The New York Herald Newspaper, February 7, 1876, Page 4

4 NEW YORK HERALD BROADWAY AND ANN STREET. JAMES GORDON BENNETT, PROPRIETOR. THE DAILY HERALD, published every im the year. Four cents per copy. ‘Twelve dollars per year, or one dollar per month, free of postage. i All business, news letters or telegraphic Gespatches must be addressed New Yous Heravp. Letters and packages should be properly Bealed. Rejected communications will not be re- turned. PHILADELPHIA OFFICE—NO. 114 SOUTH SIXTH STREET. LONDON OFFICE OF THE NEW YORK HERALD—NO. 46 FLEET STREET, PARIS OFFICE—AVE DE L'OPERA. Subscriptions and a sements will be feceived and forwarded on the same terms as in New York. VOLUME XLI.. WALLACK’S THEATRE. JOHN GARTH, at 8 P.M. Mr. Lester Wallack TIVOLI THEATRE VARIETY, at 8P. M, bd COLE PANORAMA, 1 to 4P. M. a AGL E. VARIETY, at 8 P.M. TWENTY-THIRD ST CALIFORNIA MINSTREL: BRO JANE EYRE, at 5 TONY P. VARIETY, at 5 P.M. ROSE MICHIE VARIETY, at NATIC EXHIBITION 0 BROO IEATRE, ort. OPERA HOUSE. PIQUE, 8PM. Fant THIRTY-FOURTH STR. VARIETY, at 81. M PA ¢8 P.M IscO MID woop's M ROBINSON CRUSOE, at 8 P. STADT THEATRE ER FREISCHUTZ, at 8 P.M. Mile, Eugenie Pappen- im WARIETY, BAN FRANC M atinee at 2P. M, GLOBE ATRE VARIETY, at 8 P.M. BOOTIUS THEATRE, JULIUS CHSAR, at 8 P.M. M THEATRE COMIQ ¢ Barrett. VARIETY, at 8 P. M. GE GRETCHEN’S POLTE THIRD A VARIETY, at 5 P.M. FEBRUARY 7, YORK, MONDAY, apeecoe oe a From our reports this morning the probal S| are that the weather to-day will be warmer, cloudy and rainy. Tue Henarp py Fast Mar Tratys,—News- dealers and the public throughout the country | will be supplied with the Damx, Weexxy and | Sunpay eae Sree of postage, by sending | their orders direet to this offi Tue Avetion Sate of Moody and Sankey’s | relics at the Philadelphia scene of their | labors is not exactly the conclusion we | should like to the revival there. ‘Tue Szancu ror THE Bones of the Belgian | miners who perished in the Jabin colliery | explosion has been greatly impeded by the | erumbling in of the earth upon the mine, Seventy corpses have been recovered. Tae Canuist Cause appears to be getting | desperate, and we may look for stirring despatches from Madrid and Hendaye giving respectively the Alfonsist and Carlist ac- counts of the events now brewing in the mountain region of the north of Spain. Cana, It appears, is now a source of trou- ble to England, and when England's policy toward the Celestial Empire is recalled it need not be wondered that she should be slways apprehensive of that harvest which comes to those who sow the wind. Paracvay will soon be left to shape her own fortunes, by the withdrawal of the Brazilian and Argentine delegates from Buthority in her limits. What these limits fre on the side of the Argentine Confedera- tion will be decided by President Grant, who is named as the arbitrator. The lesson taught Paraguay in the Lopez war, will not soon be forgotten by that combative Re- public, ‘Tue Practice or Runsino for election in a mumber of places at the same time which is adopted by candidates in France is con- fusing enough when the contested seats are all in the same legislative body ; but here is M. Thiers, who we were informed was elected to the Senate from Belfort, and is now evidently a candi- date for the Assembly from the Ninth arron- | dissement of Paris. It will recall Sir Boyle Roche's bird, who was in two places at once, | to those who are unacquainted with the peculiarities of French law in this respect. ‘Tue Lerrer or Jxrrenson Davis will be read with considerable pain by those who wish to see the events of the rebellion re- garded without an awakening of the passions pf the time when they transpired. If any- thing can add to the contemptible feelings with which all honest men regard the ghoulish work of Mr. Blaine in the amnesty debate it will be this miserable effusion by the ex- President of the Confederacy, who lingers superfluous on the scene, and can only when he unties his tongue serve the unscru- pulous partisans he seeks to controvert. ‘Tux Sermons YesTERpay contained a great many striking thoughts and useful sugges- tions, and may be read collectively in our preparation for the work of Messrs. Moody ynd Sankey, who are about to wrestle with the devil at the Hippodrome to-night in 1 manner which will mers in the same arena into the shade. rt. Hepworth yesterday put a pertinent to his congregation regarding it, and it is to be hoped that New York's Whristianity will respond to it with one voice. We have not space to commend Phe themes of the individual preachers yes- ferday to Christian notice, but we may point put the remarkable scene in Plymouth phurch, wherein Mr. Beecher, describing St. Bre, left an unmistakable impression that he himself in the apostle’s place, while Mr. Pores burned in the vipex | plea for international good manners will | not be heeded in the form in which he | million to a million dollars for the entertain- tolumns by the Christians of New York as a_ Shrow the Grmco-Roman efforts of previous | @aul unharmed casting the viper into the | NEW YORK HERALD, MONDAY, FEBRUARY 7. 1876. The Centennial Exhibition—A Letter from Mr. Jay. Opinions will differ as to the soundness of the main proposition advocated by Mr. Jay in the letter which we print this morning ; but there can be no room for difference re- | | specting other features of this intrepid and — exceedingly piquant communication. It is diplomatic enough in language, but its daringly suggestive undertone, the nature of | the facts it recites and its unsparing impli- cations against persons in authority make it | Spicy reading. We have seldom met with so | much mordant sarcasm under so grave and decorous an exterior, The rude intercourse of our government, its diplomatic methods and manners, are laid on the dissecting table by a very unrelenting operator, and the scalpel is skilfully inserted at points | where the nervous sensibility is gréat- Seconda | est and where every turn of the knife must cause the patient to writhe. The Vienna scandal, the Catacazy | lal and various other scandals con- . ed with our foreign relations are brought = | under review with so little tenderness other than that implied in the smoothness and polish of the dissecting instrument, which cuts neatly instead of hacking, that the let- ter is certain to make a sensation in diplo- matic quarters, | We must not permit these seductively provoking matters to divert attention from .the main, or, at least, the ostensible, pur- | pose of the letter, which is to advocate an invitation to the crowned heads of Europe | to assist by their presence at the Centennial | Exposition in Philadelphia. Frankness re- quires us to say that Mr. Jay has not re- moved the doubts we expressed on a former occasion of the practicability of surrounding the Centennial with this added splendor. We concede that it would be a most attractive feature of the celebration. We are not prepared to contest any of | the grounds on which Mr. Jay urges its fitness and propriety, and, least of all, that main ground on which his argument chiefly rests—namely, its good effect, if properly done, in redeeming the lost credit of the country for international decorum and respectful treatment of foreign Powers. Mr. Jay's mortifying recitals of flagrant breaches by our government of international courtesy demonstrate the need of doing something for recovering forfeited esteem and vindicat- ing our title to be considered as a civilized and cultured people; but we are, neverthe- less, constrained to think that his impressive presents it. It is too evident that it would only make a bad matter worse for the President to give the suggested invitations without an ade- quate appropriation by Congress for meeting the requirements of a suitable hospitality. It would be a mortifying violation of all les bienséances to invite the European monarchs on a great occasion of national festivity and then fail to treat them with the considera- tion due to their exalted rank. Mr. Jay un- derstands this better than anybody could tell him, and his proposal contemplates. the appropriation by Congress of from half a ment of such invited guests. A full million is as small a sum as would suffice for making our hospitality respectable, and even beyond that there should be a liberal | margin for unforeseen contingencies. Even at a private entertainment it would be unspeakably awkward if the host should so closely limit his expense that the wine gave out before the end of the re- past, and when the dignity and hospitality | of a nation are in question we might make ourselves the derision of the world by nig- gardly preparations in any one point. Such | athing should not be attempted without ample means for carrying it through credit- ably and handsomely, else there would be great danger that we should ‘make the un- skilful langh and the judicious grieve.” Now, while deferring, in every way, to the judgment of Mr Jay as to the fitness of what he proposes, we have entire confidence in our own ability to make a pretty correct rough estimate of the temper and senti- ments of Congress on such a subject. We | regard it as quite certain that Congress could not be induced to make the requi- site appropriation, If it were intro- | duced and pressed it would be assailed with every weapon that could be drawn from | the armory of ridicule or argument. We | have seen with what obstinate violence the appropriation for completing ‘the necessary | buildings and preparations was opposed. | We know that it was only by the most inde- | fatigable diligence, and by bringing to bear | all the arts of personal influence and per- suasion that it was got through the House at all, and then only by asmall majority. | An appropriation for entertaining the crowned heads of Europe would have to run | the gauntlet of a great deal of scoffing, clumsy | derision, as well as hostile argument. It | | would be represented as an unrepublican | and unbecoming deference Yor the trappings | of royalty. Numerous instances would be cited and paraded of the wretched taste and bad manners which have so often mutilated | | official hospitalities in this country in the hands of bunglers, and of the reckless waste of public money on such occasions, | of which aldermanic hospitality in this and | other cities would furnish a nauseous sup- | ply. The opponents of the late appropria- | tion would assert that such a proposal was | | & fulfilment of their prediction that the mill- ion anda half was but an entering wedge | for boundless extravagance and expense, which the country cannot afford in this | | period of financial depression. It would be | said, too, that in giving such invitations we | could not practise any discrimination, and fat the executives of all the South Ameri- can governments, as well as the crowned heads of Europe, would have to be included | | and treated with the same elaborate and ex- | | pensive hospitality. As it could not be foro- | | seen what proportion of them would accept provision would have to be made for the en- | tertainment of all before the invitations | could be safely given. Certain it is that such a proposition would meet but little favor in | Congress. It is impracticable for this rea- | | | son, quite apart from its intrinsic fitness, It was a saying of the late Richard Cobden | that prosperity and civilization would be promoted by the maximum of intercourse _ between the people of differomt mations and | aspects. | murder, the minimum of intercourse between their governments. We have had of late years many European visitors of birth, breeding and culture (Lord Houghton is a recent in- | stance), and every such person having a proper title to social consideration is made the recipient of hospitable attentions, and carries home and diffuses in his own circle juster ideas of American society than could be acquired through aldermanic or federal hospitality. Our most opulent and culti- vated classes are not, as a general rule, the most active in our politics, and a large pro- | portion of our intellectual and social culture is found in other walks of life. Many foreigners of distinction will doubtless visit | the country during the centennial year, and there is no reason to fear that they will be slighted or that they will depart from our shores without having had opportunities for estimating American culture in its best It is rather what the cultivated and influential classes in Europe think of us than what their sovereigns may think that must raise us in general foreign estimation. Considering the class of men who manage | our politics we fear that little would be learned to our advantage in the formalities of official entertainments. Such considera- tions may, perhaps, help to reconcile us to the foregone impossibility of procuring from Congress an appropriation for marking our appreciation of foreign sovereigns. The Trial of Babcock. The Secretary of the President will be called on to-morrow to plead at St. Louis to the indictment charging him with conspiracy to defraud the government. In yesterday's issue was published an interview with Gen- eral Babcock, in which he made some very strange assertions, which we are at a loss how to construe in his favor. As he is not on trial in these columns we do not care to enter | into the question of facts and im- plications on which the prosecution relies for a conviction, but in so far as his own utterances foreshadow his defence we may comment. When McDonald stated, after his conviction, some weeks ago, that all the “Sylph” and “Mum” telegrams about a lovely woman, and not about crooked whiskey, his forecast was evidently very near the truth, if not the truth itself, for General Babcock says the telegram of which the Henavp published a fac-simile ‘‘was purely a social affair, in which the signature ‘Sylph’ was used as a joke.” If his able counsel intend to waive off the whole affair as a joke while bringing evidence to support his gen- eral character and eking ont the whole by “abusing the plaintiff's attorney,” we cannot think that they are about to present a strong case for their client. But whatever may be said of this, his championing of his ‘special friend” Joyce, who now ‘‘wears a striped suit,” and his opinion that it was ‘a’ damned shame” to convict Avery are unseemly exhibitions, which it will be found hard to reconcile with any other belief than that he thinks his case a companion one to theirs. If he holds such a belief his outlook for the centennial year is indeed a dismal one. Much more unseemly was his in- were veighing against the character of the Missouri juries that tried the cases of his predecessors in the dock, .T'o charge that officers of a re- publican administration carrying out a gov- ‘ernment prosecutidr have deliberately selected jurors who -are under what he terms “rebel influence” is very serious and betrays a mind rather a prey te despair than dominated by the easy complacency he wishes to assume. This want of ‘‘good opinion of the law” has an unpleasant suggestiveness, and when he sees a spiteful enemy of his in the Herap he does not brighten the picture. The Pres- ident will probably be called to the witness standin the course of the trial, and all the influence which he left unused after the re- moval of Mr. Henderson from the prosecu- tion would seem to be needed in behalf of General Babcock if an acquittal is desired, Certificated Homicides. That a New Jersey jury has accepted the plea of insanity to make killing no murder marks a very forward step in favor of that mode of defence, for Jersey juries have sel- dom or never missed a chance of hanging their men. Yesterday morning, in accord- ance with the verdict, Landis was liberated, and wherever he goes hereafter he carries with him a certificate that insures him an im- munity from punishment, no matter whose life he may choose to take, The jury which laid the medical portion of the case aside and declared his act the irresponsible impulse of a lunatic has added another to the army of homicides who may at any time break into ‘the bloody house” of life with- out fear of the law. There must be a con- siderable number of these uncomfortable people abrgad, and, as the case of Scannell shows, they are likely to go on increasing, Under the law, as it is interpreted, it would be hardly safe to say that the children or any of the near blood relations of these cer- tificated homicides could be convicted of and this opens up the way for a very wide class who shall be as much protected from the effect of their lethal doings as the Sovereign of England, who, technically, ‘‘can do no wrong.” Harsh as it would be to follow this argument out to its legitimate conclusions, we still submit that there should be some steps taken to limit the liability of such men to repeat the act which procured them their certificates. It is not at all an imaginary danger which threatens society, and if it were expressly provided that a man once acquitted of mur- deron the ground of insanity should be kept for the remainder of his life where he could do no farther homicide we should all be able to feel more at ease when we learn of such a farcical ending to a solemn trial, Tue Porte, rnom Its Sroon or Rerent- ance, promises to carry out the five leading points of the Andrassy note. The reforms, if honestly applied, must prove a great amel- ioration of the condition of the unfortunate | rayahs in the revolted provinces. We fancy that the Porte offers to do more than it can by any possibility perform, but it is possible the Powers will endeavor to let Turkey try. The hand of Russia is said to be seen more actively in the rebel movement than was believed, although her interests in fanning the insurgent flame have long been admitted. Hence the question arises, How will the Herzegovinians be induced tolay down their arms and trust to the mercy of their foe? The Twenmty-second Joint Rule of the Two Houses. The tricky cleverness and the brutal en- ergy of unprincipled ambition seem to have | many admirers. Mr. Blaine in the House | and Mr. Morton in the Senate, although they | have shown themselves willing and eager to | rekindle the elements of civil war to further | their personal interests, may, perhaps, have good reason to entertain the brightest hopes from the unpatriotic course they are pursu- ing. To the friends of these two amiable gentlemen and to those who give their un- qualified assent to the general course of the republican party we recommend a consid- eration of the rule under which the electoral votes in the last three Presidential elections were counted. To have escaped a great | danger is often to remain without a true | sense of its reality or an appreciation of its \ extent. There are many people who even now know nothing whatever of the joint rule ! of 1865, and some who are aware of its pro# | | visions would have us believe that a political party which has dared to place within its grasp a dangerous weapon would not have | yielded to the temptation of using it. | The rule was adopted by a Congress in | both branches wholly under the control of | the republican leaders, February 6, 1865— that is to say, in order to count the votes of a momentous Presidential election, which had taken place in November, 1864, The objectionable feature is as follows:— If, upon reading any such certificate by tho tellers, any’ question shail arise in regard to counting tho yotes therein certified, the same being stated by the presiding officer, the Senate shall there- upon withdraw, and said question shall bd sub- mitted to that body tor {ts decision; and vhe Speaker of the Rouse of Representatives shall in like manner submit said question to the House of Repre- sentatives for its decision, and no question shall be decided affirmatively and no vote objected to shall be counted except by the concurrent vote of the two Houses, which being obtained the two Houses shall immediately reassemble, and the presiding officer shall then announce the decision of the question, and upon any such question there shall be no debate in either House. A single objection to the counting of the vote of a State obliges the Senate to withdraw, and each House must then consider the objection without debate, and unless both Houses concur in counting such a vote it will be rejected. It becomes very clear, then, that, without a word of de- bate, a mere majority in either House was empotvered to object to and to throw out suffi- cient votes to prevent any candidate from receiving a majority of electoral votes, and it would then immediately devolve on the House of Representatives to elect the Presi- dent of the United States, according to the twelfth amendment of the constitution. Speeches and protests have been made against the ruleon the democratic side in both Houses; but the fact that in the last Presidential elections overwhelming repub- lican majorities were returned and its full powers not, therefore, called into requisi- tion, accounts for its dangers having re- mained unappreciated by the people. It is very strange, however, that it is only now, when its powers might be turned against themselves, that the republican lead- ers should admit and disclose the true na- ture of this dangerous instrument of their own creation. A republican Senator, Mr. Sherman, of Ohio, now says that civil war is contained in it. The correctness of this opinion which Mr. Sherman expresses to- day is fully demonstrated by the records of the proceedings of both Houses in February, 1873. This conclusive evidence of the practical working of the rule is sufficient to indicate its immense dangers. Instead of seventy- four out of the total number of electoral votes, which is three hundred and sixty-six, astrong democratic candidate might have obtained a small majority. The passions of a closely contested Presidential cam- paign do not stop at the threshold of the halls. of Congress, and it is idle to sup- pose that members of the majority would not have found pretexts to rise in their seats and demand and obtain the rejec- tion of sufficient votes to destroy such a majority. What would, then, have been the action of a people and a pagty thus disre- garded? Had the democrats not obtained control of the present House of Representa- tives the rule would have been retained to- day, and the approaching election, with all the passions and sectional jealousies which are already gathering, might have made the hundred and first year of our existence as a nation the year of a great calamity. What, then, is now the action of the repub- lican leaders? Tho Senate, the branch which has remained republican, has adopted the policy of simply withdrawing from the joint rule, For the first time in our history one House has, without consulting x other, re- | tired from an agreement to Which both Houses were parties. Republicar\ and demo- cratic Senators unite in condemning the in- famous character of the rule. But why do the former raise objections to its being con- sidered by the democratic House? Can they pretend to fear that it would demand the re- tention ofthe rule? The expressions of the democratio leaders do not admit of such a supposition. Is it so mute to avoid discussion which may bring the matter before the people, who would rekent this insult to their independence of will, should they come to understand its fall in- tentions? It is an old tool of no further use and to be thrown aside; but it is to be buried in the most decent, effective and ex- peditious manner. But whatever may be the intentions of these gentlemen they will not succeed in evading their responsibility. The nation will direct its attention to their action in the past, and will object to their present course, which leaves us without a rule by which to count the votes in the com- ing election and which debars the possi- bility of both Houses agreeing upon some satisfactory method of proceeding in this matter. yh EOS eae Legal Education. Every community is immediately and deeply interested in the instruction of its lawyers, and the loose or insufficient study that throws upon the public a horde of in- capable and untrained attorneys and coun- sellors is a great public evil. But if acom- munity has already a tolerably well organ- ized system for the instruction of young gen- tlemen in the law the very apprehension of the evils referred to should make it regard any change as hazardous. If the system is reasonably good it is infinitely more likely to be made worse than better by any change whatever. In the present crusade against the Columbia Colleze Law School and its able director Professor Theodore Dwight this | thewotes of the city members upon thent. is the point to be considered. It is not true that the students of that or any other law school are admitted to practice with- out an examination. They are admitted upon the examination passed for their diplomas, and may bé“again examined if the judges think proper. The law, therefore, simply substitutes in certain cases one ex- amination for anothgr. Such as do not get admitted on a diploma must pass examiners appointed by the Supreme Court. It that examination may become, and has become, a farcical formality, Everybody was a “member of the Bar” under that régime, and the honor was one of the things that even Tweed himself condescended to take. Now, a college examination is seldom a farcical formality, as many a sorely plucked sinner knows. In our opinion the present system, so fur as it involves the Columbia school, is a good one, and will not be im- proved by change. That any law school ever makes thorough lawyers, or that men admitted by any system are thorough lawyers when admitted, no one can believe. The “Affaire Catacazy.” Among the diplomatic scandals recalled into freshness by Mr. Jay’s interesting letter | 5 | jobbery and base gain, would naturally in- is the famous ‘‘affaire Catacazy,” which is the most piquant of all the scandals of the kind in our diplomatic history by the fact that it had a social as well as a political side. Mr. Jay very properly ignores its singular social features, making no allusion to Mad- ame Catacazy, nor to the great flutter which her eccentricities and those of her husband caused in Washington society. Mr. Cat- acazy was dismissed because he had be- come personally offensive and socially in- tolerable to the Secretary of State, who ac- cused him of intermeddling duplicity, downright lying and covertly supplying cer- tain newspapers with scandalous statements, The demand for his recall was made ata very awkward juncture. The Grand Duke Alexis was then about to make his visit to the United States, and it was desirable that he should haye the attendance of a Minister who had resided long enough in the country to be aserviceable guide for the purposes of the visit. Mr. Curtin, our Minister at St. Petersburg, telegraphed:—‘The Emperor requests the President to tolerate the pres- ence of Mr. Catacazy until after the visit of the Grand Duke, and he will then be re- called.” Mr. Jay thinks, and we presume most in- telligent people will agree with him, that the answer to that telegram was as maladroit a specimen of diplomatic impropriety as could have been perpetrated. The reply was couched in these terms:—‘‘The Presi- dent has decided to tolerate the present Min- ister until after the visit of the Prince. That Minister will then be dismissed if not re- called.” There was no need of subjoining this threat, for the Emperor had promised to recall him at the conclusion of the visit. We do not wonder that Mr. Jay regards it as a singular exhibition of diplomatic manners. He says the affair was a good deal discussed in Europe, especially in diplomatic circles, and that it was reported that the Emperor said on reading the American telegram:—‘‘Do they doubt my word?” It was certainly a gratui- tous exhibition of discourtesy. Mr. Jay adds that “the assurance that thfe President would tolerate Mr. Catacazy until after the visit of Alexis, however ungraciously given, seems to have been relied on in protecting Aléxis from any discourtesy from our government ‘on this account; and surprise and some- thing more was aroused at St. Petersburg, and indeed throughout Europe, when the son of the Czar of all the Russias was al- lowed to leave Washington without being asked to break bread with the Chief of the Republic.” This and the other instances of diplomatic discourtesy noticed by Mr. Jay are pretty certain to provoke a great deal of comment and perhaps some controversy. This Time Tricks. The fight of the citizens of New York with the horse car companies has a rallying cry which comprises its chief object—namely, “No seat no fare.” Until that has been put in binding force by a legal enactment the struggle can in no sense be ended. Since the Hrratp has given the grievances of the travelling public the prominence they called for the railway companies are showing a dis- position to be more accommodating. Well and good! They have puton more cars, and during snow storms we observe that on the Third avenue line they give transfer checks to passengers from above the depot at Sixty- fifth street who may not have obtained seats, Formerly in severe weather they re- fused to give these checks, and a passenger who had no seat before arriving at the depot would be obliged to travel standing all the way. In former seasons when snow was on the ground they ‘doubled up,” putting four horses on half the usual number of cars, This year, during our first snow storm of last week, they doubled the horses when necessary and did not sen- sibly reduce the number of cars, We note these concessions frankly, but as they may form a trick to allay popular indigna- tion while the Legislature is in session we warn the public to be on its guard against 1 such temporizing attempts, The full of ‘no seat no fare” must be in- on, and nothing allowed to befog that isste with the companies. 6 tricks of the companies are likely to take, another direction which needs watch- ing. Great care must be taken that sham bills are not introduced into the Legislature by members in the interest of the railroads, though avowedly in the interest of the peo- ple. The railroad lobbyists who swarm at Albany ‘are shrewd enough to endeavor to satisfy the public with such ‘‘a sop to Cer- berus” while taking more tangible means to settle the question with the consciences of purchasable or cajolable members, The representatives must be watched, and no member to his duty should be re-elected, while the'full rigor of the law should be ap- plied to, ny member base enough to sell himself. Governor Tilden is a New Yorker, and we hope that, as he knows the wants of our great dity in this respect,-he will take his eyes “ the Presidency for a little while About Look Out for and exhibjt a little of his cleverness in an- alvzing the ‘no seat no fare” measures and a. is pretty well known that | Every vote must be scrutinized, and no member allowed to think that he can sell probes. Fier acing grasping horse car monopolies without paying the full pen- alty of his offence, ed ok toe tricks! The Vienna Seandal. Mr. Jay's letter exhibits the shameful Vienna scandal in a new dress, or rather in a new state of undress, for he strips it quite as naked as the decencies of public discus sion and the forms of courtesy due from = recent member of the diplomatic service to the government will allow. When exhibited in this near approach to perfect nudity that scandal is not an attractive spectacle, Mr, | Jay was ina position to be thoroughly ac~ quainted with the facts and with the impres- sion they made on the government to which he was accredited and other’ foreign governments. It is not surprising that he was stung and mortified at the time when every token of scorn for our government pierced the sensibilities of its representa- tive; nor is it strange that traces of the indignant mortification he then felt color the language of his review. The prostitution of such an occasion, intended to represent tho civilization and highest culture of the par- ticipating nations, to purposes of vulgar cense a Minister who had any pride of country. That disgraceful jobbery took the most revolting of all possible forms in the establishment of numerous grogshops in connection with the American part of the exhibition. The drinking stands would have been an offence against decency even if corrupt means had not been resorted to to get admission for them, and they. were doubly odious and detestable by their dishonest origin. The first mistake made by our government, according to Mr. Jay, was in the selection of the American Commissioners. They ought to have been gentlemen and representatives of the best culture of the United States, In, point of fact they were low, greedy adven- turers, who were glad of an opportu- nity to traffic in the honor of our govern- ment in a manner which was equally insulting to it and to the government which had invited American participation in the exposition. Another gross blunder was per- petrated in composing the American Com- mission, in great part, of former citizens of Austria then resident in Vienna, in violation of the etiquette to which the house of Haps- burg attaches great importance. When our government was informed of the scandal, in- stead of investigating it in New York, as it ought to have done, and nipping it in the bud, it waited and let it show its hideous face in Vienna, and then suspended the scandalous Commissioners. Mr. Jay thinks that the temporary Commissioners appointed in their place discharged their duties with fidelity, but the government listened to slan- ders and published insinuations against them, The investigation of the scandal by the American Senate was a sham investigation, because the Senate formed its opinion on garbled documents furnished by the Exeou- tive Department. The government publicly censured its agents for things which they did in strict pursuance of its own instructions. It whitewashed one of the worst offenders by _ appointing him to an important consulship. ~ The damaging statements which we have thus summarized are supported by Mr. Jay with an array of facts and proofs which make an unpleasant impression. j Mr. Jay complains of the injustice of th government in publishing, without note or comment, in selections from official papers, a statement that members of the temporary commission were largely interested in one or more sewing machines. ‘It is hardly strange,” he says,s‘‘that to the publication of such a charge by the apparent permission of the State Department against its foreign agents some significance should have been attached in Europe, where the governments frankly recognize the duty of loyalty ~ toward their agents, especially when they are unable to protect themselves, and where the simple dictates of public jus- tice, personal integrity and national honor render it impossible that a government, however tempted to reverse its policy, should expose its foreign agents to misrepresenta- 4 tion, contumely and reproach for no other reason than that they have faithfully exe- cuted its orders.” Nobody can mistake the severe implications implied in this significant language. We need not commend Mr. Jay's comments on the Vienna scandal to the special attention of the ptblic, for they ara of such a nature and come from so authori- tative asource as will completely secure them against neglect. PERSONAL INTELLIGENCE, Swinburne does not like ‘filthy smoking.” Ex-Speaker Blaine will offer a reward to any cam- paign poet who will give us a suitable rhyme for Conk- ling. Pattison said, at Rochester, that of Europeam pianists introduced in America Thalberg alone ex- celled Gottschalk. A fashionable color in silk {s ‘smashod straw. berrios,” which 1s a shade lighter than the other color, “Medhill's nose.” ‘The Chicago Tribune speaks of Von Biilow playing «the gas-light sonata,” and says so notin ignorance, but in sarcasm on Beethoven. The South, through papers IIke the Mobilo Register, calls upon Hill, of Georgia, and Tucker, of Virginia; but Lamar, who wanted reconciliation, 1s left out in the cold. ‘Anna Dickinson says:—“All history teaches us that as territory has spread, as numbers have increased, as woalth has accumulated, nations and men have de- cayed.”” ‘The Vicksburg Herald wishes tnat the democratic President and Vice President should come from the North, and that the South be left to build up its States in peace, Statistics of insanity show that cases of mental do- rangement are more numerous, in proportion to popu- lation, in Nevada and California than in any othee States in the Unton. Right Hon. Hugh ©. E. Childers, M. P., President of the Great Western Railway of Canada, arrived from Liverpool in the steamship Parthia yesterday and is at the Brevoort House. s Delaware peach culture is changing. Growers are cutting down troes that bear cheap fruit and are plant- ing higher grades, Some growers, however, propose to save all inferior grades for drying and canning. ‘The addross in tho House of Lords in answer to the epeech from the throne, on the occasion of the open- ing of the English Parliamont, will be moved by the Earl of Aberdoon and seconded by the Earl of Elles- mere, s Mary Flagg, of Washington county, a child of thit- teen, has a mania for arsenic, on which sho thrives Now that it has been ascortained that arsenic It healthy. sugpose Private Dajzell should taka @ counts ot quarta, 4