The New York Herald Newspaper, April 13, 1876, Page 6

NEW YORK HERALD BROADWAY AND ANN STREET. JAMES GORDON BENNETT, PROPRIETOR — THE DAILY HERALD, published every day inthe year. Four cents per copy. ‘Twelve dollars per year, or one dollar per month, free of postage. » All business, news letters or telegraphic | despatches must be addressed New York Henarp. Letters and packages should be properly sealed. y Rejected communications will not be re- turned. ‘FICE—NO. 112SOUTH PHILADELPHI: | SIXTH 8 LONDON 0. oF THE NEW YORK HERALD—NO. SET STREET. PARIS OFFICE DE L'OPERA. Subscriptions and advertisements will be | received and forwarded on the same terms as in New York. AMUSEMENTS TO-NIGHT, ~ oe PARK THEATRE, BRASS, at8 P.M. Goorge Fawcett Rowe. CHATEA) atS P.M, Matinee BC LIFE IN THE BAC THIRTY-FOURTH "STREET OPERA MOUSE. VARIETY, at ® P. M. GLOBE Re : VARIETY, at 8 P. M. BAN FRANCISCO MI SPM PARIS ESIES, at8 P.M. Matinee at GE! ATRE, DAS MAEDER OH * ML rance, Matinee at2 ATRE. Minnie Palmer, THEATRE COMIQUE. VARIETY, at SP. M. Wa THEATRE, TWINS, at 8 P.M. Le: lack. BOOTH SATRE. gnold, RBROOKL THE MIGHTY DOLLA Florence. ATRE. Mr. and Mrs. W. J. TONY PASTOR'S NEW THBATRE. VARIETY, at 8. UARE THEATRE, R. Thorne, Jr. UNL FERREOL, at 8 P os are that the weather to-day wiil be warmer, followed by cooler, cloudy weather, and, possibly, rain. Nozicz to ‘Country NzwspraLers.—For poet and regular delivery of the Hzraup yy fast mail trains orders must be sent direct to this office. Postage free. Gold advanced Investment securities firmer, although irregular. from 113 to 113 1-4. were in some instances easier. Governments quiet and heavy. Money on call loaned at B a 2 1-2 per cent. Way Have the republicans in Albany done nothing about a spring election? Waensz Is Kitpatnick?—We wonder if General Kilpatrick realizes the position into which he has plunged himself? Where is all that ‘‘evidence” he was so anxious to shower on the House a few weeks ago? Waar Motive has induced the republicans in Albany to refrain from striking at the Know Nothing Dark Lantern Lodge of Tam- many? Perhaps John Kelly can answer. Dancers To Navicartion. despatch from Rockland, Me., states that the buoy on Post Office Ledge, Fox Island thoroughfare, and those on Cranberry Island Ledge, Southwest Harbor and John’s Island, are gone. Tue Purse Barometer of Europe yester- day indicated everywhere the low pressure that precedes a storm. Turks, Egyptians, Peruvians and Mexicans were so depressed that nobody could move them. © mine was as rich in silver as the witnesses of Schenck would have us now believe why were the owners so anxious to sell? And where is the silver now? New York Hanson Dancens.—The Bay Ridge buoy has been broken off, so that only about two feet of it shows above the water. The spindle and cage have been broken off Buoy No. 10 (Southwest Spit). There should be no delay in replacing them. TReianp must be improving or other coun- tries must be retrograding, for it is thought that this year the [sland of Saints will not be viewed by many of its children as a good country to emigrate from. Draccine THE Sewers. look askance at “investigations” which re- quire the prisons to be scoured for ‘‘evi- dence.” What the jailbird White, alias Miles, wants is “immunity” and ‘‘protec- tion.” Way Is Ir that when the republicans have power there is always a fraction ready to go over to the democrats and do their bidding? The hand of John Kelly moves the machine in Albany, just as the hand of Tweed moved the machine when he was Boss. Tar Emma Mixe.—Give us the names of | the women and clergymen and unsuspecting | English families who put their money into | shares of Emma mine because they believed | that no American Minister would indorse | afraud. This will throw much light upon | the enormity of the wholo business. | Sratww is perhaps the last country in En- | rope of any consequence where a Papal Nuncio is a power, and the uncompromising | attitude of the Pope will soon make Vatican | dictation odious there too. The government | of King Alfonso are too weak to stand | squarely up to tho issue of liberalism against reaction, because their liberalism is o half- | hearted sham. Tae Prorxcttox or Wrryessxs,—The Senate will not agree with the House in giv- | ing immunity to the witnesses who may tes- tify before the investigating committees. ‘The republicans on the Judiciary Committee are violently opposed to the House plan. | "The democrats do not approve of it. It) would maké things lively to have the dem- ee | | by George | the adminstration. | of strength. The Varying Phases of the Can- vass—Conkling and Tilden—The Em- pire State. As the outlook shapes itself to-day the leading candidate in the democratic party is Samuel J. Tilden ; the leading candidate in the republican party is. Roscoe Conkling. The only disturbing element in the repub- lican camp is the opposition of a social up- town eclnb called the Union League, headed William Curtis, a writer on manners and fashionsgand ‘how to, be- have.” The only disturbing element in the democratic camp is the opposition of a dark lantern Know Nothing lodge called Tam- many, whose members call themselves “Wiskinskies” and ‘‘Sachems,” and have grips and passwords, headed by John Kelly. Each of these leaders—Mr. Curtis and Mr. Kelly—have newspapers, and thus make their opposition manifest. The motive underlying the course of Mr. Curtis is his desire, as a New Englander, to aid the New England candidate, Mr. Blaine. We are at a loss to know what animates Mr. Kelly, unless it is that in the Waterloo rout of Tammany last fall the Governor, who, by the way, is a splendid horseman, would not ride with Kelly’s mad troopers into the val- ley of death. If this is the grievance of Mr. Kelly, he does not see, what was clear at the time to every one but himself, that if Governor Tilden had taken his part in that contest the democratic State ticket would have been beaten, the tide of democratic success would have been arrested, and the Governor's aspirations for reform would have stood condemned and repudiated. Goy- ernor Tilden showed true statesmanship. It will be remembered to his honor in the Convention about to choose a democratic leader for the campaign. ‘The strength of Tilden lies in many direc- tions. He isa man of ripe attainments and unsullied personal character. He has lived to the full vigor and completeness of life, with the respect of all who know him. Ever a consistent and prudent democrat, anxious for the success and discipline of the organi- zation, he has never failed to remember his duties as a patriot and a citizen. When the slave power aimed to cuerce the democratic party he protested against its arrogance and took part in the revolt of Van Buren. When the secessionists sought to destroy the Union and to use the democratic party to that end he showed himself a believer in the Union and in the measures necessary to its preservation. When the hordes of cor- ruption and ruffianism under Tweed and Sweeny conspired to rob the treasury, de- grade justice and dishonor the State, Mr. Tilden led the democratic war upon them. These are high claims for democratic recog- nition. They give the Governor the prom- inence in the party which Seward held among the republicans twenty years ago, and which no democratic leader has held since the death of Douglas. Tilden can be king or the Warwick who makes the king. Sound on all the issues near to patriotic hearts, upon finance, reform, economy in administration, the preservation of the Union and the resto- ration of our credit, he has behind him the imperial power of the Empire State. How far this will carry him in the strifes and mutations of politics we cannot say. Our experience of conventions has shown too often that ability is sacrificed to availability—the power to lead to the capacity for running—for us to be over-sanguine as to any nomination. Tilden’s prominence is more like that of Seward and Douglas than the unchallenged mastery of Jefferson and Clay. He has many rivals. Chief among these are Bayard and Thurman—statesmen whom any party should delight to honor. In the strifes and muta- tions of the preliminary ‘canvass the Governor may find it necessary to sacrifice ambition to duty. It is in this sense that we say he can award the crown if he cannot win it. Ifthe inflationists of the West or the reactionists of the South should press him hard he has victory sure. He can defeat inflation by naming hard-money Thurman and over- come reaction by giving the party an in- trepid candidate like Bayard, who will stand by the integrity of the Union while doing justice to every section and State. However the battle goes, therefore, there can be no democratic victory that is not Tilden’s ultimate triumph. Turning to the republican camp, we see Roscoe Conkling in a somewhat similar position. He, too, can win the crown or give it. He represents in his party a some- what different aement from that of Tilden— Although this is re- garded as a weakness by some of the lively old fogies who sit about the smoking room of the Union League, and wish to ‘‘reform” an administration that did not make them members of the Cabinet, it is really a source The claims of Blaine, Morton, Hayes, or any other republican thus far named, to run as an anti-Grant “reform” candidate, is the veriest cant. There is not one of these candidates who is not as much of a Grant follower as Mr. Conkling. For seven years they have supported Grant, ac- cepted his patronage, done his bidding, ex- cused his faults, voted for his measures, and never protested against crimes that culmi- nate in Belknap, and tampering with crime which bears fruit in Schenck. The proscription of Sumner, the dismissal of Cox, the rejection of Hoar, the appointment of cronies and relatives to office, the giving of millions to Babcock and Shepherd and Mullett to “disburse,” the jobbery in St. Domingo, the French arms, Delano and Williams, Creswell and Aker- man—for all of this and much more Blaine, Morton and Hayes are as much to blame as Conkling. He may have applauded the whole business in the Senate, but they shared in the applause. For these gentle- men, therefore, in the eighth year of | Grant's term, when the sands of his administration are running out--and he has only o few months of power— to come to the front and scream out “Reform” is cant. They are all weak as Grant is weak and strong as he is strong. But Mr. Conkling has the strength of high character, s courage that does not lie, and never runs away from a consequence. He has a claim on the party which none of his rivals can advance—namely, that he de- clined the highest office in the gift of the President that he might remain in the field ‘ and fight under his flag. At the same time the opposition to Conkling may throw upon him adaty like that which may devolve upon Tilden, Although the regular troops of the republican army are with him—Arthur with his Custom House cavalry from New York, Cameron with his Highland clansmen from Pennsylvania, Ames with his guerillas from Mississippi, Spencer with his ‘bummers” from Alabama, Settle with his colored bri- gades from North Carolina; although they are all falling into line with the stead- iness of veterans, and under the leadership of veteran commanders— Blaine and Morton are strong, able, vigilant, and their war upon Conkling is a war of hatred. Therefore, it may be the duty of Conkling to preserve his own power as the premier of a new administration by taking up an unknown man. He cannot fall back upon Blaine or Morton, as Tilden could upon Bayard or Thurman, feeling that his selection was one of friendship and affection as well as policy. He can name the Unknown Man, that mystic power which bids fair to exercise so potent an influence upon the republican prospects. And when within the possibility of selection we note Hamilton Fish, William M. Evarts, Edwin D. Porgan, John Jay, Benjamin H. Bristow, William A. Wheeler, E. B. Wash- burne, and others of equal experience and merit, we may feel assured that whoever bears the republican standard will be worthy of the honor. Finally, and this is a thought that comes with special emphasis, we inust congratulate the Empire State that she is so rich in candi- dates for high place; that one of her sons is the favorite of the democracy and another the favorite of the republicans ; that how- ever the canvass may develop—be it Tilden, Bayard or Thurman, be it Conkling or the Unknown Man—the new administration will be under the control of Tilden or Conkling, each of them » man whom New York honors, without distinction of party. As citizens of New York, proud of our noble old Commonwealth, we rejoice in this. Let Kelly and his ‘‘Wiskinskies” and “‘Sachems,” in their dark lantern Know Nothing lodge, dance and yell and brandish their tomahawks; let Curtis, with his old fogy grumblers at the Union League, grow! about the machine and reform—the democratic columns follow cheerily the flag of Tilden, the republican lines keep steady pace behind the banner of | Conkling. New York when she enters the conyention halls of St. Louis and Cincinnati will go supporting one of her own sons, and demanding that imperial consideration due to her proud eminence as the Empire State. The Coming Emperor. We are glad to learn from Washington that the President intends to show the Em- peror of Brazil not alone the respect due to | his character as a man of high attainments and a prince of the loftiest lineage, but as the chief of a great nation with whom we aro on terms of amity. The President has di- rected the Secretary of State as the head of his Cabinet, Mr. 'Taft and Mr. Robeson as the heads of two executive departments of the government, General Sherman as the General of the Army and some other officers not yet indicated, to come to New York and in thename of the President and the na- tion welcome the Emperor upon his arrival. This is carrying out the ideas of the Henatp which we suggested when printing our special from Rio Janeiro announcing the sailing of His Majesty. The pro- posal to give the Emperor an elabo- rate civic and military reception, simi- lar to that given to Grand Duke Alexis, has been abandoned in deference to the ex- pressed wishes of the Emperor. While we are sorry for many reasons that the city and the people of the metropolis could not have their way in welcoming the head of the Brazil- ian nation, while we feel assured that for heartiness, splendor and enthusiasm the re- ception would have eclipsed anything we have ever done before, we must, of course, accept any wish of the Emperor as a command. It would be rude to disturb his privacy. But such a welcome as the President proposes will in no sense violate his wishes. It will be the highest honor that the President can bestéw upon the chief of a sister nation. We are glad that the Henatn's suggestions on this subject have been heeded in Wash- ington. Tux Exousa Muisstox.—Our brilliant neighbor the Sun faithfully reflects the ideas of the Hrratp as to the importance of sending a Minister to England who will not be chased from his house to the railway station by writ bearers from the criminal courts. We commend the Sun for this, as it shows an appreciation of those higher phases of journalism which manifest the independence of the press. We agree with the Sun that the President might prop- erly select some of our distinguished New Yorkers for this mission. At the same time, in presenting a name like Longfellow's, we present a candidate whose fame is not only metropolitan but worldwide. We want a thoroughly national Minister. The day when Henry W. Longfellow entered into the presence of an English sovereign as an American Minister would be a proud day for England and America. In the literature of both natiéns his name has becomeas familiar asa household word—a’ name honored by all who respect genius, virtue and the splen- dor of a blameless life. “Army Bumaars.”—The evidence of Gen- eral Heddrick before the Clymer Committee shows our readers another fine example of the “army bummer.” Heddrick lives in Towa. His ‘‘military record,” if he has any, has been obscured. He is a friend of Bel- knap. He was allowed to have an interest in the stores of several forts and to have one- third of the profits, although he did not put a penny of capital in the business. Aftera cross-examination this ‘‘army bummer” swore that he was allowed to have a share in the profits of seven posts and camps. He swears also that he never paid Belknap a penny. Neither did “General” Rice, the other “army bummer,” whom the ex-secretary allowed to live in idleness and splendor upon money taken from the poor soldiers. Let us hope the committee believed the General. These “army bummers” are a dis- grace to the noble profession they use for their nefarious schemes, Four Per Cent Interest. We printed yesterday a communication on this subject, in which, notwithstanding its dissent from some of our suggestions, we recognize so much skill that we desire to add a few words of comment. The writer made one point whose force we admit in contending that the present is a most favor- able time to push the refunding of the national debt at a lower rate of interest. We have been of that opinion throughout, and it .is because we felt that a great opportunity was slipping away that we have been so urgent and persistent in advocating im- Ymediate action. Our correspondent thinks that ‘with revived business and restored confidence the average value of money in this country cannot in the future be less than six or seven per cent, and the present favorable opportunity for the government to place its four and a_ half per cent bonds will then have passed.” We could indorse every word of this if he had said four per cent bonds, and would indorse it as it stands if convinced that four and a debt can be refunded. We think the present prices of govern- ment bonds prove that the purchasers will receive only four per cent on their invest- ments, and the circumstances referred to by our correspondent, even if the fullest allow- ance be made for them, can change the result of our calculations by only an insig- nificant fraction. When Mr. Hatch (of the barking firm of Messrs. Fisk & Hatch) argued this question before a committee of Congress, a short time since, he presented various calculations founded on the market prices of several descriptions of bonds, and by each separate process of reasoning he reached the same conclusion that the credit ofthe United States is already a four per cent credit. The varying premium on gold and the uncertainty as to how long the bonds will be permitted to run after they become redeemable, render perfect exactness unattainable in such computa- tions ; but in Mr. Hatch’s argument before the Congressional Committee he applied the same reasoning, with the same result, to a class of bonds which are not affected by these elements of uncertainty. He showed that the United States currency sixes with eighteen years to run paid only four per cent at their then current price of 125 49-100; those having nineteen years to run paid only four per cent at their current price of 126 44-100, and those having twenty | years to run paid only four per cent at their price of 127 36-100. We wish our very intelligent correspondent would furnish an estimate of his own showing the rate of in- come on these currency bonds, and give us an opportunity of comparing his calculations with those of Mr. Hatch. The saving to the government would be so great between four per cent and four and a half per cent on the public debt that our ablest financiers should be willing to inform us, as nearly as they can, what is the present value of the national credit as measured by the rate of interest. If refund- ing at four and a half per cent is the best we can expect to do let that be done with rea- sonable promptitude and vigor; but the country ought to have the full advantage of its credit. Our correspondent replies to our sugges- tion that if the six per cents were withdrawn it would puzzle the receivers of the money to find a better investment than our four per cent bonds of long date, by saying that ‘‘at least three-fourths of the holders abroad would take the gold and make new pur- chases—for instance, five per cent French and Prussians, which they can get at two or three per cent over par.” This statement does not convince us, In the Paris Débats of April 1, just received, it is stated in the report of the Bourse that the French five per cents sold the preceding day at 105 15-100. This was, to be sure, the result of a speculative movement, the prices advancing by sudden successive steps on that day (‘Le 5 pour cent, en quelques coups de crayon a remonté au dessus de 105fr.”) What would be the price of the French five per cents under the speculative impetus of an attempt to invest several hundred millions of dollars in them rather than take American four per cent bonds ? They might advance to such a figure that the American four per cents would be quite as good an investment. It is not an easy thing to find safe and profitable employment for seven hundred million dollars. If only one foreign holder of our six per cents were paid off he could, of course, easily reinvest in French or Prussian five percents at the cur- rent market rates; but an extensive calling in of the American six per cents would in- crease the value of all safe securities by the ordinary operation of demand on price. Our correspondent misunderstands us if he thinks we intend any reflection onthe late Syndicate. We agree with all the Secretary of the Treasury said in its praise in his last annual report, but we are very far from indorsing the recommendation he made in that connec- tion. He said, ‘aking into consideration the fact that but little inducement is offered in the amount allowed as com- missions for placing the United States loans compared with that paid by other govern- ments, it is thought important to extend the time of redemption of such bonds (the four and a half per cents) to thirty years from the date of issue.” We think it would be better to pay a fair com- mission, and not leave the Syndicate to recoup itself out of the prices of the bonds. Instead of the one-half per cent now allowed by law, let them have one per cent, or even one anda half per cent if the service is worth it, and then give the government all the advantage it can gain from a low rate of interest. One and a half per cent to a syndicate would be merely the difference between a four per cent and a four and a half per cent bond for three years, and for the remaining twenty-seven years of the thirty the government would save the difference of interest. Way Mr. Dana Was Resectep.--Mr. George William Curtis explains that the reason Senators like Bayard and Thur- man voted against Mr. Dana for the English mission was because, ‘‘as a mere matter of party tactics, they saw that they could deal s serious blow at the half per cent is the lowest rate at which the- NEW YORK HERALD, THURSDAY, APRIL 13, 1876.—TRIPLE SHEET. | in its behalf. The man who introduced to party prestige of the majority.” From this position Mr. Curtis argues that ‘‘the rulers | of the republican party will not tolerate » | really independent and superior man.” But Mr. Curtis does not say that two-thirds of the republican Senators voted to confirm the nominee of a republican President, and that the confirmation was rejected by the yotes of the united democratic vote in alli- ance with the Ben Butler wing of the repub- lican party. By the way, the democratic newspapers do not exult over this Dana rejec- tion. It was ashabby business. It showed that even as high-minded men as Bayard and Thurman are willing to give up to party “what was meant for mankind.” ‘The Coming of the Opera. There is music in the air, a kind of pre- lude to the glorious outburst of harmony which we have reason to expect this season. Mile. Belocca is the first of the singing birds to seek the sanshine of the Centennial, and comes to warble on our hospitable shores just as Mile. Titiens takes her homeward flight across the seas. But though much is anticipated from the celebrity of this con- | tralto the season which will begin with Easter Monday will only be like an over- ture to the grand opera of the fall, Then the enterprise of the two great managers who have labored so long and well in the service of the musical public in America— the Messrs. Strakosch—will again be exerted the world the genius and the voice of Patti, who has brought company after company to this country, will not desert us in our cen- tennial celebratigns. The two brothers are to our music what Hamilton was to our finances—they struck the rock of our na- tional resources and melody flowed forth in fountains of delight. Whatever disasters these experienced managers may have met in times of monetary depression or panic, we think they have always conceded the exist- ence of a great American musical public ever ready to sustain true opera, properly pre- sented. Never did they have more reason to depend upon the support of this public than they have now. We have. been so long tantalized with opera that was not really opera, with great singers without adequate companies, and fair companies without great artists, that grand Italian opera, perfectly equipped, presenting the finest vocalists in Europe and the greatest works, old or new, will be welcomed with unusual enthusiasm. To properly accomplish this result it might be well for the two brothers to unite their operatic forces. Let Max and Maurice com- bine their energies to give us a season which shall be without parallel in brilliancy and worthy in all respects of our Centennial. This year America wants the very best of everything—the best weather, the best currency, the best’ Presidential candi- dates, and, as it is doubtful whether it will succeed in getting these blessings, there is all the more reason why it should have the best opera. Maurice and Max Strakosch should boldly plan their brilliant campaign, for they will not be without rivals in the field. The famous Mapleson proposes to invade America with an army of sopranos, contraltos, tenors, baritones and bassos, with a great chorus to bring up the rear. They will not have much néed of a com- missariat, for we are sure they can live in glory upon the richness of the land. The strength of Mr. Mapleson’s company will soon be exhibited in England, and we hope that Mlle. Titiens will return with it and give us the whole of ‘‘Fidelio,” the whole of “Semiramide,” instead of those fragments of opera in which it was impossible for her mu- sical and dramatic genius to have its com- plete expression. Mlle. Pappenheim, whose American experience has been very unfortunate, will remain, we be- lieve, and will, no doubt, have ample opportunity to display her merits. Jn other kinds of music there will be no.de- ficiency this year, and it will be better for Americans to stayin Philadelphia or New York than to go to Bayreuth, where Herr ‘Wagner's opera will be sung for four days, with intervals for eating and _ sleeping. Offenbach will come with an orchestra of one hundred and a complimentary centennial composition ; Wagner will send a grand triumphal march, which Theodore Thomas’ orchestra will perform, and all our societies, Saengerbunds, English and French opera companies will join in the mighty chorus. But the grand musical entertainment we de- sire is Italian opera. Nothing can take its place, and we are glad to say that, thanks to the foresight and enterprise of Max and Maurice Strakosch and Mr. Mapleson, we shall probably have the opera in a more splendid and complete form than we have j ever known even in its palmiest days. Tar Samoan Trovstes.—What Mr. Stein- berger’s position may be in Samoa we do not pretend to know exactly, but we do not like to see an American citizen made a pris- oner of bya British man-of-war and held in confinement because a savage says the citizen is a ‘fraud.” The action of the United States Consul, Mr. Foster, in this case is certainly discreditable, if the report is true that, at his instigation, Steinberger was made a prisoner of and held as such on board Her Majesty's ship, the Barracouta. There seem to be a meddling English missionary business and some Eng- lish trade interests at the bottom of the in- | terference with Steinberger, and though the latter may not shed a lustre on the American name we are not quite prepared to submit to the principle which this transaction appears aimed to enforce—namely, that England has & protectorate over the entire Pacific, and that where an American interferes with her interests she is at liberty to imprison him. Commopore VaNpersict,—Ramor mongers in Wall street yesterday dealt with Commo- dore Vanderbilt's health in the unseru- pulous style that is one ot their specialties, It has evidently occurred to these too log- ical gentlemen that as the winter was fatal to Mr. Astor and the spring to Mr. Stewart the public mind would be quite ready to be- lieve any story of calamity to Mr, Vander- bilt, and that therefore this would be an auspicious moment to revive the oft re- | | peated story that he was seriously ill. But the story has been told so often that it appar- ently found few believers, and it will prob- | ably be doubted on the inevitableday, which we hope will be many years hence, when it will be true, Russia and the Eastern Question. When we pointed out some weeks age that Russia, in supporting the Andrasny scheme of reform and pacification in the re- volted Turkish provinces, was not sincere in her expressed hope that quiet might be restored on the basis of the present distri- bution of power in Southeastern Europe, we scarcely expected to see our opinion confirmed in the shape which late events have taken. In the pacificatory efforts of Austria there was just that sincerity and no more that might be seen in a public man who, not able to follow the course he de- sired in an affair, yet took another course to preserve his standing as one without whom nothing could be done. This desire to meddle for the sake of meddling left Russia an easy game to play. She had only to consent to the impossible scheme of reform drafted by Count Andrassy and await the result. This result could only be the demonstration of the futility of making a pact with the Mus- sulman to treat his Christian subjects fairly. No matter what the Porte might promise, Russia could rely on Mohammedan fanati- cism, which has for motto, ‘Thou shalt make no pact with the infidel, but thou shalt smite his soul to hell.” The truce in Herze- govina, however, came, and things began te look as though a peace injurious to Russian designs might be patched up. Russia could not openly go behind efforts made in support ofthe Andrassy scheme, but by a very cunning counter-stroke she set the insurrection going again, This was simply delivered by un- muzzling the Russian press and letting the papers bark panslavism, detestation of the Turk and distrust of Austria from St. Peters- burg to Moscow. News travels fast nowa- days; the revolted rayahs soon learned of this outbreak of sentiment, and now we see the insurrection extending, the bankrupt Turks hurrying more men to the front on money borrowed at Heaven knows what pre- posterous interest, Servia apparently on the brink of war anda dislike of the Austrian peace preachers taking root among the men fighting for their homes and altars with the edge of the sword. This is all very favorable to Russian pre- tensions, but it remains to be considered at what period of the game Russia will take up arms on her own behalf. The declaration of war by Servia would give Russia an excuse to mass her troops on the southwestern frontier, and she would march them to the scene of conflict at the first move made by Austria. Unless by that time Russia and Austria had secretly agreed on a scheme for spoliation of the Turk a European war whose complications. and extent no one can foresee would be theresult. Of the other great Pow- ers, France and Germany would, for many reasons, be the last to take sides. England would probably like to keep out of it, but her money and her Oriental supremacy would be soon in question, and whenever she takes up the rifle it will be ogainst Russia, The possibility of such a tremendous conflict is saddening in this nineteenth century. It would, however, give an immense impulse to American progress, and when America ad- vances humanity is the gainer. , Passencens’ Bacoacr.—Judgment has been given against the French Steamship Com- pany in a case of interest to the travelling public, by which the company is compelled to pay five hundred dollars for passengers’ baggage lost on the Amérique, abandoned at sea, As carriers the company could not be responsible for the consequences of an event due to the clements, like the loss of a ship ; but the passengers’ case was founded on the point that the loss was not due to the ele- ments, and that the ship was not lost, as she was subsequently taken into an English port by British sailors. It was, however, held by the Court that the abandonment was not to be “judged in the light of after events ;” but the fact that she was abandoned by the offi- cers must be assumed as evidence that it was necessary in the circumstances. Judgment for the value of the baggage is given, how- ever, on the ground that it was actually stolen; and against such a disposition of it the company is held to be responsible. But on the principle of this judgment it would make a great deal of difference whether the baggage was pillaged before or after the ship was abandoned. A Hrxz iw Szasox.—We note a despatch from Washington arraigning the character of Peabody, the witness against Belknap. Peabody is shown by the “records” to bes very bad character. We have observed, ever since the "beginning of this investigation of Belknap, that whenever any witness has a word to say against the old Secretary, in a day or two he is assailed from ‘‘records” in the War Department. It was so with Robinson. ‘Then camo an assault on Custer, and now Pea- body. Is it not time for this to stop? Secretary Taft is in charge of a depart- ment saturated with Belknapism. He should lay hands on these accomplices of | Belknap, who use the records and the presi to discredit witnesses willing to speak th truth, and to defend the most conspicuous scoundrel in the civil history of our govern- ment. Tux Henatp WzaTner Preptcttoys of last Sunday, respecting a change on Wednesday, have been fally verified. The rain com. menced yesterday about three o'clock P. M. The steady fall, however, did not begin for over two hours later. The temperature has risen and will continue high until the end of the week, when the cool northwesterly winds will again begin to prevail. On last Monday night a tornado swept over the vil. lage of Creston, Iowa, causing considerable damage to the houses, but, fortunately, no loss of life. We are gratefal for the laying of the dust in the streets. In this respect the clerk of the weather is more careful of Now York than the Street Cleaning Bureau. We do not regard this assertion as too sweeping either. Jonx Ketny Opens Finr ox Trpex.— John Kelly, who now has a newspaper, in the editorial control of which he has the wise counsel of Augustus Schell, thus opens fire on Tilden:—“With the remembrance of the elections in 1864, 1868 and 1872,” says the Tammany organ, “when the candidates came from this State, to be perfectly fraik to all, we do not think it a wise act in itself | nor just to other States to be forward im + ye fe 1 S 4