The New York Herald Newspaper, May 18, 1875, Page 6

6 NEW YORK HERALD BROADWAY AND ANN STREET, JAMES GORDON BENNETT, PROPRIETOR ineateans NOTICE TO SUBSCRIBERS.—On and after January 1, 1875, the daily and weekly editions of the New Yoruw Heraup will be sent free of postage. THE DAILY HERALD, published every Gay in the year. Four cents per copy. An- nual subscription price $12, Rejected communications will not be re- | turned. Letters and packages should be properly sealed. hem Eo LONDON OFFICE OF THE NEW YORK HERALD—NO. 46 FLEET STREET. PARIS OFFICE—RUE SCRIBE. Subseriptions and advertisements will be received end forwarded on the same terms as in New York. AMUSEMENTS ae ENTRAL PARK GARDEN, THEODORE Tomas’ CONCERT, a 8 8. ° td sae moose THEATRE, ang "Sixth avenne.— | Miss Clara corner of Twenty-third sire: WATBRI, acB PM; closes at lf a Morris LYCEUM THEATRE, { Foarteenth stree near Sixth avenue.—GIROFLE- GIBUFLA. atau. Mille. Geoffroy. SAN FRANCE MINSTRELS, Rroadw&y, corner of Twenty-ninth street —NEGRO MLNSTEELSY, at 8 P.M; closes at 10 P.M. BROOKLYN THEATRE, | THE TWO ORPHANS, at 8 P.M. Misses Minnie and Lillian Conway. WALLAOK’s THRATRE, Broadway.—THE RIVALS, at 8 P.M; closes at 1040 P.M. Mass Ada Dyas, Mr. Montaxus. BOWERY OPERA HOUSE, a a Bowery.—VALIBTY, at 6 P.M; closes at 10:45 D's MUSE! | Woe uM, Braetyey, corner of zeoen street—JIM BL TDSOR, ACHP. M.; closes at 10:45 P.M. Milton Nobles Matinee | ate P | BROOKLYN ee. TABLEAUX VIVANTs, at 8 P.M. THRATEE COMIQUK No sls Broadway.—VARILTY, ut 8 a closes at 10:45 METROPOLITAN MUSEUM OF ART, Mest Fourteenth street. —Open from WW a. M. wo 5 P.M. YMPIC THRATRE, OL ay mreetway.—VAKIETT, atS P.M; closes as 10.45 oRaup OPER4 HOUSE, Fighen Twenty-third street. —-IWELVE PraTions, ate. Mj closes at 2. M GERMANTA THEATER. Feurtonth strect—GIBOFLE. GiINOeLA, atsP.M. Lina GREAT SOUTH AM corner Forty-uimth street a noon aad evening. RICAN CIRCUS, Kighta aveuue.—Aster- FIFTH AVENU: : HEATER. Twenty eichth street and away.—THE BIG BO- NANEA ASP. My clown at mon 3 a or. BROOKLYN PARK THPAT Jaiee avenue.—VALIETY, at 8 P.M; ch METROPOLITAN THEATRE, No. SBS Broadw: VARIETY, atSr. M. TRIPLE SHEET. NEW YORK, _ TUESDAY, MAY 18. I From our reports this morning the probabilities | are that the weather to-day wik be warmer end partly cloudy. Wart. Srazer Yesrenpar.—The stock mar- ket was again jeverish and lower. Gold was strong at 116. Oczan Disasters are reported with startling frequency. The latest is a collision off the Chinese coast, by which fifty lives were eacri- ficed. Tax News rnom Jaran is euteresting. When we read of savings benks, post offices, tele- gtapbs aud embezzlements, it seems as if the story was of } New York. Tux Procezpixes and addresses of thé reception last evening of the Cardinal and the Papal envoys by the Xavier Union will be found in another column. Tar Cancists, afier a spirited attack, have been repulsed from Pampeiuna, Too weak to conquer, tes strong to be crushed, Don Car- los kpope Spain in a condition of continual aw%ertainty. Tax Custom Hovse quakes to its foundation stones.. Secretary Bristow has ordered an investigation of its secrets, and many of the Officers have too good reason totremble. The facts in the case are elsewhere presented Tam Paesexr Burren Mixterer doubtedly shown power in several matters, and the compliment paid it by the Monileur for ita influence in assisting to pfreserve the | peace of Europe is deserved. Disraeli writes good novels, but that does not prevent him | from being an able statesman. has un- Ta-auna-Caoxe, who is believed to be the most powerful subject in China, has pe- titioned the Emperor to introduce Western studies into the public schools and to apply modern scientific tests to candidates for office. With this viceroy as its champion the progress of Western civilization in China will | be moro rapid than ever, Wmuxer Fuavoa—The Secretary of the Treasury appears to be in earnest im his efforts to break up the Whiskey Ring, and our de- spatches show that another raid is to be made | by his officers. It is a great and difficult | work that he has undertaken, bat he is sus- | tained in it by the country, which the Ring has already plundered of millions. Tae Ovsan Warn.—The news from Havana does not indicate that the Spanish troops have made any progress in subduing the rebellion, | but, on the contrary, Cicneral Ampudia’s re- Comnoissance accomplished little, and General , Valmaseda is about to go into summer quar- ters with bis army. It is the oid story of skirmishes which result in no advantage to the Spanish. Taounta mw THe Cuvncu can only Wve re garded with pleasure by those who ‘have no respect for religious interests, and the recent tow in the Church of the Holy Spirit will give general regret. M. Pons, the can: idate for recor of this Huguenot congregation, whose record has been impeached, will, of | tourse, take the proper steps to vindicate his i The church, which is one of the | oidest in the city, has also a duty, which it | wnnot nogiect in justice to itself. | tion, We have no fear that he will veto the | | assured, | rapid transit, cannot be so weuk as to trust | the frail promises and doubtful honor of | | the risk of being scorned asa dupe or de- | thinks the Husted bill a better measnre there | | assumes by friendly or hostile amendments. | NEW YORK HERALD, TUESDAY MAY 18, 1875.—TRIPLE SHEET. ia | wit pass and receive the Governor's signa- ture. But until it comes into his hands free from crippling amendments he would be in- exonsable for not guarding the other bill, which is a sure thing and is worth putting in foree in default of something more efficient. If any of the powers it confers are doubtful they can be made explicit by the next Legislature, and we should see in this what we have seen in so many other cases of public works begun on insnfficiont legislation, The Brooklyn bridge, for example, if it had not been com- menced, could not have got a charter trom this Legislature; but it wos not difficult to procure additional legislation for a work in progress. Every kind of public work which is once bogun under legislative authority suc- ceeds in getting proper laws passed for its completion. Even the new Cupitol will at last be finished, although the cost will swell to four times the original estimate. In every public work it isa great point gained when the first steps are taken. If we can get noth- ing better than the Moore bill the Governor will be faithless to the interests of the city if he does not sign it. If the Mayor appoints good commissioners, if their location of the road and plans of con- struction meet the public approval, if they get the consent of the requisite half of the | property owners along the route, or. failing in that procure the proper decree of the Supreme Court, the summer and autumn will not have been unprofitably spent, and subsequent legislation for remedying the defects of the | law will easily be obtained by proper effort. | | It would, indeed, be a great deal better to start with a law which needed no futuro | tinkering, but it would be the height of folly to The Common Oouncil and The meeting of the Common Council yes- terday and ita petition to Governor Tilden afford a fresh prouf of the seal of that body for an object which is of greater importance to the city and deeper interest to our citizens than any other which depends on legislation. Our hopes of rapid transit have #0 often been disappointed by the tricks of the lobby and the money of the horse railroads that the jealous sensitiveness of the Common Council is not only pardonable but praiseworthy. They suspect thatthe Husted bill is a new stratagem of the paid enemies of rapid tran- sit, intended to entrap the Governor into an immediate veto of the M bill under de- ceptive promises of passing the other, and that these graceless plotters, after compass- ing the death of the Moore bill by a veto, mean to kill the Husted bill by partiament- ary legerdemain. There is nothing.in the character of the Legislature to discredit such ® suspicion, and nobody can say that the prompt vigilance of the Common Council is uncalled for. But if the Husted bill be really a Trojan horse, it may safely bo taken for granted that Governor Tilden is not a party to the decep- Moore bill until the passage of the other is “A bird in the hand is worth two | in the bush,” and the Governor, who knows | how ardently the people of the city desire members and exchange the certainty of one | bill for the mere chance of a better. If he should veto the Moore bill, and, after all, the | | Husted bill should not pass, he would incur mediate beginning and putting the enterprise nounced as an enemy of rapid transit. The in such a shape as would insure a certainty of a Pps sear | its further prosecution. a used hs pata pte ne | We prefer the Husted bill to the Moore biil, | but until the bird in the bush is caught the pagar 2 argent joa rag vetnaacid) | Governor must not let go the bird in the ‘The practical action of the Common Coun- cil consisted in the passage of a series of reso- | hutions urgently requesting Governor Tilden | to sign the Moore bill now in his hands. We | | think he should simply refrain from vetoing | | it and await further developments. If he suppose he will be willing to listen to argu- ment and will sign the one which- he thinks | most conducive to the public interest. Republicanism in Europe. is no good reason why he should not hold the | other in abeyance until he sees whether the / new bill passes and what shape it finally | seems to contradict the theory that they dre dissatisfied with monarchy. If he shares the public feeling of the city he that the Emperor Francis Joseph, who has prefers the Moore bill to none, but would be glad of a better measure if a better can be se- | cnred at this session. If this be the feeling | of the Governor, as we trast it is, the city is | at least sure of the bird in the hand, and may | sa(eiy await the throwing of a net over the bush. | It the result is the capture of a better bird it | will be expedient to let the one in the hand fly. Whatever may eventually be thought of the comparative merits of the two bills, there will be an ample opportunity to con- sider them when both are in the hands of the | Governor. He can then sign the one which | he deliberately concludes to be the best. There will be no need of haste in his action on either. The Legislature is likely to ad- journ before the ten days expire, and he can then hold the bills (if he ions, was recently enthusiastically received © by the popalace of Vienna, But the contra- | diction is superficial. In the case of the Emperor Francis Joseph much of | bis popularity is the result of the conces- sions he has made to democracy and to Hun- garien rights. The loss that the King is King the more is he beloved by his subjects. Thero | is another fact which must not be overlooked. In periods of uncertainty and fear, when the | peace of Europe is threatened, the people sus- | tain the monarch as the head and representa- tive of the nation, Love of country then | becomes stronger than discontent with the government. His Majesty of Austria owes | much of the enthusiasm which attended his return to the capital to Austrian dread of fling away the advantage of making an im- ) hand. We cannot believe that he has any | such intention, and sincerely hope the new bill | may pass. When both are before him we | The intense affection which European no- | tions frequently show for their monarchs , Thus we learn | | been making a triumphal tour of his domin- , | sball lave two before him) under advisement as long as he thinks necessary for the purpose of taking counsel and consulting public sen- timent. The Husted bill may pass with such amendments for the worse as would turn its present advocates against it; it may pass with der it universally acceptable; it may pass without amendment; it may not pasa at all; | but with the Moore bill safe in the hands of the Governor nothing can be lost, nothing can be even hazarded, if he waits and watches the result. The Governor will give no just ground of complaint if he simply withholds a veto until the new bill as passed | Prussia. Bismarck is eustaingd because the Germans fear French revenge and an Aus- trian and Italian coalition, Monarchy is made stronger by national rivalries, and we must not doubt that liberal ideas are progressing in | | the Old World merely because the people are | such amendments for the better as would ren- often compelled to be patriots first aud repub- leans afterward. # The Comte de Chambord still hopes to be King. A war might seat him upon the throne, but a vote would not. Tne Bourbons have | profited only by the defeats of France since the time of Napoleon—when, after the battle of | Leipsic had annihilated the French army, thé allies enthroned Louiqg XVIII.—until now, | | tear that the Governor inclines to veto the | a chance to act again on the subject and pass or lost. If it fails the Moore bill will be just | as valuable when signed after the adjourn- ment as if signed now. This reasoning has gone on the assumption that the Governor will undoubtedly sign the Moore bill unless he gets a chance to sign a when the Republic is built upon the ruin of the Empire. This tune they have failed to enter Paris at the head of a German army. It France is permitted to be at peace the founda- tions of the Republic will be securely laid, but if she 1s again forced to fight it is not im- better one. Butif this be a mistake, if the | possible that the Bourbons may once more be- Governor has decided to veto the Moore come monuments of foreign conquest and | bill in any event, the whole aspect | national disgrace. War is indispensable to of the question is ecbanged If the | monarchy, and to none of the royal dynasties Common Conncil ‘bas’ any reason to more than that of France. We believe that a century of perfect peace in Europe would irresistibly make the whole Continent repub- lican. We do not know what credit to give to the stories telegraphed to us from Paris to the effect that Prince Napoleon has declared that, in the event of the death of the Prince Im- perial, he would not claim the inheritance to | the imperial throne. Prince Napoleon is a peculiar and almost an eccentric man, who only is redeemed from contempt by his genius, which is great, and by his name, which is illustrious. He is one of the few Moore bill, without regard to the passage of any other, that body has not acted » moment too soon. Not only the Common Conncil, but the unanimons public sentiment of the city, remonstrates against en unconditional veto, it such be the purpose of the Governor, which we do not and cannot believe. We are reluctant to discuss ench an intention, even as a bypothesis. But, supposing it possible, the Governor should be emphatically warned tbat the people of this city will neither tolerate nor forgive it. It makes a great difference to them whether the choice lies between the Moore bill and a better one or between this Their earnest ery is for rapid transit by some bili at all events; and, thi ‘owsnred, by the best bili they ean get. Put they reqnire, they demand, that the Moore bill shall not be vetoed withont the certainty of a substitute. Yet, if a veto of this bill is a fore- | gone conclasion in the Governor's mind. which argument and remonstrance cannot change, then let him veto it at once and face the public indignation, It would be in- flawed to no orlinary pitch, and by the force of it the Legislature might remain in session long enough to restore what the Gov- ernor had destroyed. At any rate, if it him, be his settled purpose (which we do not be- lieve) to kill the Moore bill, let him do it at ones by an open veto and give the Logislature great conqueror upon the one side and the bill and none. Europe upon the other, His father was Napoleon the Great's brother. His mother was @ princess of the German House, His wife is a danghter of He has grest genius os an orater and writer, and | if he had only shown coursgo in war and | common sense in. politics he might have re- newed the triumphs of hie ancestor. But, like Philip Eyaiité, he has succeeded in alienating every politica! influence in France. Victor Emmanuel, his blood. The imperialists have disavowed because of his insubordination. they have been betrayed by two Bonapartes If the Prince Imperial were to die the char- acter of Prince Napoleon is such that his becoming the heir to almost destroy the imperial party; for the French, with all their frivolities, would not care to see upon the throne one who had every quality to amuse and none to inspire respect. Prince Napoleon makes ® bid for the re- publican support by announcing that the this bill over his veto if it docs not choose to pass another. if At least a beginning ean be made under the Moore bill. The commissioners can be ap- pointed, the route can be surveyed, the road can be located, the plan of construction can be adopted, and, if it is then found that the | law does not confer sufficient power to carry | the enterprise through, an application can be | made to the next Legislature for necessary | amendments, which can be more ensily pro- cured aiter ail the preliminary steps have been taken and rapid transit has assumed a definite practical shape, Under the Husted bill we | betieve it could proceed without interruption from legal impedimouts and be vigorously carried through to au ‘early completion, that an empire based upon it would end ia ruin ; that there should be « plebiscitam, and that he had no doubt the resnit would be that France would coufirm the Republic. The accession of Prince Napoleon, however, to the republican element in France only shows the growth of that party. | and for this reason we hoow that bill | vaite of rovablicaniem is that if a wan in- Napolcons who can claim the blood of the | blood of one of the oldest reiguing families of | The legitimists do not trust him, because of | The) republicans will not consider him, because | and do not care to risk betrayal by a third. | the Empire wonld | principle of hereditary succession is dead; | sists upon being aA the party there is no way of turning him out. Prince Na- poleon is no longer respected or foared by any of the great parties of France. He goes where he only can go—into the vast following of the Republic. Tne Black Hills. Unless our government authorities in the Northwest are more than usually vigilant we shall have a scandal that will bring in its train evil consequences, Last summer there came back certain reports from the Block Hills country that gold mines of great value were embraced within its borders, This country was guaranteed to the Sioux Indians bya formal treaty upon the part of the United States. We have never been celebrated for keeping our treaties with the Indians. Con- sequently as soon as the presence of gold was whispered there was a rush of that impatient eloment of the community who believe that fortune can be won by wandering over the world in search of it, to enter upon these lands, dispossess the Indians and tear open the soil for its hidden treasures. General Sheridaf, who commands tho department, has been strenuous in his efforts to prevent any invasion of the Sioux reserva- | tion, From what we learn, however, bodies | of miners and adventurers are gathering at different points on our frontier, prepared to push into this country and conquer their way in spite of our troops and of the admonition of the government. The result, we fear, will be this: —A body of adventurous miners will pen- etrate into the Black Hills in spite of our military posts. The Indians, thus menaced, will attack and slay them. There will he a contest ending in murder, Then the whole Northwest will be aflame with revenge. We shall have a ‘‘war feeling’ on the frontier which it will be difficult for the government | to control or resist. Nothing but the firmost policy on the part of the President can arrest | these contingencies. He has promised, wisely, that the efforts of the government will be to extinguish the Indians’ title to the Black Hills country. This is unavoidable. It is contrary to reason and common sense that the | Black Hills, if they are what those who have ‘geen them declare, should be abandoned to | tribes of wild, wandering Sioux. No oné for | a moment supposes that it is the policy of this government to permit any part of its ter- | ritory to be locked up permanently under the | control of thieving Indian agents and poor, | untutored savages. But let us go about this | work in the right way. Let us extinguish the title of the Sioux to the reservation by honor able means. Let us recognize our treaty obli- gations, and im opening the country to immi- gration and population let us not darken its | young life by deeds of atrocity and perfidy. The Black Hills country, rich as it is, would not be worth the occupation if the price we are to pay is dishonor and shame. Sherman and the March to the Sea, The controversy arising out of the publica- tion of ‘‘General Sherman's Memoirs’ bids | fair to become one of the sensations of the sea- sop. An administration paper, alluding to the reviews which have been published in tie Hevastp, intimates that there is an attempt to , make “needless mischiet"’ by suggesting “that it strikes at the tame of General Grant as a military commander and deprives him of sowe lsnrels which he has unfairly taken from an. | other.” This jourval further informs us that General Grant bas never been guilty of an act of this kind. No one, we believe, has ever ' charged the President with having endeavored to take a laurel from the brow of any of his subordinates. We are quite willing to concede to President Grant the merit of m nanimity and kindness toward his asso- cintes in the war. If there is any “needless mischief’ in General Sherman's book it is the work of the General himself, of the enlogists and biographers of Grant, and not of the critica. General Sherman hinwwelf ; expressly admits the existence of s doubt, for on page 166, vol. 2, he says: —‘‘This was the first time that Generel Grant assented to the march to the sea, and although many of ' his warm friends and admirers insist that he was the author and projector of that march, and that I simply exccuted his plans, General Grant bas never, in my opinion, thonght so or said so.’ General Sherman wrote bis book under the impression thus clearly ex- pressed, aud elsewhere seen in the book, that the friends of General Grant steadily fostered the idea that to the President belongs the ' eredit of the march to the sea and not to the brilliant subordinate. But General Sherman ‘ takes the utmost pains, by quotations from letters and documents, by narrative and illos- tration, to destroy this opinion and to estab- lish his own credit as the anthor of this achievement. Geueral Badeau, ha® written a standard and official ‘military history” of the President, in speak- ing of the march to the sea ard the camppign which ended in the capture of Atlanta, svys, in vol. 1, page 571, that Grant sent orders ‘with a view to the movement against Atlanta and Mobile, which, notwith- standing his promotion, Grant still intended to lead in person. This operation had now been frequently explained by hum to his stad. Tt was his plan at this time to fight bis woy to Atlanta aud then, holding that. place and the line between it and Chattanooga, to cut loose with bis army either for Mobile or Sa- ' vannah, whichever events should designate as the most practical objective point He meant to concentrate Sherman's, Thomas’ and Scho- field's armies for this purpose, and enter- tained no doubt whatever of entire success, When he started for Washington it was his firm intention to return to Chattanooga, and, while he retained control of all the armies, to lead in person this which moved toward the sea.” Generat Badean further says that he carried these instructions to Sher- ‘man, and with them also a private letter | addressed to Sherman and McPherson, which | afterward became so celebrated. She real meaning of this statement of General Badeaa | is, as we anderstand it, that the march to the sea was General Grant's own conception; that he had often explained it to his staff and that | General Graat himself meant to have taken command of the army that went through Georgia to the sea. The inference is irresisti- Grant, who | ble, therefore, that in the authorized history , | of General Grant's military exploits the credit of the most brilliant achievement of the war’) | is given to Grant and not to Sherman. There ‘The one | is still other evidence showing that Geveral | | Sherman has anos rangon to feel that there is | | the an attompt to dispute his honostly earned | man who was more thoroughly representative honors. Another famous military writer—a | of « past ago and of the thoughts which now, man also whose knowledge of the war is very great—is Charles A. Dana, formerly Assistant Socretary of War to Mr. Stanton and tho author of a Life of Grant, Mr. Dana was for some time a member of General Grant's mili- tary family and saw “with his own eyes, and often quite intimately, a groat deal that is important in history.” Mr. Dana, on page 160 of the life, says, speaking of Grant: — “It was about this time that the ides of sey- ering the rebel territory again by conducting @ campaign from Chattanooga: to the sea- coast first presented iteelf to his (Grant's) mind."" And again, p. 414:—‘*The Atlanta campaign and the march to the sea,” and ‘Sherman’s grand holiday excursion and picnic party through the Carolinas, again severing the Southern territory, isolating and scattering its armies, breaking its communi- cations and eating out the vitals of the Con- federacy,”’ ‘bear ample testimony not only to the grandeur of Grant's conceptions, but to the heroic and unshakable resolution with which he carried them into effoct.’’. Here, therefore, are two writers, one of thom General Grant’s own secretary and biog- rapher, and the other Assistant Secretary of War, who say in so many terms that General Grant did plan the march to the sea, and leave us to infer that Sherman merely carried out the orders of a superior and more fertile intellect. If there is any ‘needless mischief” arising out of the effort of General Sherman to vindi- cate his military fame it does not rest with the critics who have commented upon the work, but figstly upon the historians of the war like General Badeau and Mr, Dana, who have told this story as a compliment to Grant; and secondly, on General Sherman himself, who defends his own reputation in his own way. John ©, Breckinridge. The career of John ©. Breckinridge, though neither a remarkable vor a_ brill- iant one, when measured by the highest standard of statesmanship, was sufficiently prominent to mark its close as something out of the common way. Iu early life he was a lawyer of a not unusual type in this country, where young lawyers have altogether too much influence and too much power, and his subsequent career in Congress was only supplementary to his career at the Bar. Quick in perception, ready in debate, and overbearing and at same time suave in manner and method, he gained in the House of Representatives a position he had scarcely | earned, and of which,in 66 fur as his intel- lectua) worth was conserned, be wus scarcely worthy. Were we to estimate him now ac- cording to the value that is placed upon the public services of a Representative in Con- gress his position as aleader of a great party , in a special crisis and fhe favorite of one en- tire section of the ecuniry would be utterly. anomalous, if not altogether impossible. He had not carned distirction by the evidences of statesmanship and years of patient labor in the public service. He bad no far-reaching insight into the fnture he contributed so much to mould, bat vas in all respects the mere mouthpiece of the nad and reckless spirit of are only # part of the past than any of his compoors who are still living or have gone over the daris river 4 little while hile before him. The S$ reegp and the Centennial. The letter of Mr. William H, Parsons, United States Contennial Commissioner for! ‘Texas, which we published in yesterday's! Heravp, is an eloquent contribution to the fiterature of the Centennial time. It comes in harmony with the letter of Governor Brog- den, of North Carolina, which we published: on Sunday. There bas been a disposition on the part of some of our Southern friends, who! insist upon cherishing no memory of the war. but its bitterness and defeat, to regard tha, Centennial movement as a Yankee specula~ tion, to insist that the Southern people cam show no belter evidence of independence and: devotion to the lost cause than by absontingi themselves from the industrial halls. Mr.; Parsons truthfully says: —‘The most august! spectacle, that which will overshadow in morall grandeur all other events of the century, will be the probable complete and voluntary, extinguishment of the embers of the war dur- ing the Ceutennial celebration of 1876."" “Ai sembling again around the once common altar, upon which was lit the first flame of the American struggle for independence, these men of the blue and the gray will renew the olden bonds of amity and reconsecrate the: original spirit of liberty and, union to remain forever one and indivisible.” Nothing could be more suicidal than for the Sonthern States to show their angor at the! results of the war by remaining away fronw the Centennial Exhibition, Even os a mat-: ter of self-interest it would be a mistake.{ When the German war was over and it was! proposed to hold an exhibition at Vienna, many fervent Frenchmen opposed the idea | that France should take any part in that dis play because she would be side by side with | Germany, her enemy, wiih Austria and Russia. and England, who had stood by and witnessed her discomfiture without protest or sympathy. | ‘They argned that France should show her re~ seutment by refusing to have any intercoursa. with the other nations of Europe; that it | would be to sully the glory of France for her | mechanics to assemble undor the same roof | with those of Germany. Wiser counsels pro- vailed. Prudent Frenchmen argued that tha, true way to show the supremacy of France wag | togo into the Exhibition and demonstrate to the: | world ber superiority in manufactare, in art, | in science, in industry and taste—in every ona | of those essentials that contribute to the great- | ness and wealth of a mighty nation. The result was that this advice was accepted. France ‘ took part in the Exhibition; her display wos ' so much beyond that of any other nation that everybody conceded its value; the world saw that France, beaten, dishonored, trampled under the foot of the conqueror, had stilt within herself the vigor of character to leap at once into a competition of peace and show to the world that she had not lost the attri- butes of her greatness and prosperity. This example should not be lost on tha South. The Southern States should come to Philadelphia not alone with a feoling of frs- ternity, but with emulation, Let them show what the South really possesses—its strength, the epoch to which he belonged. Neither Jeffeson Davis nor Aly xander H. Stephens, the one the President and the other the Vice President of the, Southern Con- federacy, was in any respect the representa- tive of the tue sentiment of the South so nearty a8 Joln ©. Breckinridge. They were its statesinen so fur as statesmanship entered into that madaud msguided endeavor. Lee, dacksou and Jolnston were its soldiers; but they wer too much the svldier to be »presetative of their section, Davis extrens to be seasible and Stephens too sensible to be extreme. With the real soldiers of thr C its hidden wealth, its capacity for invention and discovery tor the arts and sciences. The Soutbern people made a record before the war in politics and statesmanship, and during the war in valor and devotion, that they need never regret. The coantry of Calhoun and Lowndes and Cley and Jefferson, of Lee and Johnston and Stonewall Jack- sou, may have no fear as to ite fame among uations which respect valor and political wisdom. Let them now achieve another trophy, that of excellence in art and Let the Southern States show the in emanecipating the slave, scieners. entire world th in destroying negro labor, the war has not miederac war was @ science, The South ofthe time had no real syaspathy ved thelr genio and digeiptinn Hh hées with any of nese men, bat found in Breck jong beon a reproach to the Southern States! inridge boh the sen ental statesinen that they were only great before the war, and the solimental soldier who wa¥ Hecanse of the degradation and servitade the vr truly reprewatative of the rebellion se had imposed upon a lower order of mer an actual forve aul its underiving ghar the power of the South was built on ox to causes. He ad been their choice for Presi- dent when thre was a ch ce of making the national goyrament the vehicle for gaitiog all the ence f the slavebolding aristocracy, and if the sten realities of war and of mili- tary adminitration aftérward gave bim a secondary plee it was not be still the doring of the Southern pe the real representative of all their aspira and their hoes. If in latter years he sunk out of tghs it is only because all thes hopes and avirations were turned into bi s, and there was nothisg use he was not has nesa on theitong' leit to the » but to expiry with vensé, he outved utative man of his time the time which, in one And all this is the reason why we have heart so little of Breckinridve sinee the wr, aod why the reports of lis approachingiewth come to usa reminisce nee of the philopphy of @ post chat is long since dead. Thoagh man Mr. Breckio- ridge .stilh young man. When he was a soldier in Mxico he was almost a youth. He entered Couress ip bis carly manhood and was a candiate for President almost before he reached ve prime of life, All the achiove- ments of bi career were gained before most Men sequipprominency at all, and his public life ended + the when even the most | ambitious cly begia to have hopes of the tu- , ture. Frorthis comes the delusion that his stateemansip was brilliant and that be Jeft | an endorin impression upon his time. We are not surthat this impression will eoon bo overlooked r forgotten; for if it was not en- during it a6 so truly representative of his age and thepeople for whom he spoke as to make hiw & es ial and inseparable part of f the past time the epoch o u he belonged. Ho was not the «ponent of great principles, | bat ovel his fame aud hie position to this verfact; for had he been # leader in the true seve of the word he could not have been so trv the representative man of that old Sonth ow se region of 1 and forgettalness., THe was simoply the jon of the extrome spirit of his seowm, doing its bidding with joy be- cause his rn heart puisated to every com- mand as it bad been « thought of bis own, Iis speeces in Congress, his canvass for the Présiden, ius short career in the Senate after the ar had begun, and his military ser- | viecs in» Confederate army all prove thin aad shows that id losing him we lose the rapidly passing into the | ton and # gthened that the people within themselves had none of those higher facyjties of government which are showo by # and fortitade. The truest way to end this reprovch is* tor the Sonthern States to come to the Centennial ia their strength, There are no nobler Com- monwealths on the earth than Texas and Virginia, North Carolins and Kentucky, Why should they not appear at the Centennial side by side with Massachusetts and New York, Penusy!vania and Ohio? They have within themselves the elements of imperial wealth to reconstruct the Commonwealths upon a by slavery; nial | sounder basis that even whet existed under the proudest days of the old Southern do- soinion PERSONAL INTELLIGEN Rev. “pr. Warren, of Obicago, i4 residing tear porartly at the Gilsey House. Ex-Governor Sidney Perham, of Maine, is stay- lug at the Grand Central Lorel. Lieutenant Commander W. ©. Wine, United States Navy, is stopping at the Hoffman secretary Delano lets night for Oso, where be whi remain for severad aays. Captain Samael Brooks, of the s'eameanip city of mond, is quartered as the Grand Centrat Judge Theodore Miller, of the New York Court of Appeals, is sojourning at the Fifa Avenus Hovel. ; Mr. & Wells Wiliams, of the United States Loga- tion in Chiaa, 18 avout to leave for the Unites siates, Mr. A. Centre has resigned his posttion as Gen. | eral Agept of the Pacific Mail Company in Japan aad China. Nicholas Van Siyck was yesterday re-clected Grand Master of the Rhode Istand Grand Loage of Free Masons, Mr. Nathaniel & White, President of tho Rowton Ratiroad Company, is registered at the aa Hotel. P. Usher, Intertor the St. Nisholas AL Lieutenant General William O'Graay Maly and Justices Dorion and Sanbora leave Ottawa on Tuesday, the jormer for Hailiax aud the latter for Montreal. Mr. Willtam 1. Bishop, President of the New md Hartford Ratirovd Cone el Whooler, of Vonnertiont, | are at the Fifth Avenue Hotei, Hon, Leteilicr @@ St, Just and Mr. Perranit, | Secretary of the Centenuial Commission, have | jefe Ottawa for Philadeipaia, to make arrange~ | taenta with the General Commitie the repre. | sentation of the Canadian tnduatries at the Wee | piottion, of Kansas, who was Seere- der President Lincoin, ts at