulations for the Fourth of July celebrations will render such a catas- trophe well nigh impossible. The warning of the Centennial Fourth ought to be suffi- cient for another century. Govennor Ti.pgn was yesterday officially informed of his nomination for the Presi- dency by the St. Louis Convention, and, in response to the speeches of General McClernand and Mr. B. W. Hanna, he ao- septed the proffered honor and promised to write a formal letter of acceptance. It will be observed that the speeches are singularly songratulatory in character and that of Mr. anna, especially, will be likely to afford some amusement to the rhetoricians of the republican party. Tax Finst Leoat Barre over the estates pf the late A. T. Stewart has been won in the Surrogate’s Court by the executrix and executor, Mrs. Stewart and Judge Hilton, ‘as against the alleged heirs-at-law, who have contested the validity of the probate of Mr. Stewart's will. This first repulso of the claimants’ phalanx will doubtless only incite them to new efforts, and we may expect to hear, from time to time, of motions, orders and appeals until the whole case is finally settled in the Court of Appeals. Our Pantixa Guxst.— Pedro, who leaves this country for his Buropean trip this morning, will carry with him the highest respect and esteem of the | American people. Although His Majesty has mado a point of not accepting any of | | and obliged to follow and obey the law as | the attentions that would have been showered upon him in his quality of Em- peror, still it was impossible to forget that he was something more than s nobleman and a man of science—that ho was the chief of the greatest nation in America next to ourown. The American people were not only glad to welcome His Majesty for per- poral reasons, but as a mark of their esteem for the Brazilian people, with whom we have always been on terms of amity and in whose prosperity we take so deep an interest. He has our best wishes for a happy voyage; and should he ever honor us with another visit he will be received with all the respect tor His Majesty Dom | | who have no option but to obey the Jaws and NEW YORK HERALD, WEDNESDAY, JULY 12, 1876,—TRIPLE SHEET. Re- A reform in the civil service has been asked and indorsed in the national platforms of both parties, and the republican candi- date in his letter of acceptance has laid great stress and emphasis on this part of the Cincinnati platform. Neither Mr. Hayes nor the St. Louis declaration leave any doubt as to what they intend by a reform in the civil service, They alike mean exemp- tion of the subordinate federal officers from removal for reasons merely political; they alike protest against the present system of wholesale and indiscriminate removals on party grounds. We rejoice that both of our great political organizations have been forced by public sentiment to take this sound view even in theory, and we trust that the growth of the same wholesome sentiment may force them to pay some regard to their pledges af- ter the election. We are sorry to witness in any intelligent quarter attempts to belittle and discredit this important reform. It is impossible to discuss this subject without confusing it, unless we draw a dis- tinct line between officers who are clothed with « large discretion in the discharge of their functions and officers whose duties are | merely ministerial or administrative and the directions of their superiors. Short tenures are indispensable for the former, in order that the people may retain their con- trol over the government. Long tenures | and irremovahility are necessary for the lat- ter, inorder that the government may have expert and trained servants and that the federal patronage may not be wielded as a party engine. ‘he military and naval ser- vice furnish the proper model for that part of the civil service which is merely minis- terial. In our government the military is subordinate to the civil power, and, being a mere instrament to execute the public will—bound to strict obedience—we ren- der that instrament efficient by giving our military and naval officers a tenure dur- ing good behavior, dismissing them only for incompetence or misconduct, so long as Congress sees no necessity for a reduction of the force. It would be absurd to declaim against this system as ‘‘an aristocracy;” it is only a means of securing experience and a high order of trained capacity in that part of the service which is devoted to the public defence. Itis attended with no danger so Jong as the army has no will of its own and isa mere instrument in the hands of the civil authorities, ‘The army would be as badly demoralized as our civil service is if every party President could fill it with his creatures, and if a clean sweep were made for party reasons at every change of admin- istration. The distinction we have adverted to may be further illustrated by reference to one of the great departments of the civil govern- ment—the judiciary. All the federal judges, whether of the Supreme Court, the Circuit courts or the District courts, hold by the tenure of good behavior; but it would be absurd to denounce them as an ‘‘aristoc- racy” because their tenure is practically for life. It is safe to give the judges this secure tenure, because they have no discretion but to administer the law as they findit. They are not legislators but expounders; and suitors have a better chance for justice when the impartiality of judges is measurably secured by protecting them from party caprice and exempting them from depend- ence on the will of either the President or Congress, Congress, with the approval of the President, makes laws, and the courts are bound to administer the laws as they find them in the statute book, unless they are in conflict with the constitution. But even in declaring an unconstitutional statute void the judiciary has no discretion or choice ; it is bound to decide in accordance with a fundamental law which it had no agency in making. ‘The will of the people, in their just control over the government, can be exerted only in choosing Congress and the Prosident, all the other branches of the public service being bound to enforce | the laws which Congress enacts and the | treaties which the President negotiates and the Senate ratifies, Now, the same line of reasoning applies to the subordinate officers of the civil service as to the judiciary and to the army and navy. The civil service subordinates have no discre- tion and no title to exercise an independent judgment. They are as strictly subordinate andas fully bound to obey the orders of their superiors as the officers of the army and | navy, and they ought, therefore, to be equally exempt from removal for mere party reasons. When a change of policy is thought expedient by the country it can be fully accomplished by the election of a new Congress and a new President It is no more necessary to change the subordinate civil officers in order to enforce a new policy than it is to change the personnel of the army on 4 transition from pence to war or war to peace. The army, being a passive instru- ment, can bo controlled with equal ease for war or for peace, and the civil service sub- | ordinates are equally pliable, having no more discretion than officers of the army, and being as strictly bound to obey instructions, As we do not stigmatize the permanent army officers as an ‘‘aristoc-' racy,” nor the permanent naval officers as an “aristocracy,” nor the permanent judges of the | the federal courts as an “aristocracy,” we \ do not perceive the logic or consistency of denouncing permanence in the subordinate | civil service as an ‘“‘aristocracy.” ‘The reasons for permanence are precisely the same and of equal force in each of these | several branches of the pyblic service, all | of which are without choice or discretion, | they find it mado to their hands, or the orders and instructions of thair superior officers. Sach a reform in the civil service as would separate the subordinate civil officers from uable results. It would curtail the illegiti- mate power of the President, and check the | tendencies to centralization and Cwsarism, by part of his and punish enemies. It would abate the violonce and passion of our Presidential elections, which would no longer be a uni- | hie character and scquirements which his | versal scramble for the spoils but would turn short stay has inspirod, on great questions of public policy. stripping that officer of the greater | power to rewartl friends | would deprive Presidents in office of the vast machinery which they are tempted to use to secure their re-election. It would render the civil service as neutral in our political contests as the military service or the judi- ciary; for the civil officers could no longer be employed by our Presidents as a vast army of partisans and used to pack caucuses and conventions and overrule the will of the people by their address and activity. It would cut up by the roots the bad practice of farming out the federal offices to members of Congress in exchange for their support, and prevent the civil service from being de- graded into a base tool for promoting the selfish ambition of little great men in the Congressional districts. It would relieve | both the President and members of the two houses of Congress from the endless con- sumption of time which they ought to devote to the proper business of their stations. It would cure that wide- spread disease of office-seeking and political subservienoy which is sapping the founda- tion of public morals and threatens to en- gulf our institutions. If the President had only to fill vacancies caused by death or resignation he could give deliberate atten- tion to every appointment with an infinitely better chance of fit selections. The rule of permanence for faithful, ef- ficient officers during good behavior would not apply to such officers as exert a real in- fluence in determining the policy of the government. The President and Congress would continue to be elected at short inter- vals, and the heads of departments and all persons employed in the diplomatic and | consular service should be subject to re- moval by the joint action of the President and Senate. But nothing would have so powerful a tendency to purify our debased and degraded public life as a curtailment of executive patronage by making competent and faithful subordinate officers indepen- dent of party changes, and permitting their removal only for reasons disconnected from party politics. A Monument to Custer. The underlying thought in this massacre of Custer and his command is duty and valor. General Custer sought this duty like atrae man and performed it like a brave man. These are qualities we can never honor'too much in this hard, mean, money- seeking age. Even those who would criti- cise the judgment of Custer, or who would think if they had been there they would have done so much better, will not deny him the highest qualities of manhood and soldiership. It is for this that a monument should be raised to his memory. France raised a monument to Desaix, after his fall at Marengo, a battle which he saved by his valor and enterprise. England raised monn- ments to her sons who served her so well in India, the Crimea, and in the Arctic lands. The reason is that England and France de- sire to hold up the deeds of their brave sons asan example to all time. For this reason all honor should be paid to Custer. Long after this generation has passed away, long after every vestige of the merci- less Sioux has passed from the continent, long after this Yellowstone country has be- come the seat of towns and cities and a pros- perous civilization, the name of Custer and the story of his deeds will be fresh in men’s memories. The story that comes to us to- day with so much horror, with so much pathos, will become a part of our national life. If, as has been said, all the world loves a lover, so we may say that all the world hon- ors a hero. What name is brighter than that of Leonidas, who died as Custer died. The deeds of our young captain and his lit- tle band are worthy of as much honor as those of Leonidas, and will be remembered as long, unless we, in our selfishness, allow them to die. The Crimean war is almost forgotten, although it happened only twenty years ago, and its results have been dispelled by by diplomacy and the march of events, But the charge of the Light Brigade has an eter- nal freshness in the memory of Englishmen. Men have long since ceased to ask, ‘Was Lucan careless” or ‘‘was Cardigan rash?’ They remember only that an English brigade in the high pursuit of duty did not hesitate to ride into the batteries of an army. ‘This is magnificent,” said Bosquet, looking on, “but it is not war.” It was something higher than war. It was the utter consecra- tion of one’s life to his duty, the sublimest thing man can do. This is why tho blood of Englishmen always leaps in manly adora- tion when it thinks of the charge of Bala- klava. And yetit is in nosense disparaging that noble achievement to say that the charge of Cardigan was not as daring a deed as the chargo of Custer. There was the chance of captivity, of gentlo, considerate treatment, of kindness and tender care in the event of wounds. Many returnod from that charge to be honored by their country- men, to see their names blazoned over all the world. But the charge of the Yellow- stone was victory or death. From it there e.ald be no retreat, no escape, no captivity. These men know that if they failed there would be no rescue, nosafety. If they tell into the hands of their enemies their fate would be a lingering torture such as no tongue can describe. When men, therefore, in the dis- charge of a duty, calmly, firmly and even with enthusiasm ride upon a tate like this we say immortal honor to their name, It is for this reason that we call upon the people to unite and build a monument to Custer, such ® monument as will com- memorate his deeds to alltime. Wo owe it to ourselves and our national character that such a deed should not be passed idly by. An example like this of Custer is a legacy to anation, a rich reward which we should accept with thanks and reverence. Let this monument to Custer become a national, a people's movement. Let the people take it up, for valor like his and the pursuit of duty | to the death even as he and his men have party politics would accomplish several val- | shown are dear to the humblest. Let every village and town form its Custer mon- ument association and let the contributions be widespread. We should much rather, for instance, have a monument representing the smallest contributions possible, coming from the hearts of the people, showing their veneration for valor and duty, than a mon- ument voted by Congress and paid for out of the Treasury. The Ouster monument It | should be the people's appreciation of valor | beef, it was Jewell. and duty, and, as such, we trust it will be taken up by the people in all parts of the country, and be a worthy tribute to the General and his immortal deeds. The Retirement of Mr. Jewell. We do not know what to think ot the re- tirement of Mr. Jewell from the Cabinet. We have had twenty rumors about him in the past few weeks—that he was dying to “reform” and the President would not let him; that he was a strong friend of Bristow and sympathized with the Secretary of the ‘I'reasury so warmly that he might at any time take a notion to leave, We have never credited these stories for many reasons. Mr. Jewell is one of the most amiable gentlemen in the world, and we can imagine no one finding any cause of quarrel with him. He has always been one of the President's special cronies and friends, and with all of Grant’s weaknesses he has never been cold to the men he liked. He used to be a guest at the White House, and lived in that charming cirele which is only open to Mr. Childs, Bishop Simp- son, ex-Collector Murphy, Mr. Borie and a few others, and which has _ wielded so vast a power in the administration. If any one had a snug place at the Presidential fire, or a full glass of the Presidential cham- pagne, ora full, juicy round of Presidential This affection of the President was shown in Jewell’s appointment to Russia, in his sudden recall to join the Cabinet, and in the fact, which was whispered in high places, that the President would like to have seen him on the Presidential ticket. Suddenly Mr. Jewell is dismissed from the Cabinet, and with marks of indignity. The whole thing is surprising, and wiil not be without its influence upon the elections, The reasons assigned by Mr. Jewell for his dismissal are vague. We have no reasons whatever from the President. The pretext of private business will hardly satisfy the country, for Mr. Jewell is a man of generous fortune, who has retired from business and finds a pleasure in public life such as be- longs to few men. Mr. Jewell will do himself @ wrong, as well as a wrong to his State, his party and his friends, if he does not state fully and frankly the reasons which led to his dismissal. He may say that he owes the President reserve and silence. ‘This is proper on the part of any gentleman who has been in the councils of an administration. But the President, in dismissing him, re- leases him from this obligation and compels him to go before the country with his story. Of course, a President has the right to se- lect his own advisers and to have men who are pleasing to him. But these advisers have rights of their own which a President is not above respecting. Mr. Jewell was a noted man in Connecticut before the Presi- dent favored him. He is one of the very few of the President's Crony Cabinet who were not taken from obscurity. He has been Governor of the State and a candidate for the Presidency. When he came into the administration he gave it strength, for all men recognized the fitness of the nomina- tion. Now, no President has the right to dis- miss a man of this ‘eminence from his Cabi- net and to expect him to submit in silence to the indignity. We have a right to come to our own con- clusions, and in the case of Bristow they were readily reached. But Mr. Jewell has never been a reformer. We mean by this that, while he has always discharged the duties of his official life with integrity and zeal, he never went with the reformers. He has always been a firm party man, in season and out of season. He has never been pradish in his political actions, and this makes his retirement more of a mystery. There is no question of policy before the country like the Louisiana business, for in- stance, upon which a statesman might re- tire. What, then, can be the reason? It mast have been a strong one to have up- rooted the old friendship with the President. Whatever the reason Mr. Jewell is bound to make it known. The political effect.of the retirement of Mr. Jewell will be slight. He had no spocial weight in the Cabinet or in the eyes of the country except as an honorable, amiable re- publican who rejoiced in his high station and meant to ‘‘help the cause.” It is not in the power of the President to do any more harm to Governor Hayes. The fact that Hayes was not the President's choice; the fact that in his letter of acceptance he com- pletely, and we might say rudely, ignores the Prosident, all show that between the party and the administration—at least, for the purposes of this campaign—there is a wide division. Hayes does not mean to earry any more of Grant than he has to carry already, while Grant cares little about Hayes. Grant has shown in the Yaryan ease, in his treatment of the invita tion to go to Philadelphia on the Fourth, in his appointment of Fishor, in his forcing Bristow ont of the He has probably made up his mind to do as he pleases for the remainder of his term, | and as Jewell may have proved to be an in- different courtier he has been sent away to make room for more congenial company. We do not know whether to congratulate Mr. Jewell or condole with him. A man does not like to be summarily turned out of office under circumstances that ronder the act an indignity. At tho same time an enterprising and able mon like Mr. Jewell, who has always had the esteem of his party and his friends, may well fcel that he loses little when he loses his seat in the Cabinet of an administration which no longer possesses the confidence of the people or even of its own party. Greyenat Croox.—A despatch from Fort Fetterman announces that sinco the de- parture of a supply train some timo ago for Crook’s camp on the sonth fork of Goose Creek, at the foot of the Big Horn Range, no news has arrived from General Crook. It is evident that no uneasiness exists at Fort Fetterman as to the condition of the expedition, because it is stated that a courier from Crook is daily expected. If the officers in charge of tho fort entertained any doubts about the safety of Crook they certainly would say so in their despatches. A telegram from Omaha states that nothing has been learned there in con- firmation of the reported massacre of Crook | and yield his personal ambition to the | attached. The fact that he bitterly opposed Cabinet, and now in his dismissal of Jewell, | England. Thees can bes Pak doubt that that he cares very little about the party. | American intereste were kicked out of Samoa and his command, and the rumor is gener- | ally disbelieved. The silence of Crook for such a long time is, nevertheless, sugges- tive of trouble. Perhaps the more correct view of the case-would be to consider that his couriers have been intercepted or driven back, either by the Sioux scouts hovering in his rear or by the bands of “friendly Indians” moving from the agencies to join Sitting Bull The fateof Custer makes that of Crook a matter of painful anxiety, which can only be removed by reliable news of his safety. Is Tammany Te Be Reorganized? The question of the reorganization of the Tammany General Committee is one of much importance to the democracy of New York, and, indeed, of the whole country, at thistime. Mr. John Kelly, who is now, in fact, the organization, holding autocratic power, dictating all its nominations and controlling its action, is opposed to any change and is said to be resolved to cling to his unfortunate leadership at the risk of the destruction of the party. Governor Tilden and his friends are supposed to be anxious to get rid of Mr. Kelly and to put the Gen- eral Committee under the control of Mr. Abram 8. Hewitt or some other respectable and competent head. The democracy of the city side with Governor Tilden and de- sire the proposed change. There is prob- ably but little prospect of a reorganization until after the election, unless Mr. Kelly should voluntarily step aside good of the party to which he professes to be Mr. Tilden’s nomination at St. Louis, al- though bound by the resolutions of the State Convention, of which he was a meniber, to urge it upon the National Convention, and the further fact that his henchmen in Tam- many oppose Mr. Tilden’s election, now that he is nominated, would seem to make Mr. Kelly's withdrawal from the General Com- mittee a very proper act and one which is required of him by good taste and political integrity. Yet it is alleged that Kelly de- clares there shall be no change in the Tam- many organization with his conourrence, It is certain that if the policy pursued last year in the city election should be repeated this year Tammany will be again defeated. Mr. John Kelly’s obstinate refusal to step aside, after his rebellious acts at St. Louis, is dictated by a desire to obtain control of the city government for the next two years even more than by a wish to work secretly against the success of the democratic electoral ticket in New York. But the people will not allow him to succeed in this policy any more than they allowed him to obtain possession of the criminal courts and the District Attorney's office last November. They have suffered too much in the past from bad local governments forced upon them under the cry of supporting the regular democratic nominations, and are resolved that the national, State and local elections shall be kept distinct. On this principle the Hrrarp has favored the separation of the city and general elections, and the wisdom of its policy can now be seen. Mr. John Kelly seeks to force down the throats of the democracy this year a city and county ticket of his own choosing under the cover of the Presidential election. But the demo- crats of New York are too sensible not to know that a division of the party on local offices will make no difference to the democratic national and State tickets. Indeed, such a division would be likely to increase the democratic major- ity on Presidential and State candidates by calling out a more full democratic vote. If Mr. Kelly should insist upon forcing upon the city this year a Mayor, Sheriff, County Clerk, Surrogate, Judge of the Marine Court and Coroners of his own selection, and upon renominating the same Aldermen who went to St. Louis at his bidding to knock down and drag out all who advocated Governor Tilden’s nomination, his candidates will be defeated more disastrously than his Recorder and District Attorney were beaten last No- vember, and au honest local government will be chosen by the independent voters of the city without any damage to the electoral or State tickets. Engi and 8 ae . The English government has recalled the English vessel which suppressed Steinberger and his Ministry in the Pacific island of Samoa It is inferred from this that the conduct of this officer does not meet the approbation of Lord Derby. As an illustration of our own apathy in a matter which concerns us far more than it does England the whole Samon business has been forgotten already, and no one knows what has become of poor Steinberger. If this Samoa affair had taken place in the early part of the administration, with a new President and a new party in power, there would have been a different policy with in the most anceremonious manner, and that wo submitted to the indignity with a calmness which no English government similarly situated would have done. The question arises now, as it has arisen before, whether the honor of the country is ever safe in tho hands of an administration which has lost the confidence of the people. Even if Grant had high duties before him, we question if he would be allowed to dis- charge them in atime like this, The time must come when the voice of the people in the administration of the government will find immediate expression as it does now in England. A discredited government is never sensitive to the nation’s honor. Caste Ganpen onght not to be rebuilt, nor should the historic site be desecrated by any unsightly emigrant station, cither temporary or permanent. A much better place for the use of the Commissioners of Emigration can be found elsewhere, and we trust there will bean effort to find it. M. Jungs Simos was enrolled among the Forty Immortals the other day, and the Duke of Aumale was present at the cere- mony. As gossip is not abundant just now this innocent circumstance set every tongue in motion, and our Paris letter this morning shows how easy it is for the Parisians to find matters of grave political significance in al- most any commonplace occurrence, | Sitting Ball’s Autoblography- We print this morning a series of draw ings by the Sioux chief, representing events in the life of that warrior from the time he became a brave among his tribe until he waa fally recognized as a great chief. It will be seen that the standard by which he meas- ures bravery and courage is not @ high one, and that manliness has no part in the nature of a savage. According to his own showing he is as apt to killa woman as a warrior, and he depicts the steak ing of a mule with as much elaboration as a victory over his enemies. But for all thie there is character in these rude drawings which shows that the mind which conceived and the hand which executed them are ca- pable of something more heroic than the vul- gar murders in which this coarse savage de- lighted to paint himself as the hero. His fight with Custer gives him os high a place as a warrior as any Indian ever attained in the long wars between the red man and the white. In that battle he showed cunning, courage, dash—everything which pertains to a soldier, including, pers haps, even magnanimity. These qualities make him all the more dangerous as a fog and the picture story of part of his career, which wo have from his own hand, and art able to reproduce this morning, shows how eruel he may be upon occasion. With him te wreak vengeance upon his enemies is the great object of the life of ao brave man, and Sitting Bull’s whole career has been the seeking out of those whom he chose te regard as his foes, that he might kill them, He is a snvage after the kind whom ont ancestors found on the shores and rivers of the Atlantic when they first came to make their homes in the wilderness—a chief ag bold, as brave and as cruel as any warriot that preceded him. This is shown espe cially in his recent exploit; but every line in the sketches this savage chieftain drew of his deeds of blood is in- stinct with the unheeding and uonmanly crnelty of the savage. In presenting these pictures to the readers of the Hznaup we lay before them what is, in fact, the sautobiog- raphy of the now famouschief. From them we may learn more of the warrior and the savage in a fow minutes than it would be possible to obtain from any other source, and, therefore, we feel a certain thankful- ness toward Sitting Bull for giving the white man such an insight into the character of his Indian foe. - West Point Strategy and Indian Stratagem. We can readily understand why the art of war should form the chief study ata special educational establishment such as West Point Academy. There the military science is taught in all its details, according to a system which has no superior in the world. The graduates leave the ranks of the cadet corps accomplished soldiers in all that relates to the theory of their profession. They understand the intricate manwuvres of armies, corps, divisions, brigades and regi- ments, as well as the various details of guard duty and the school of the soldier. They can trace the flight of a hundred- pounder shell in algebraic symbols on the blackboard and solve the knottiest problems of military law with equal facility. All these accomplishments are an orcele lent foundation for a successful military career, if ever the necessity arises for the services of these students against regular armies led by officers similarly trained; but we submit that such an education of itself does not fit them to cope with such an ad- versary as the Western Indian, and, what is more, it tends to unfitthem for such a ser- vice, We referred in a recent article to the indignant protests of an old Austrian theorist against the outrageous violations of the fundamental rules of military science by the young Napoleon. Melas believed in regular advances in perfect formation; elabo« rate countermarches, strategic retreats and cautious gropings after the enemy. Napo- leon’s tactics were limited to the delivery of terrific blows by his storming columns of ragged, shoeless and often starving enthue siasts ; his strategy to meeting his enemy's columns and beating them in detail. Now, it is regrettable th:t our generals will not profit by this historic lesson when fighting the Indian Napoleon, and adapt their strategy to the system of warfare fol- lowed by the redskins. The Indian’s plan of warfare is simple and effective. He bu ries his impediment, the squaw and the pap- poose, in the rugged recesses of the moun- tains and starts or, the warpath free to fight or to fly, just’ts fortune favors or compels bim. ‘ne mobility of his force is immense, Ho is compelled of necessity to keep con- stantly moving because his offensive and de- fensive strength depends mainly on the con- dition of his ponies, and these must eat grass to live. This forage abounds on the Western plains, it is true, but the vast herds of cattle and Indian horses soon eat up the supply on a large area. He must manwuvre along the water courses in summer and in the sheltered valleys in winter. He attacks with caution and retreats without any real sense of defeat, because he regards a suc- cessful retreat as a victory. He will not await the drawing of nets about him by skil- ful generals, becanse he is their superior in stratagem and knowledge of the country. He strikes with vigor and skill at transpor- tation and provision trains, for he knows their value to the white man; and for his own use a fold of his blanket is a sufficient commissariat department for a long cam. paign. In a word, he is a constantly moving objective point to his adversa ties and thns baffles the most cares fully laid schemes for his entrapment, How, then, must the Indian be fought on his own ground? Surely not by mathematics and the higher branches of the art of war. ‘he chief of the Northern Sioux laughs at “converging columns” and rubs his dusky hands with glee at the sight of male trains. The first give him revenge and scalps, the others supplies. While Terry and Gibbon are holding protracted councils of war and making new “plans” Sitting Bull is probably stampeding the last mule from Crook's camp and Preparing another mas« sacre. We must, therefore, change our strategy altogether or rather abandon it for the first principles of Indian campaigning. There must be but one “plan” and that of the ‘ py v