The New York Herald Newspaper, June 7, 1875, Page 6

_ NEW YORK HERALD, MONDAY, JUNE 7, 1875,—TRIPLE SHEET. NEW YORK HERALD BROADWAY AND ANN STREET. JAMES GORDON BENNETT, PROPRIETOR. NOTICE TO SUBSCRIBERS.—On and \fter January 1, 1875, the daily and weekly | tditions of the New Yoru Heap will be sent free of postage. nee THE DAILY HERALD, published every day in the year. Four cents per copy. Twelve dollars per year, or one dollar per month, free of postage, to subscribers. All business or news letters and telegraphic despatches must be addressed New York Henaxp. Rejected communications will not be re- turned, Letters and packages should be properly ‘ vealed. LOXDON OFFICE OF THE NEW YORK HERALD—NO. 46 FLEET STREET. PARIS OFFICE—RUE SCRIBE. Subscriptions and advertisements will be received and forwarded on the same terms as in New York, VOLU! ME NO, 158 AMUSEMEN TS TO-NIGHT. ALLACK'S TAKATRE, Brgeareay. ru DONOVANS, at 3B. M.; closes at 10:40 ‘Messrs. Harrigan and Mart. ERY OPERA HOUSE, PS 201 Bowery. nev, VARIETY at 8 P. M.j closes at 10:45 ROBI are HALL, Wrest Siegert giish Opera—GIROFLE- BIKOFLA, ats P. woop’ Broadway, comer of MACK'S GRAND VAR! tloses at 10:45 P.M. M eUM, street. SHERIDAN & rt SOMBINATION, ats P.M; p's SUMMER GARDEN, rome.—GRAND POPULAR CON- at il P.M. Ladies’ and chil- dren's matinee arzy. M. PARK B i3.5 ATRE, BEOORLTE. VARIETY, at §P. M,; closes at 10:45 P. METROPOLITAN MUSEUM OF AR’ West Fourteemh street.—Open from 10 A. M. wos PM PARK THEATR' Beoahwey: 1—EMERS LiPORNIA MINSTRELS, | at OLYMPIC THEATRE, poe Broadway.—VARI«TY, at 5 P. M.; closes at 10:45 FIPTH AVENUE TaEATES relghtn street and Broadway: —THE BIG BO- até P. M.; closes at 10:3) P. Twen' NANZ. CENTRAL PARK GARD! THEODORE THOMAD’ CONCERTS, at rE M. METROPOLITA bs: is abode had —VARIE THEATRE, ats P.M. TRIPLE. SHEET, Se oe N EW Y From our reports this morning the probabilities | are that the weather to-day will be cooler and partly cloudy, with occasional local storms. Persons going out of town. for the summer can have the daily and Sunday Hrratp mailed to them, free of postage, J for $1 per month. Tae Frexcu Asser has decided that M. Burgoing, the. Bondpartist candidate in the | Department of Niévre, was not elected. Paris correspondence discusses the causes of secent political events at the copital. THe ‘Uxxxowx German princess, whom it | was reported was to marry King Alfonso, may be congratulated on her escape. The | uncertainty of the future of this royal youth, | perhaps, induced her prudent parents to ob- ject to the match. Tar Corporati or Loxpow sends its com- pliments to Mr. Wickham and will be bappy | to see him at dinner at Guildhall! next menth. Tt is to be hoped that His Honor will be able | to accept the invitation, This is an era of in- ternational courtesies. Tre Corirer Reoatta at ” Saratoga will be | even more interesting this summer than it was last year, and, as will be seen by our let- ters trom Cambridge and Providence, the Har- vard and Brown universities are preparing | forthe contest by thorongh training of the crews. 4 Tur Canis have shown renewed activity this year, and, though in the winter it was re- | ported that the rebellion was almost at anend, | the cable despatches lately mdicate that they are about as strong as ever. Our letter from Bayonne gives a detailed explanation of the advantages Don Carlos has gained, 7 trace for the Grand Prize of won by Salvator yesterday. Our cable despatches describe the features of this notable event, in which, as the French horses beat the English, their enthusiastic backers will that Waterloo is at last avenged. Tur Faexen Races Paris consider Lrrenarcer.—aA tull survey of the field of literature is given by our reviews and foreign correspondents to~ The writings of Rich- ard Wagner upon “ ‘Art, Life and Theories’’ are examined; the freshest English books are criticised in our London letter; from France we have an inter study o: M. d’ Hans- sonville’s work on the prison system of that conntry, with the latest news of art and tne drama, while in “Chats About Books” several recent American novels are analyzed. Tae FrostixG Hosrrrat is one of the most useful of the charitable institutions of New York, and last summer rendered a vast service to the city children. St. John’s Guild is preparing for similar excursions on the bay and rivers this year, and has already received more than eight thonsand dollars in subscriptions. to complete will But more money is needed the work, and our benevolent citizens surely make immediate Fesponse. an Tne Hanuest Fats are known to be the @ause of disease, but to-day w» narrate a case of death which the medical authorities trace directly to their poivonons effect. The deeay- ing orgenic matter aiready there cannot be removed this suc indeed, it would be dangerous to disturb it during the hot season— but it can be covered with earth, and thus the city will be protected. There is no better sor cheaper disintectant. The Board of Health, should seo that this remedy is promptly applied. | tive with vigor and zeal. Our | Attorney General Pierrepont om the Third Term. Among the distinguished public men who have consented to let their views of President Grant’s letter be known to the country there | is none who is better entitled or better quali- | fied to speak as an expounder of that enig- | | | matical document than Judge Pierrepont. | | The new Attorney General ig honored with | the personal confidence of the President in | | perhaps a higher degree than any other mem- ber of the Cabinet. Secretary Fish, who has | so long held the chief place and has seen all | his Cabinet colleagues changed while he alone remains, may be more trusted by the President as an official adviser ;~ but the pradent reserve, which is a part of Mr. Fish’s character, is not so well calculated to make him the repository of the President's personal | | confidences as the franker and more commu- nicative nature of Judge Pierrepont, in whose presence reticence is relaxed, on the principle that like begets like. In the interview with our representative, which we publish to-day, Mr. Pierrepont spoke with his habitual frank courtesy, but even his statements do not remove the doubts excited by the President’s ambiguous letter. Mr. Pierrepont’s language is indeed very em- phatic. ‘President Grant,’’ he says, “has | told me his plans for the future, and I cannot consider that he has concealed anytbing from me. Ifhe hasawish to be President again he must have a capability for deception such | as no other man eyer had before him.” This might seem conclusive if human experience | did not so abundantly attest the capacity of men to deceive themselves. We have forgot- ten what ancient exile from power it was who persuaded himselt he was far happier in his rural recreations than he would be in gov- erning a State, but to whom these tranquil pursuits seemed intolerably vapid from the | moment the news reached him that he was likely to be recalled. The fabulists have de- lighted to satirize this weakness of human na- ture, as in the fable of the fox who thought the grapes were sour when he found he could not leap high enough to pluck them, and the fable of the cat who was transformed into a fine lady and presided at the tea table with all the airs of polite breeding until a mouse chanced to run across the room, when she gave & sudden spring overthe rattling china to pounce upon the little intruder. If her feline lady- ship had assured her tea table companions | three minutes before that she had become | quite indifferent to mice she would have had | as little consciousness of deception as General Grant bad in the assurances he gave Judge | Pierrepont. We therefore submit with great deference to Mr. Pierrepont, whom we sin- cerely respect, that there is no necessary im- putation on the President's sincerity in sup- posing that he may yet be a candidate in 1876. The conflicting interpretations of his letter are a natural consequence of the ambiguity | of its language and the contrariety of its posi- | tions. It supports both sides of the question; | the negative meekly and tamely, the affirma- President Grant defends the principle of the third term, but | disclaims any personal desire to benefit by it | in practice. But he cannot be ignorant that what the American people chiefly object to is | the principle. Their strenuous opposition | to a third term is far less a personal opposition directed against General Grant | than a determination to protect our institutions from a dangerous inno- | vation. If they could be persuaded by | the arguments of the letter to yield the prin- | ciple; it they could be bronght to agree with | | the President that a third term is just as | | legitimate as a second or a first, the republi- | can party would be more likely to run General | | Grant again than to take up a new candidate, | The Pennsylvania resolution, which called | | forth his letter, was aimed solely against the | | principle of the third term, and was accom- panied with another resolution strongly in- | | dorsing the administration ot President Grant. | The Obio platform made the same brond dis- | | crimination, condemning the third term on | | prigciple, but praising the patriotism, wis- dom and public services of the present in- | cumbent. The republican conventions are not opposing the man, but the principle, and it is evident that no man has any chance ofa third term unless opposition to the principle | can be broken down. President Grant, with | | the eye of a strategist, directs his guns | against the main fortress, which stands on | the frontiers of the forbidden ground. He | is too skilful campaigner to | weaken his attack on the frowning | fortress which hedges his way by attempting | to gain any minor point which could not be held while exposed to its guns. His argu- ments in support of the third term principle could not have gained a hearing if he had not taken his personal claims out of the discus- sion. Should he succeed in convincing the American people that a third term is as legit- imate as a first (and this seems the main pur- pose of his letter) the republican party might then be easily persuaded that Grant is their strongest man. If he can demolish that part of the opposition to a third term which is founded on principlethe personal opposition to him as a candidate will not be very formid- able in his own party. He has dexterously separated the personal question from the ques- tion of principle with os true a strategy as that which taught him that he could capture Richmond only by faking the forts which blocked his approach. Had it been the real purpcse of Prosident Grant in writing his letter to remove doubts awd silence criticism be would not have made it so clear that he favors the third term princi- ple and left it eo uncertain whether he would personally accepta third term. While he stoutly maintains that a third term is as proper as a first, he does not say unequivocally that he will not accept another nomination if it should be offered him. He merely postpones the personal question pending the qnestion of prineiple which his letter is designed to in- fluence. He says he would not aéccpt another nomination “unless it shoald come under such cirenmstances as to make it an impera- tive duty.” The President is willing to bave it understood that he will not refuse another nomination if he can be persnaded that it is his ‘imperative duty’ to accept it. He fnr- nishes in this letter an casy clew to bis no- tions of the imperative duty to accept a nomi- nation for the He informs us that it was in obedience to such a sense of | duty that he accepted his first nomination, at | Presidency. | to make the sacrifice.” | sary, if | example @ prodigious sacrifice of personal interest and comfort. “But I was made to believe,” he says, “that the public good called me As he yielded an imperative sense of duty in accepting his first nomination, he has fur- to | nished a criterion for judging how he would construe his duty in accepting a third. The imperative duty, in the first instance, was merely the duty of preve.ting the election of a democratic President, and, measured by the same standard, President Grant would | take a third nomination if his supporters should again convince him that he is the only man who can beat the democrats, In plain words, General Grant is willing to run again if his party should think him its strongest candidate. The strongest republican candi- date he would undoubtedly be if the country did not oppose the third election of a Presi- dent on principle, quite irrespective of his personal merits. The bold attempt which General Grant has made in his letter to dis- credit and demolish that principle, and thus remove the chiet obstacle to his nomination, is as inexplicable as it was unneces- he had no other purpose than to quiet the public fears, * It is more probable that the real design of the letter was to prevent the republican con- ventions of other States trom following the of Pennsylvania and committing themselves against the principle of the third term. If the republican party would drop the subject on the strength of his declaration | it would not be precluded from nominating him again by resolutions in all the States like that adopted in Pennsylvania. The letter was intended to head off the passage of more such resolutions, and to convince the country that a third term 1s constitutional, and may at some time be necessary to the public safety. If the republican party could be brought to accept this doctrine the renomination of Grant | would follow as a matter of course, for he is personally the strongest man in tbe party. And if he were once nominated this ‘‘impera- tive duty’’ of beating the democrats would overcome his reluctance in 1876 as it did in 1868. The Tolerance of the Modern Pulpit. A comparison of the views of our leading clergymen is an interesting and sometimes a profitable occupation, but it is rarely excit- ing. The churches at this time and in this country seem to live together comfortably and to be united by a spirit of tolerance. Now and then some Protestant divine thunders | forth against the abominations of Rome, and endeavors to show that the Pope is the beast spoken of in Revelation, or some Catholic priest denounces free schools and puts out of the pale of salvation all who do not believe in his own creed; but these are exceptions to the good feeling that exists. Clergymen have | ceased to beat each other with books of di- vinity, and polemical discussions are rarely | heard in the pulpjt. The tendency to preach morality and those truths of’ Christianity | which all sects acknowledge results in a har- | mony which is in remarkable contrast to the religious feuds that formerly disturbed the religious world. To compare the sermons of the Roman Catholics, the Episcopalians, the Methodists, the Presbyterians, is to find not so much the differences as the resem- blances of their teachings. Occasionally, | however, we find very opposite views, as in Mr. Frothingham’s sermon of yesterday and that of Mr. Talmage. Mr. Frothingham dealt with symbols and shadows, and said that ‘‘a | single hour of duty is worth a century of exor- cism, of prayer and of praise."’ The Brooklyn preacher, on the contrary, declared that “we want more prayer in the store, in the | nursery, in the parlor, in the legislative halls; more prayer among the young, among the old.” Mr. Beecher, in his sermon at Plym- outh church, affirmed the certainty of | punishment for sin, arguing from analogy, and defined ‘‘punishment to be but another term for effect." The same conclusion was reached by Rev. Mr. Ganse from widely different premises. His subject was the holi- ness of God, which he described as a torrent of destruction if it flows in the way | of justice. ‘A holy God cannot be regardless of unholiness.'’ Here in the case of Mr. Frothingham and Mr. Talmage is a di- rest issue; inthe case of Mr. Beecher and Mr. Ganse we see how the same conclusion is reached by different ways. The reader may find other interesting points in the intelligent discourse of Mr. Hepworth upon Christ asa prophet and the Bible as a book of politeness; in Mr. Martin’s thoughts upon the cost of working out our salvation; Mr. Leawell’s ex- planation of the text “What think ye of Christ?’’ and the other sermons reported in our columns to-day. General Spinner, The loss ot a large sum of money while in the custody of the Treasurer of the United States casts iight on the difference between the Secretary of the Treasury and General Spinner, in virtue of which the latter is about to quit the post he bas worthily filled for many years. It will be remembered that the | difference between these functionaries turns upon what is called patronage, in the political view of appointment to office. Mr. Bristow or some of his political friends wanted to ap- point a man to a vacant place under General Spinner, and General Spinner objected and claimed the right to fill the place, upon the simple ground that he mnst himself ‘choose the persons for whose honesty he is under the law officially responsible. But his claim was overruled and his resignation was ac- cepted, and on this difference he is wo give way to another. Forty-seven thousand dol- Jats have now been stolen while legally in the Treasurer's custody. For the safety of that money he is not only financially but crimi- nally responsible, inasmuch as if he “fails | the moneys of the govern. | safely to keep’’ ment he is guilty of embezzlement, and “shall” be punished by imprisonment for “not less than six months nor more than ten years,” and shall also be fined in a sam equal to the amount ‘‘embezzled."’ His bond also is conditioned for the fidelity of the persons under him. Yet npon an officer thus re- sponsibre for the acts of the many persons in his department his administrative superiors claim the right to force the loove adventarers who hunt for profitable employment in the political retinue of distinguished men, is ove of the many monstrosities incident to the system that contemplates offices of trust | as the spoil of party wariare, This | French Finance. The case ot Philippart continues to excite unusual interest in Paris, The Jay Gould of France has no lack of hired supporters in the newspapers, but his adversaries count even 4 larger army of mercenaries in their pay. It is not long siuce M, Clapier, a member of the | National Assembly and President of the extra Parliamentary Committee on Railways, pub- | licly declared that the immense power ob- | tained by the great companies was a national misfortune, that they formed a secret league, united by the bond of common interest, and had almost the entire press at their command, purchasing its support or its silence, Some of them had a staff of from forty thousand to fifty thousand employés in their ‘service | and enjoyed so vast patronage as to exercise a serious control over gov- ernment departments. It is obviously the interest of Philippart to pose as the rep- resentative of humble interests which gigantic monopolies threaten to ruin. In a recent letter to the Journal des Débats he begins very meekly by saying that ‘there were once two companies—the one great, very great; the other little, very little. A kind fairy presided at the birth of the first, which it largely and lavishly dowered. An evil genius—was it, indeed, an evil genius?—spoke these words over the cradle of the second :— ‘Little one, thou wilt have to work hard; thou wilt have to struggle much against ill wishes. They will take every kind of shape, they will use every means in their power to injure thee ; but I give thee patience, courage and energy. If, with these virtues, thou dost not triumph the fault will be thine.’ This is a strange style and strange imagery for a discussion on finance, and is probably used with deliberate art. The shrewd speculator appeals to popular sympathy, which he is perfectly aware is commonly bestowed from any other tlian reasonable mo- tives. ‘‘Similes,” observed a witty writer, “are no argument; that is probably why they convince so many persons.” A metaphor, in which Philippart shall appear as the lamb and Baron Alphonse de Rothschild as the wolf, may, the former rightly judges, have consid- erable effect upon the simple. The remainder of Philippart’s apology is devoted to an in- dignant denial that his rails are made of card- board and straw. It must in fairness be conceded to Philip- part that his enemies themselves are not alto- gether free from blame. They have not scru- pled to attack his private character at the most critical periods, when the question for share- holders should have been not whether Philip- part was an honest man or a rogue, but whether the projects, in furtherance of which he asked for their money, were based on sound calculations or the reverse. It is impossible for anybody, however fair may be his in- tentions, to carry on business prop- erly if, at the very moment that an operation is assuming larger proportions and a corresponding increase of capital is thereby necessitated, he has to defend him- self against vague insinuations which affect his reputation for probity and are yet too im- palpable to be openly grappled with, The object of these insidious assaults is, nevertheless, perfectly able to take care of | himself, being, in reality, one of the most | powerful men in France. During the late with extraordinary bitterness regarding the action of the CrédX Mobilier, of which Philippart was constituted the virtual head by the vote of a meeting held on the 2d of March. ‘There seemed,” exclaimed M. Hemar, ‘a disposition on the part of the di- ‘Our plans are settled and unalterable. We mean to carry them out. Whatever betide, we shall push on, with or witheut your in- junctions, toward the goal we have in view.’”” Frenchmen that the plutocrats of the present day are getting to be above the law. The rich contractor of the nineteenth century fills the same place in society as the Farmer-General of Customs filled in the eighteenth. The one prepared the way for the Revolution of 1789, From the other there appears to be no deliverance. But in France, where men expect the admin- istration to remedy all ills, there is likely to be a cry for a strong ruler to keep stock job- bers in order. People forget that this class was never so powertul as under the so-called “strong’’ government of Louis Napoleon. The controversy which has raged during the last two months has clearly demonstrated one important truth—namely, the endless mis- chief which is the result of a carelessly framed law. An act of the Erench Legisla- ture, in 1865, gave the Councils General in the departments power to grant con- cessions of lines of local interest, while reserving to the State the right of authorizing those of general interest, but neglected to define clearly the distincticn be- tween the two categories of railways. same time no provision was made against the amalgamation of a number of local lines, The Councils General no sooner received their powers than they began to exercise them with- out any sort of discretion. Concessions were freely granted, not so much because the utility of this or that line had been proved, but because it was well to assért the principle of Jocal self-government. ‘Dowiot,” said a great French statesman to his contemporarics, ‘‘do aot brutalize the machine of the constitution by too frequent usage.” He knew his coun- trymen well. If a right or a privilege is given them they will not wait for a proper occasion to arise for its legitimate exercise. It must be put in force at once. So the savage, who is presented with a hammer and some nails, proceeds forthwith to drive all the nails into the wall of his tent for the mere pleasure of seeing them sink into the wood, Companies soon took ad- vantage of this weakness of the Conncils General. They obtained concessions in different departments and then amalgamated the lines until au extensive network had been formed. The network had attained to di- mensions of national interest, and, according to the spirit of the law of 1865, should not have been created without the intervention of the State itself. Yet it had been formed by the sole vote of one provincial board after another. The central executive could never determine at what point it became its duty to jnterfere. It ik to be feared that, as is too | often the case in this country, an extreme remedy will be applied to what is unquestion- | ably a substantial evil, Possibiy the Councils trial the Advocate General expressed himself | rectors to hurl defidnce at Justice, to tell her, | There is evidently a gloomy feeling among | At the | Geieral wil te aecculy stripped of their powers and serious damage thus be inflicted, both on commercial enterprise and on the luckless cause of Jocal self-government in France, What Does General Grant Meant? This may be the best of all possible worlds, but it is certainly not without occasional drawbacks to perfect and unmitigated felicity. Here, now, is General Grant's third term letter, There are actually people and news- papers which pretend they do not under- stand it! “Does he mean that he does not or that he does want a third term?’’ they ask. This is too bad. Last winter the Heraup was at the trouble of elaborately and pain- fully explaining the meaning of the President's Message to Congress, When we had got done with that we certainly hoped the public would hereatter understand him; but here is another case of general misapprehension, and as the General wrote this letter plainly in obedience to the Heratp’s somewhat urgent and often repeated requests we feel bound now not to leave him in the lurch, In the first place, then, it will, we suppose, be generally granted that he means some- thing. This much admitted, we proceed to say that it matters very little what he really means. It is quite enough that he seems to decline another term (unless—). He plainly says that he does not now sup- pose the exigencies of the country will require his re-election (unless—), and in this we cordially agree with ‘him. Whether, therefore, he really, at bottom, would like to be renominated is of not the least conse- quence. All that the republican conventions have to do is to take it for granted that he has declined, and to act accordingly. And we | advise them to come out strong for a single term for the Presidency. It is, just now, 4 popular notion, General Grant has con- vinced a good many American voters that one term is as much as we commonly need for any President. A good strong one-term resolution will please the public, and it will probably mitigate General Grant’s regrets at leaving the White House in 1877; for if he does not want three terms he probably does not want anybody else to have two, “The Protection of Character.” A correspondent ofa rural journal, one of that class of useful gentlemen whose imagi- nation we are afraid is sometimes allowed too vividly to color their tacts, gives us an ac- count of a proposed society that is to he formed in New York for ‘the protection of character." This society.is to be supported by voluntary contributions. It is to be based upon the plan embodied in Mr. Bergh’s use- ful, if at times eccentric, Society for the Pre- vention of Cruelty to Animals. A distin- guished citizen, whose name is not given, is to become the President. There is to be a council of men of high character, and vigilant lawyers are to be engaged. ‘Te duty of the society will be to prosecute by indictment any journal published in New York that prints a libellous statement reflecting upon the character of a private or public citizen. As our correspondent properly shows, the license that attends the management of certain of our newspapers is only stimulated by the indif- | ference of public and private citizens | to attack, An action for libel in New York would be a burlesque upon justice. The reason is that while the means of most private citizens are limited, and while no gentleman, under any circun- stances, cares to undergo the ordeal of an action at law, the resources of a newspaper | are generally large, and a libel suit is looked upon as only another form of advertisement. | Consequéntly ninety-nine out of a hundred | libels are passed by with impunity because of | the indifference of the person attacked to crit- icism, or his incapacity to measure resources | with a powerful newspaper with money at its command and writers perfectly capable and willing to hold any judge or jury to a severo accountability who would attempt to do justice upon them, The duty of the society, however, will be to make every libel its own case, just as Mr. Bergh makes the wrongs of | every dumb animal his own proper quarrel. The only process by which a society of this kind could reach a libeller would be by in- dictment before a grand jury. We have no doubt tnat if a society of this kind were properly organized and its members | kept it im funds it would do a great work. ‘The’ honest newspapers of New York would regard nothing with more gratification than an efficient law of libel. It is as much to their interest as to those of the people that this business of wantonly assaulting private | and public character should be stamped ont, | The indifference that is felt by so many people to newspaper attacks is in itself a reflection upon the power of the press. If journalism has fallen so low in this country that a private gentleman can afford to treat with disdain a persistent and virulent attack upon him, con- | | scions of his own innocence and integrity, conscious that the assaults make no impres- | sion whatever upon the public—that they are | dismissed as the ravings of cowardice and | scoundrelism—it is a severe commentary upon the independence and power of the press. | Now, if we could put an end to this indis- eriminate and brutal and wanton assailing of private character the result would be that wheo a newspaper did seriously make a charge it would be respected and believed. A society for the protection of reputations would have a very wide scope. We do not know upon what the correspondent bases his | narrative, but we think such a society is more | needed in New York than even Mr. Bergh’s | Association for the Prevention of Cruelty to | Animals. | A Suggestion for Bunker Hill, The Bunker Hill Centennial being the com- memoration of a truly national event we hope the committee who have in charge the preparations will not forget to give it a national rather than a local character. To fail to do this would be to belittle the mem- ory and importance of the battle whose hun- | dredth anniversary is to be celebrated, | A Baptist preacher up in Maine commenda- | bly remarked, in the course of his morning prayer, “O Lord, we would not venture | to advise or instruct, but only to sug- | Best.”” Tn the same spirit we address | to the Bunker Hill Committee the re- spectiul suggestion that they would do wisely, not only for the grandeur of their celebration, but for the advancement of that | good feeling between the lately estranged wees tions which we trust will be brought to s general and cordial handshaking at Philadel. phia next year, if they would take pains t invite a few prominent citizens from all parti of the Union, and especially from the South ern States. We should like to see Mr. Lamar of Mississippi; General John H. Morgan, o Alabama; Colonel Zacharie or Mr. Moncure, of Louisiana, and a few dozen others invited to be present and one or two of the most em- inent asked to speak on the great day. The North, however, has more to do for the na tional celebration of tbis event than merely ta extend an invitation. There are organiza. tions in the Southern States which have im tended to visit. this ancient field of glory, te renew the friendship of old times and t« pledge again fraternity for the future. They should be complimented by the Bunker Hil committee with the offer of all facilities of transportation, and the welcome of the North should be made in all respects equal to the traditional hospitality of the South. They should be the guests of Massachusetts, just as under similar circumstances Massachusetts would be the guest of South Carolina os Alabama. The Ohio Republican Convention has just declared in its platform that ‘these States are one, as a nation,” which is quite true, To celebrate a national event like Bunker Hill we do not need to invite our cousins; and, indeed, it might be in bad taste to ask some of them. But by all means let us have ag many of our brothers as can be induced ta come, no matter how far away their farms lie, The Situation in Germany. We print this morning an interesting letter from Berlin in reference to the situation in Gere many, written at a time when Paris and Lon+ don were frantic over their apprehensions of a general war. As our correspondent shows, the idea that Germans would gladly lapse into the pursuits of peace when they had conquered the French, that they were really a “simple, idyllic and studious people,’ caring only for peace and science and tranquillity, was erro- neous. The fall of France meant the rise of Germany, and not simply the confederation of States, caring only for their internal ime provement and the protection of their fron tiers, but as a mighty aggressive military Power, who, having overthrown France, stood ready and only anxious to combat with the restofthe world. According to our corresponds ent Germany is now controlled by absolutism, taking its source, not from the throne, but from the Prime Minister. Since the war there has grown up a military party, which proposes that Germany, having found union by the sword, can only retain it by the sword. This party now embraces the Chancellor, Prince » Bismarck, the Crown Prince and all the royal family but the Emperor, who is too old:a sol- dier and far too old a man to care about risk- ing his gray hairs in a new campaign. Thg German military party has frequently alarmed Europe at the danger of war. It every day publishes warlike articles. It interferes with Italy and the Pope, and is constant in com. plaints of angry and foolish French priesta who mourn over the prisoner of the Vatican and the persecutor of Varziu. The convic- tion of this military party is that the last war was imperfectly finished; that unless Ger many renews it now and overwhelms France she will be compelled to fight at later days under more disadvantageous circumstances, The fact that such a party exists in Germany, that it is so powerful as represented in the higher ranks of the new Empire, that so ac tive a man as Prince Bismarck commands it, and that there is probably mors than justice in the fear that France is arming for a war of revenge, gives constant vaiue to the situation on the Continent, and makes the elaborate and. instructive explanation of our corre. spondent an interesting chapter of the politios of the day. Tux Tmmp Trav.—In addition to Attorw ney General Pierrepont’s opinion of General Grant's letter the interviews held by our cor. respondents with Senators Thurman and Clayton are published to-day, and that of Mr. Thurman decidedly questions that the letter is a declination of a renomination next year. Tar Western Crrizens who wrote to the Herraxp from Omaha, expressing their belief that the negotiations at Washington with the Indians would “fail, have been sustained in their opinion, as our Washington despatches indicate. PERSONAL INTELLIGENCE, ? Secretary Bristow retutned to Washington Sate urday night. There 1s a French count trying the question whetner a fanctionary charged with @ process of the law ts justified in seizing a soldier's two wooden legs if he can get them at a moment when they are not worn, At a pablic meeting in London lately a British republican wanted to dispense with earis, because there were none mentioned ia the Bibie; bat Lord Houghton potnated out that on the same | grarna they might be deprived of citizens, Fire was lately discovered io a bertn on a steam boat in England which had originated in the heat of the sun—one of the glass “deadiights” concen. trating the rays directly on the spot and acting as aburning glass. How many vessels at sea may have been fired tn that way. An important work has been published in Eng Jand, which, a8 announced, contains “Sixty-nine engravings, elther from wood or metal, twelve of which bear inscriptions representing scenes of Christian mythology, Sures of patriarchs, sainta, devils and other digattaries of the Cauren.” The stories of La Fontaine were published in 1762 in @ most inxurious form, With remarkable Miustrations. Lately a copy of that edition sold for 13,000% It occurred to a bookseller that the edition might oe-profitably reproduced and he reproduced it, only to find himself prosecuted and condemned by the authorities under the laws against indecent literature, A member of a Paris cian expressed his doubts as to the veracity of the accouat given of the Ox. ford and Cambridge boat race, declaring that it was impossivie to attain that boating speed, whereupon Baron Arthur Rothschild agreed te find a crew who would achieve the same feat as te distance and time on the Seine, The maten is te come off on the Sunday following the Grand pria de Parts. As a gentieman, fishing near Penzance, England, gaffed a large fish, he Was seized with a numbnest in his arms, Accompanied with an indescribaole and painiul sensation, Which Was really wn electri¢ shock, fis servant man, who accompanied nim, suffered in the same manner, he having assisted in securing the torpedo. ‘he electrical apparatus in this fish was jound, on examination, to consist of small membranous tubes, which occupy the space between the head, the pectoral fins and the branchue. They are disposqd like a honeycomd and divided by horizontal partitions into smalt cells, whica are filled with a mucous substance, the whole arranged like 9 galyanic pile.