The New York Herald Newspaper, April 18, 1876, Page 6

VARIETY, asp. M. NEW YORK HERALD|™ BROADWAY AND ANN STREET. JAMES GORDON BENNETT, PROPRIETOR pi cefetins : aeataaatis THE DAILY HERALD, published every | day in the year. Four cents per copy. Twelve dollars per year, or one dollar per month, free of postage. . All business, news letiers or telegraphic despatches must be addressed New York Bxnarv. Letters and packages should be properly écaled, Rejected communications will not be re- tuned. PHILADELPHIA SIXTH STRE LONDON OFT | TICE—NO. 12SOUTH NEW YORK HERALD. . } PARIS OFFICE E DE L'OPERA, Subscriptions anc vertisements will be received and forwarded on the same terms as in New York. AMUSEMENTS TO-NIGHT. FIFTH A E THNEATRE, PIQUE, at 6 I. M. Fannie Davenport. BP. M woop’ mM. REBEL TO THE CORE, a Oliver Doud Byron. Matinee at 2)’. M. LYCEUM TI VAUDEVILLE, at 5 P. M. THEATH WALLACH TWINS, AS P.M. Le: BO HENRY V., at P.M. ATRE, VARIETY, at 8 P. M. P. BRASS, at 8 P.M. tico: CHA’ atsP.M. Mati G DON DIANA, ats ART at2P.M. Matince a BO! FRVE TO THE LAS THIRTY-F OPERA HOUSE, OF MUSIC. M "S$ CIRCUS, a2PLM TUESDAY. APRIL 18, 1876, YORK, “From our reports this morning the probabilities are that the weather to-day will be cooler and partly cloudy. Notick to Country Newspreauers.—For ompt and regular delivery of the Hrranp fast mail trains orders must be sent direct to this office. Postage free. War Srreer Yestenvay.—The stock mar- ket was dull and featureless, with unsug- gestive fluctuations, Money loaned on call at 3and 4 percent. Government and rail- way bonds closed easier. Investment se- curities were generally firm. | A Missina Licut.—It is reported that on the night of the 12th inst. there was no light on the Frying Pan Shoals on the North Caro- lina coast, If carelessness like this is to be added to the dangers from errors of reckon- ing in navigation our coasts will be the dread of mariners. Poor Lrrtix Atronso is in great difficulty between the Pope and the Zeitgeist. The Pope wants religious unity, which means re- ligions intolerance, in Spain. The spirit of the age wants religious liberty. He is in the position of the man who said:—“T'll be hanged if I do! I'll be hanged if I don’t !” Curva has two formidable insurrections on hand and an epidemic of 4 specially fatal character. In spite of China’s immense wealth we find the government in the market for a loan to arm and equip their soldiers, Thus does the ‘Heathen Chinee” learn the arts of civilization. Exouisn Extenrnisr.—Emboldened by the success of the Japanese in their dealings with the Coreans, by which three Corean ports were opened to Japanese trade, with other commercial advantages, the English have despatched a man-of-war to Corea for the purpose of endeavoring to obtain the same concessions. Here is something for our State Department to ponder. Porrmio D1az is evidently in no hurry to move out from Matamoros. Escobedo, with a government force, is at Monterey, but from its weak numbers he is unlikely to court hostilities with the main body of the supporters of Diaz, Meanwhile the revolu- tionary luxury of forced loans is tasted by the rebels wherever they get anybody with money unable to resist them. Tne Emrenor has had quite a number of accidents ‘since he left his capital. First, his vessel nearly ran down a Brazilian trans- port as he sailed out of the harbor of Rio Janeiro ; next he broke a chair on which he was sitting during the voyage, but fortu- nately broke nothing else ; and, thirdly, his carriage was upset yesterday by a republi- | ean ice wagon. But His Majesty + 1s un- hurt, and we hope that the chapter vu. acci- dents is ended. Berxnar Berone tue Sexate.— Amid im. | posing formalities the impeachment trial of the disgraced ex-Secretary of War was opened in the United States Senate Chamber at Washington yesterday. The aceused was present, looking nervous and anxions, as he well might be, the gaze-seorched centre of such an impressive gathering. The grave charge against him was met at the ontset by the plea of want of jurisdiction, a plea which we foresaw was the only one at all likely to intervene between the corrupt ex-oflicial and his condign punishment. An adjourn- ment was taken till to-morrow to allow the impeachment managers to put in an answer. If by any chance that plea is allowed to stand — it will damage terribly the party bold | enough to affirm that a colossal offender can | tscape the consequences of his acts by a) mere resignation’ from office. Such a de- | pision would make the President morally criminis and stultify the clause of | constitution which declares the penalty | fx such crimes acainst the nation. | is a ease within the treaty, that the demand Hitch in the Surrender of Wins- low—The Extradition Treaty. The Extradition Treaty with Great Britain would seem to have become a dead letter in consequence of a punctilio exacted by the British government and refused by our own. It is not disputed that the crime of Winslow has been made in due form through the ap- propriate channels, nor that the proof is suflicient to warrant his surrender. But the British government, while professing its willingness to give him up on the charge of forgery, makes it con- dition that our government shall give a pledge or assurance that Winslow will not be tried for any other crime. As the treaty itself imposes no such condition and puts no restriction on the operation of our criminal laws Secretary Fish refuses such a pledge and denies the right of the British government to require it. Even if he were disposed to accede to this unprece- dented demand Mr. Fish has no authority to do so, for he is bound by the laws of his | own country and cannot go beyond them. If Winslow were surrendered he would come within the jurisdiction of the State of Massa- chusetts, over whose criminal jurisprudence | the federal Executive has no control. If | Winslow has committed other crimes in that State he is liable to be tried for | them within its jurisdiction. No fed- | eral officer is empowered to say to) a Massachusetts District Attorney that | he shall not prosecute, nor to a Massachusetts | Grand Jury that it shall not indict, nor toa | Massachusetts Court that it shall not try and | sentence any person within its limits for the violation of any of its laws. The Secretary of State is entirely helpless, even if he were inclined to give the required pledge and be- lieved it in conformity with the treaty. The Governor of Massachusetts might perhaps promise to directa nolle prosequi if an in- dictment should be found against Winslow | for another crime, or he might promise to | pardon him in case of conviction ; but such a promise would be nugatory, because it | could not bind his successor, and Massachu- setts elects its Governor every year. Mr. Fish stands on strong ground in refusing to com- ply with this demand. The demand is without precedent as be- tween these two governments, although the Extradition Treaty has been in force thirty- | four years, and numerous surrenders have been made under it on both sides. Even the statute under which Great Britain professes to be acting is six years old, and this is the first instance of its being strained to such a use. Itseems absurd to set up a municipal statute of 1870 against the treaty of 1842, for a pre-existing treaty cannot be amended by the local law of one of the countries. It requires the consent of both parties | to a treaty to alter it in the slight- est particular; but in this instance either .party terminates the treaty at pleasure by simply giving notice to the other. If Great Britain Wishes to abrogate the Extradition Treaty let her give the proper notice ; but she is not acting in a respectful spirit toward the United States when she | makes chicaning attempts to explain away | the treaty or to give it a sense different from that in which both governments have under- stood and executed it for more than one- third of a century. Thus far our govern- ment is entirely right and that of England wholly wrong. But if we had no extradition treaty with | Great Britain and were now, for the first time, about to form one there would be a great deal to be said in favor of the British view on the point immediately in dispute. It is altogether fit and rea- sonable, apart from existing treaty obliga- tions, that criminals should be tried only for the specific offences for which they are extradited. The intercourse of nations should be frank and honest, without any approach to duplicity or sharp practice. ‘To demand the surrender of a criminal on one charge and then proceed to try him on another is not consistent with candor and fair dealing. The British statute of 1870 requiring the government to guard against this sort of disingenuousness in future trea- ties is unobjectionable, except in so far as it is construed to be retroactive and to mod- | ify preceding engagements. If the treaty of | 1842 conflicts with the policy meant to be | established by the statute of 1870 the proper | course for Great Britain is to give notice to | the United States and terminate the treaty | instead of making an unwarranted attempt | to amend it by forcing upon it a different interpretation from that which it has borne | for so long a period. It may be asked whether our Executive | would not be as powerless to give the re- quired guarantee under a new treaty as he is under the present. Undoubtedly he would be, without further legislation by Congress. It is within the competency of Congress to authorize the treaty making power to make such a pledge, but the act should follow the new treaty, not precede it, | in pursuance of the ordinary usage in pass- | ing laws necessary for the execution of a | treaty. The authority of Congress to pass | such a law and, to the extent required by the treaty, annul proceedings in the State | courts, can be maintained on solid grounds, | There is a precedent for such legislation in | the act of August 29, 1842, passed in conse- | quence of the action of the New York | courts in the well-known’® caso of | Alexander McLeod, who was indicted | and tried in this State for murder | and arson in setting fire to the steamer Caro- | line in the night within the jurisdiction of | the State, and then cutting her loose and sending her, with sleeping men on board, over the falls of Niagara. During that trial we were on the brink of war, and both cofn- ; tries were inflamed to the highest pitch. The British government demanded in a | menacing tone the immediate surrender of McLeod on the ground that in the act for which he was arrested he had obeyed the | orders of his military superior, and | that the British government assumed | the responsibility for his acts. The | President wished to surrender him, but the authorities of New York insisted that he should be tried. A long and spirited cor- respondence took place between Governor Seward and Mr. Webster, but the adminis. | tration was powerless, and tho trixl pro- | ceeded under the State laws, although it was | well known that if McLeod was hung a war | discharged by precisely the same methods as | tion in all branches of art and industry. | to act without the warrant of the law or in ‘not pretend to occupy the same ground, with Great Britain was certain to follow. There was never an occasion when Mr. Seward displayed so much intrepidity as in thus facing the federal administration and the anger of the British government in asserting the rights and dignity of the State. Happily for the peace of the country the | evidence against McLeod was insufficient, and the jury returned a verdict of acquittal. ‘That narréw escape from a foreign war led Congress to pass the act before alluded to, which was drawn by Mr. Webster, and secures us against similar complications. It provides that when any foreign citizen or subject shall be confined under any process founded on any law “of the United States: or any one of them,” for an act for which he claims exemption by reason of having acted under the authority of any foreign nation or sovereignty, a writ of habeas corpus shall issue, and the person be forthwith discharged by the judge issuing the writ, if the alleged protection or exemption?is duly proved to exist in fact ; and appeals are allowed, first to the Circuit Court, and thence to the Su- preme Court of the United States. All such matters were properly withdrawn from State | control, because everything connected with our foreign relations and the peace of the ‘country belongs to the federal government. An act for carrying out a treaty of extra- dition would be equally valid. It would merely have to provide that when a person arrested for a crime under any federal or State authority claims exemption under the stipulations of a treaty he shall beheard and those prescribed by the act of 1842 relating to citizens or subjects of a foreign government claiming exemption under itsauthority. As it is not likely that either our government or that of England will retreat from the posi- tions. they have respectively taken the Ex- tradition Treaty of 1842 is already a dead letter, and the wisest thing now is to drop the dispute and negotiate anew treaty. The point ; that criminals shall be tried only for the offences for which they are surrendered ought to be conceded on our side, the list of extraditable crimes should be enlarged, and the English government should yield to the views of Mr, Fish respecting the class of courts to which the examination of the evi- dence shall be referred. The existing muddle and deadlock are not creditable to either government. French Greetings to America. The meeting in Paris to raise funds for the purpose of sending over the French laboring representatives to see our Centennial was | marked with many incidents that cannot fail to make a profound impression upon Aimeri- cans, The speeches of M. Victor Hugo and Louis Blanc showed a spirit of kindness to the United States which will be appreciated | in this country. We have heard so many things to our dis- paragement from abroad recently that it is a relief to hear words of kindness from French- men as eminent as Victor Hugo and Louis | Blanc. It is pleasant to know that we are not allthieves and jobbers, as seems to be the im- pression of the writers of the London press who honor our country with comments upon its downward course in the path of civiliza- tion. Louis Blanc anticipates that the Cen- tennial Exhibition will complete the recon- | ciliation between the North and the South, We wish our statesmen deserved the compli- ment of having exerted themselves to pre- vent ‘hatred succeeding defeat.” Still, the general drift of public opinion in this country is in the direction shadowed by M. Louis Blanc, and we are glad to feel that, no matter what may come in the election time, we have outlived the war and its prejudices, and that all that faction can do _ will not revive a single passion of that dark and wretched strife. Victor Hugo said that while America was indebted to France for the abo- | lition of slavery France owed amnesty to America, and that in a century or so we should see the United States of America | “clasping the United States of Europe in a brotherly embrace.” ; | The practical fact about the meeting is-| that France is to have two thousand exhib- itors at Philadelphia. This shows in a prac- | tical form what the French people think of | our great display. The effect of such an in- | terchange of thought as must result from the | presence of two thousand French workmen in this country cannot well be exaggerated, especially when we remember what France | has done to elevate the taste of the genera- Our French friends will be especially wel- come, coming as they do the ambassadors of | sentiments as friendly and as generous as those expressed by Victor Hugo and Louis | Blane. Privilege and Habeas Corpus. i Parliamentary privilege is the last strong- | hold of prerogative. Itis the only ground on which any authority in the State pretends defiance of the law. Asa basis or presumed source of any act that denies the supremacy | of the law over every public act of any per- son or group of persons the privilege of the | House is ridiculous, Parliamentary privi- | lege stands on the will of one house, but the’! law is the declared will of both honses and | the Executive to boot. Now, to hold that the combined will of both houses and the Executive declared on any specific point is | not superior to tlie will of one house on the same point, or not supreme over every au- | thority in the State—save where armed force | comes upon the scene and the control of law ceases—is to hold that ail the organiza- tion of our government is a farce. We are, therefore, glad that the House has returned to good sense, and adopted Mr. Lynde'’s substitute direeting the Sergennt-at-Arms to produce Mr. Kilbourn before the Court, The reason for his detention can there be assigned. As the reason is good and sufficient the Court will in all likelihood respect it unless tampered with by the | corrupt District authorities, and if those authorities can reach the courts it will be | well for the House to make that discovery in | so glaring a case. Privilege and the law are neighbors so inimical that they should There should be power for the House to compel witnesses to answer, but the power should not be drawn from an arsenal of ob- solete arms—as privilege is. There should be a law on this subject as clear and distinct | Wiek! | Witt | a worse than Tweed again. as section 102 of the Revised Statutes, which imposes upon Kilbourn’s offence s penalty that may be carried as far as a thousand dollars fine and a year’s imprisonment. The reasons which stand in the way,of the ap- plication of that section to such cases, if there are any, should be overcome by sup- plementary legislation on the same subject, In Union There Is Strength. The fact that President Grant has declared himself in favor of the nomination of Mr. Conkling for the Presidency as the one re- publican whose success would be the surest indorsement of his administration should not surprise those who have looked closely into our politics, Mr. Conkling is the ablest republican now in the field. He has with him the power of a great State, whose ser- vices to the party need some such recogni- tion as the nomination of a statesman of Mr. Conkling’s genius and authority to the Presidency. To deny the President this right is to deny him what was claimed by Jefferson and Jackson—the right to indicate the succession. * But the way to make this support effective isfor the President to say, as Jackson did, that he will have a Cabinet of his own, and not a Cabinet of contestants and aspirants. There are three candidates for the Presi- dency in the Cabinet—Fish, Jewell and Bris- tow. Governor Fish, a gentleman of charac- ter and experience, is supported by such republicans as Mr. Schultz, Mr. Jay and At- torney General Pierrepont. It is thought, also, that Centennial Dix, the great Gover- nor, is in favor of the descendant of the’ Stuyvesants. There is a rumor that Mr. Cur- tis means to goin that direction as soon as Blaine is cold enough to bury. Mr. Jewell, having heard of Mayor Wickham’s intention to run for the Vice Presidency on his comely looks, proposes to pay a tribute to his own personal beauty, which is remarkable, so far as to enter into the race. Mr. Jewell has all the postmasters and postmistresses to work forhim. The fact that he is in the canvass will turn every post office into a Jewell club. Then the Treasury is the most powerful de- partment of the government, and with its aid Mr. Bristow can have the assistance of all the detectives and spies he wishes in order to ‘‘make canvass.” All these things are possible ; but are they’ fair to the President and to Senator Conkling? Should not the President say to his advisers that if they cannot conscientiously support the President they should go out of the Cabi- net? They are all honorable men, and we are convinced would be only too glad to re- lieve the President from any embarassment. But since we have the “administration for Conkling” do not let the promise be kept to the ear and broken to the hope. Proscriptive Tammany. The editor of the Evening Express—the Sir Charles Grandison of New York journalism, and now the official organ of Tammany Hall—has been at great pains to explain to us that the dark lantern Know Nothing con- cern on Fourteenth street, where respectable citizens meet and call themselves ‘‘Indians,” is not in any way connected with the Tam- many organization which claims to be the regular democratic organization in New York. In other words, this urbane and eminent editor would have us believe that there is no relation between the two cohcerns. Wehave always believed that the Indian dark lantern | branch of the Tammany machine was in- tended to control tlre political machine. We think so still, with all deference to the Er- press. Thus six.years ago, when the Young Democracy had Tweed at their mercy and proposed to throw him out of Tammany Hall, the dark-lantern Sachems interfered and saved. Tweed, and now we read the following suggestive paragraph in the Sun:— Taswaxy’s Braves.—The Tammany Society will hold its eciection for Sachems to-morrow evening. The Sachems now in office are Jobn Kelly, Wiliam H. m, Henry L. Clinton, William 'C. Conner, Walsh, Bernard Reilly, Abram 8. Hewitt, Thomas Dunlap, Miles B. Andrus, Nathaniel Jarvis, Jr., Edward L. Donnelly, George J. Forrest and Frederick Smythe. Allof the Sachems except William Walsb wili probably be re-elected. Mr. Walsh, having sup- | ported Senator Morrissey last fall, will be permitted to resume his place among the braves. Mr, Delano c, Calvin is spoken of as his successor as a member of the CoanciL Let us read this paragraph between the lines and see how far it bears out the asser- tion of the polite editor of the Express, that the dark lantern crowd is not a part of Kelly's machine, and used by him to over- aweand punish the independent democrats | of New York when they are not in accord with the Boss. 7 Note, first, that every one of these Sachems isa Tammany follower and as much under the control of Kelly as his coachman. They are all Tammany men in good standing and | will vote to’ keep Kelly in power and nom- inate whoever he wishes to have in office. Note, second, that it is proposed to remove | William Walsh from the Board of Sachems, | not because he is incompetent or in antagon- ism to democratic principles, but because he isa friend of Morrissey. He is to be pun- ished for refusing to bow to the will of Boss | Kelly. Does any one suppose fora moment that if Mr. Kelly wanted the aid of these Sachems to do for him what they did for Tweed afew years ago there would be any opposition? Not at all; they would be as willing to aid him in his enterprises os they were to aid Tweed in his war upon the Young Democ- racy. Tho whole business is anti-demo- eratic, anti-republican and in violation of | the elementary principles of honest party discipline. It will result in a defeat of Tam- many as overwhelming as the defeat of last | autumn unless Kelly should take the lesson of that defeat to heart and reorganize the democracy on some other platform than that which gave us Tweed once and miy give us ‘tue Drrrexesce between a home ruler and a nationalist in Ireland is such that any discussion about the relative merits of their views upon Irish politics must be conducted at the shillelah’s point. Yesterday, in the eity of Limerick, 2 body of nationalists, one hundred strong, disputed with some ten thousand home rulers, Such was the force | of their arguments that the brass band of the home rulers had their music knocked into a cocked hat and their trombones into smithereens. Fora time, indeed, it looked as though the argument was to be all on the nationalist side, but the home rulers ‘soon presented such an array of irresistible facts that the controversy was ultimately decided in their favor. ‘Mrs, Jersey. ‘Mrs. Jerseyis at the bottom of the At- lantic, her demented husband is chattering to himself in the sunshine up. in Rockland county, Dr. Hammond is dead by his own hand ; and a strangely assorted man and wife, the daughter of the murdered woman and the son of the man who probably killed her, are left to explain to their curious neigh- bors and a host of detectives a drama they do not understand. No more startling story of the sea has come to hand lately than this fragmentary history of the woman committed to the waves from the steamship Cuba, No- vember 29, last year. Nineteen years ago this woman was a handsome girl of seven- teen, and married a person of ‘‘feeble intel-. lect”—that is a gibbering imbecile—pos- sessed of enough money to be called rich in the country. If this act was not the result of family pressure it must be taken as an evidence of an entire want of womanly sensibility. Last Novem- ber she lefther home and came to this city on her way to Europe, as given ont. With her was a friend of the family, Dr. Ham- mond, the father of her son-in-law. Here she drew nearly ten thousand dollars in money, and on the 27th of November she took pessage on the steamer for Fernandina, Florida. She seemed to be alone. On the first night out she was ill and a medical pas- senger came to the resene and gave her a dose ot hydrate of chloral. One woman, with keen feminine instinct, saw the two to- gether and concluded that they were not strangers to each other. From the dose of chloral Mrs. Jersey never recovered, All the next day she lay unconscions, breath- ing stertorously and with her mouth open, the, brain oppressed so far that death by paralysis of the muscles that carry on the vital machinery was im- minent. Had the medical passenger been so disposed he could at almost any moment early in that day have saved her life, for strychnia, the efficient antidote, is of course in every steamer’s medicine chest. He was in her room a great part of the time that day. She died that night, was buried almost immediately, and the medical passenger left at the first port they reached, though he had taken passage for another port. With him went, apparently, the money the woman had drawn from her bankers, as it was not found in her effects and is not accounted for. Now, the problem of the story is, was this medical passenger on the ship the Dr. Hammond who was with her when she left home for this city? Dr, Hammond returned to his home on December 10. The steamer left this port on November 27 and reached Fernandina in | ten days, say December 7. It reached Port Troyal the day before, or the second day before—on the 6th, therefore, or the 5th—and there the medical passenger went ashore. Starting from Port Royal on either the 5th or the 6th, therefore, he had ample time to reach Rockland county by the 10th. He gave out on his return that he had been to Alabama, which seemed safe enough in view of his precautions, and would agree happily if he had been seen on a Southern train by any person that knew him, If the medical passenger was Dr. Hammond he had every reason to suppose the woman would neveragain be heard of by her friends. She seemed to be effectually out of the way. They believed her in Europe, and he be- | lieved that he had destroyed that day in her stateroom all papers that could ever give a clew to the identity of the woman so hastily | buried at sea. But a solitary envelope had | been overlooked, on which was written | her daughter's address in Rockland county. That sent the detectives thither, and when | they appeared Dr. Hammond committed ; suicide. Suicide in such circumstances is confession. | Challenging Investigation. The people of this city are not likely to forget the indignation of the members of the Assembly Railroad Committee who reported | against the Killian “‘No Seat No Fare” bill when it was charged that money had been used to obtain the adverse report. Mr, West, the chairman, in denying that money had been used directly or indirectly to influ- ence the committee, made statements which need such explanation as can only be made | before a committee of investigation. Mr. Worth was loud in declaring his incorrupti. bility, but he has not sought to establish it | on any surer foundation than that of his own word. Mr. Baldwin said:—‘The charge made against the Railroad Committee, so far as I know, is false, As to myself, I know it is false and challenge investigation.” The trouble is that Mr. Baldwin has not chal- lenged investigation. Mr. Muller spoke very much to the same effect, and defied any one to put his finger ona single dishonest act of his, but he has failed to ask for a com- mittee of investigation. Mr. Whitson de- clared himself ‘‘proud” of his record, but he Digconed submitted to having it impugned | rather than ask an investigation. Mr. Kil- lian declared that it was his purpose te ask for a committee of investigation. Why has he not done so? These gentlemen have | been challenging investigation, but taking ! care that no inquiry is possible. They must | not complain it they are judged and con- demned upon their records. Tue Cvupan Insuncents, commanded by | Cecilio Gonzalez, have made a dash into the | western. section of the Central Department | of the island and penetrated as far as Ala- | cranes, about twenty miles south of Matan- zas. The despatch states that they crossed | the Cienaga de Zapata, which is a great | swamp extending eastward from the Bay of La Broa, an indentation of the Gulf of Mata- ; mano, and is intersected by the rivers Negro and Gonzalo. Alacranes, the point of at- | tack, is situated o little south of the railroad | connecting Guines and La Union, and is in the heart of the richest sugar district | in the island. For some months past | the operations of the insurgents have | been very daring in the vicinity of Cien-_ | fuegos, which city is ina great measure be- | sieged by the Cuban forces. The raiding party evidently belonged to this body, and | the dash made throngh the sugar district, so | far to the westward, shows that the insur- | gents are by no means so depressed as the — | Spaniards would lead us to believe. The | | weapon of the insurgent is the torch, and the drought at present prevailing in Cuba will assist him very much by preparing the canefields for destruction. Considering the 1 ! } | A lettgr is printed in the World from Mr. Ford, late Collector of the Revenue at St. Louis, in which he warns the President against McDonald, who is now in the Peni- tentiary. It is printed as an answer to the allegation made by the friends of the Presi- dent that he was not aware of the character of McDonald and the men who defrauded the revenue at St. Louis until he heard the evidence against them at the trials. The letter puts Mr, Ford in the attitude of a true friend of the President, but it proves noth- ing more. A President is not always to be held responsible because he does not allow the words of a friend to sway his judgment of the men he appoints to*office. Friends are often governed by prejudice and pas- sion, and if such a letter as that of Ford to General Grant were to be an absolute deter.» mining of the President’s mind it would be a surrender of his individuality out of keep- ing with his character and office. The letter confirms our view of this whole St. Louis business, It shows that the President went into office to have a good time. He chose counsellors not for their merit as advisers, but to make things pleasant. The adminis. tration has been in one sense a grand spree, The President sought out good fellows who could make life agreeable—army bummera like Belknap, good livers like Boss Shepherd, amiable, negative people like Babeock—in- stead of men who would give real strength to his administration; and now he suffers. No one wants to suppose that the President had any corrupt knowledge of what the knaves in St. Louis were doing—that he was the partner of Joyce or McDonald. It is well for the honor of the country that it is not true. The- fact is the President rendered such men pos. sible by rendering other men impossible, An administraticn is mainly what a Presi- dent chooses to make it. Ench administra- tion since the time of Washington has been as distinctive as the reigns of the kings of France. This is because the President, even if he is ina political minority, has a social and personal power which stamps an administration. Compare the administrae tion of Adams the younger as it unfolds ite selfin his diary with that of Grant. Yet Adams was one of the most unpopular, just as Grant is one of the most popular, of Pres« idents. In the life of one we see @ cons scientious desire to do his duty, to secure honesty in the government, to elevate the tone of official and social morals. In the other we have a prolonged dissipation, din. ners, picnics, sails up and down the river, relatives and cronies in office, a Senate, gorged with patronage, submissive to the President, and in the end the imprisonment of one part of the White House gang and the indictment of another part. The President deadened his administra. tion in the beginning, and his friendsshould not complain if it bears fruit in the State Prison of Missouri, and, what seems quite probable, in the State Prison of New York. Turkey's Trovpixs ineréase every day. The Porte has complained to the great Powers of Servia's active sympathy with the insurrection. This is all very well, but the question who will prevent Servia doing a she pleases is not a simple one. Russia will not prevent her, nor will she be likely to ab low Austria to do so. It is a matter in whick diplomatic “representations” will be of little avail, for they can be met with diplomatic excuses, while the supplies can go to the in- surrection as regularly as ever. Any attempt on the part of Turkey to forcibly coerce Servia will precipitate the conflict she de sires to avoid. Asa European war lurks be hind this difficulty it is well worthy cloa attention.’ PERSONAL INTELLIGENCE, Glycerine is good for croup. Vicksburg, Miss, hus fifty-three lawyers, Historian Bancroft is far from being a good horse back ridor. The Dubuque Times records Mr. Conkling as an orator ‘with few peers. A now style of Washington veil is flesh color, with s tinge of rose running through it. Atwenty-four pound baby was born in Pittsburg, and the mother weighed 120 pounds. Lavater thought that your real self is an average somewhere between the opinions of your enemies and your friends, The St. Louis Republican's wit thinks that Dr. Ken? caly and Werdell Phillips are drummers in the same line of trade. ‘We are glad to inform the Chicago Tribune that tha take in codfish off the Massachusetts shore last week was 1,375,000 pounds, The Pennsylvania tramp with no money has acheap way ot dealing with a glass of whiskey. He folds its contents like the Arab and silently steals away, The residence of Leland Stanford, the president of the Central Pacific Railroad at San: Francisco, coy $1,000,000; yet the railroad is not making any money. Marat Halstead is, on municipal and social subjects asevere authority, Ho now thinks that James Partos may, without fear of the law, sit under his own vim and fig tree. On Sundays in San Francisco 30,000 people cross the Bay, a distance of six miles, in order to enjoy picnics ine the oak woods on the opposite shore, The peopl who go are mamly Germans, As A. C, Wheeler takes his way wostward with the star of empire he everywhere on his route asks for “Twins.” Then they give him something made out of glass and ico and two straws. a Walt Whitman has his remedy in his own hands Oliver Goldsmith travelled Europe, making his way b; playing a flute. Let Walt Whitman geta hand organ and with a sign on it be will make a fortune, An English scientist says thatiron stag is a good sub stitute tor brick and stone, And it don’t break agains your head like brick, and gives a better hold thar stone, When it hitga man says, “Now, don't give me any of your slag.” The Washington Ring stands fro mach better than the Tammany King did. When in the Tammany fight the wind blew over the open wold the Tammany sheep scattered; bat wow that lightning has struck the Washington flock they buddie together, aud look star. ting into futurity, while the Shepherds say, “Them’s _ not aheep; them’s lam’s !"” Concerning Canadian trade Mr. Mills, the chief of s committee called to inquire into the canse of ado pression of that trade, has the wisdom to declare that the canse is heyond legislative control The impotence of domagogue legisiation, when in conflict with na tural tac’s, which it is the province of political econ: omy merely to ascertain, seems to be shown very fully \ tm this trade report, The San Francisco Bulletin has an articlé on silver coin, in which it says that since the merchants of San Francisco throw out the new trade dollar they havo ne alternative but the use of paper currency. The gist & the California argument is, “We must protect oar selves.’ You have been protecting yuurselves s much that every visitor to California has becn com pelled to pay the same premium for silver as for gold, And yet California invites touristsl “ al