The New York Herald Newspaper, April 30, 1874, Page 8

8 YEW YORK HERALD} BROADWAY AND ANN STREET. JAMES GORDON BENNETT, PROPRIBTOR, ‘THE DAILY HERALD, published every day in the | year. Four conts per copy. Annual subscription | price $12. ‘All business or news letters and telegraphic | despatches must be addressed New York Genaup. Rejected communications will not be re- barned. Letters and packages should be prop- srly sealed. CONDON OFFICE OF THE NEW YORK HERALD—NO. 46 FLEET STREET. Subscriptions und Advertisements will be received and forwarded on the same terms as in New York. Volume XXXIX AMUSEMENTS THIS AFTERNOON AND + GERMANIA THEATRE, Fourteenth street, near Irving place. —? EOH-SCHUEZE, at SPM; closesat ll P.M. Fanny Janauschek. DALY'S FIFTH AVENU Twenty-eighth street and Broad: ALPHUNne, at 8 P.M. ; closes at 1: . M. Miss Ada Bras Mise Funoy Davenport, Buou Herom, Mr. Pusher, THEAIRE Lay ae? No, 514 Broadway.—\V ARIKTY ENTSRTAINMENT, at@ . M. ; Closes at 1U 30 P.M. WALLACK’S THEATRE, Broadway and Thirteenth street.—SCHUOL, at 8 P. M.; closes at 1 P.M, Mr. Lester Wallack, Miss Jeflreys Lewis 8. QONWAY'S DROOKLYN THEATRE, Fulton, “street, ‘Brooklyn. SP. M.; closes at I PM OLYMPIC THEATRE, Broadway, between Houston and Bleecker streets — VAUDEVILLE and NUVSLTY ENTERTAINMENT, at 745 P.M. ; closes at 10:45 P.M. GRAND OPERA HOUSE, Fighth avenue and = fwenty-thei street—DONALD McnAY, at SP. M.; closes at LP. M. Oliver Doud Byron. BROADWAY THEATRE, Washington — place.—dUMPTY Broacwa oe r Mls, &e., a3 i. M.; closes at P.M. DEMPTY G. L. Fox. a BOOTH’S THEATRF, Sixth avenue, corner ot Twenty-third street—ROMEO Adv JULtaE, at 8 P. M.; closes ay WAS P.M. Mass eilson. METROPOLITAN THEATRE, No. 585 Broadway.—-VARIBTY ENTERTAINMENT, at } 7:46 F. M. ; closes at 10:30 P.M. aiccadi ean Png iteeo roadway, between Prince and Houston streets. —VART- ELY ENTERTAINMENI, at8 P. Mor closes at 1030 ai LYCEUM THEATRE, street, near Sixth avenue.—Polk’s Benefit, Fourteenth ac2P. Mo LA MARJOLAINE, at 3 P.M.; closes at li ACADEMY OF MUSIC, Fourteenth street, corner of Irving ' place.—Strak: Tatas Sens Coonan wh ge HUGUENO tA at SP. closes at . m, Torriant, Cary, Ca Puente, Nannetts ri paren WOOD'S MUSEUM, Broadway, corner oi Thirtieth siree.—EAST LYNNE, at 2 P.M; closes at 4:30 P.M. UNCLE TOMS CABIS, SP. M.: closes at W:30 P.M Sophie Miles, Gussie de osch M5 Dei PARK THEATRE, > Broadway and Twenty-second strect.—LOVE'S PEN- ANCE, at 8 P. M.; closes at 11 P.M. Charles Fechter. TONY PASTOR'S OPERA HOUSE, No. 201 Bowery.—VAKI.TY ENTERTAINMENT, at 2:30 Es closes at 920 P.M; also a e'P. M ; closes at it aera The Arkansas Dificulty—Who Is Gow ernor? Buta short time ago Mr. Baxter was the recognized Governor of the State of Arkansas. Not only wes he actually in possession of the | office and performing its duties regularly, but j he had been so for upwards of a year. Sub- sequently to the lection in 1872 be had been | declared Governor by the authority properly | authorized to declare the result of elections under the constitution of the Siate, and a pe- tition to contest the election had been rejected also by the competent authority. Is it possible in such a case to go behind the record thus made? There may be abundance | of law proceedings for doing this, since law, | as practised, is simply the science of extorting | from codes, statutes and decisions justifications for any conceivable human act which they wish to have justified who can pay the lawyers. But, politically, to go behind such a record is impossible. It would impugn popular sover- eignty itself and impeach all the machinery contrived for giving expression to the popular will. If a State constitution authorizes the President of the Senate to declare, upon ex- amination, the result of a State vote, and authorizes the Legislature to act on contested elections, and, in 4 given | case both these powers are exercised and with a result that is harmonious, deter- mining first in favor of a certain candidate, and next that the case against his opponent is too clear in the general knowledge to need in- vestigation, any inquiry behind such a record | must assume a condition of public life so bad as to imply that there is no sancttty, purity or honesty anywhere in it; that oaths and other obligations have lost all siguifi- cance; that the political vitality of the community is so rotted away that the republican frame of government is itself a mere formality. It must suppose that all the officers in a State charged with the supervision of elections had committed perjury, and that the President of the State Senate had been guilty of the same crime; and still further, that the whole Legislature was in collusion with these attempts to defeat the popular will in the choice of a Governor. Were we to admit such conditions as supposable in any case repub- lican government must be recognized as merely the grandest of swindles ; and as this position cannot be taken it is politically impossible for the discussion of the Arkansas case to go behind the record which has declared Mr. Baxter to be the legally chosen Executive. Discussion on the Arkansas difficulty must, therefore, start from the assumed validity of the proceedings by which Baxter was declared Governor, and by which the Legislature re- fused to assent to an appeal. It must be sup- posed such action was taken on all the knowl- edge then accessible; for to go behind those proceedings is to invalidate the whole political fabric, and that is revolution; and when one man may initiate a revolution in support of his pretensions another may do the same, and so State would pass from hand to hand as one or another party or pretender proved the stronger, which would scarcely be republican government. Mr. Brooks’ present position, Twenty-anind Surceh near; iktiravenue NEGRO MI te street, ne ixth avenue.—NE iN STRELOY, Ac. a 8P. Mecclosesat le M. ROBINSON HALL, Sixteenth strect—ART ENTERTAINMENT, at P.M, *COLOSSEUM, Broadway, corner of ‘Thirty-fitth street.—LONDON IN 16I4, at LPM. ; cloves at & P.M. Same at7 P.M; closes ate. ROMAN HIPPODROME, ladison avenuc and Twenty-sixth street.—GRAND : SCR ANT-CONGKEES OF NATIONS, at 1:30 P. M, and QUADRUPLE SH EET. New York, Thursday, April 30, 1874, are that the weather to-day will be generally clear. AnorHER Hanerse was celebrated yester- day, Cleveland being the scene of the barbar- ity this time. ‘Two Rarizoaps in Wisconsr refuse to com- pl¢ with a law of the State regulating rates of railway companies. The reasons assigned are that they cannot pay dividends if they reduce the rates. This, we suppose, will be the argu- ment of all the monopolies in opposing the interests of the people. Tuose ConreprraTz: Ancuives have been found useful once more in behalf of some- body’s particular purposes. It is about time this smelling among the old papers of the | Confederacy should cease and the documents be reserved for the guidance of legitimate his- torians of our civil war. Tue St. Louis Republican makes this perti- nent suggestion: —‘Inflation ticket for 1876— For President, Oliver P. Morton, of Indiana ; for Vice President, John A. Logan, of Mli- nois. Platform—To get cut of debt go in deeper.” This would make a brilliant and in- telligible canvass. Tae Hex Gate lerrovewent.—It is of the utmost importance to New York Harbor and the commerce of the whole country that the work on the Hell Gate improvement stop- ped last December should be reeuned ond completed at an early day. Congress will doa great wrong to the metropolis in failing to make a sufficient appropriation for the com- pletion of the work. Tax Nanver Monper in Rockland county forms the subject of an interesting: but terri- ble story in the Heraip this morning. Two men named Murphy are in jail charged with the offence, but no definite proofs of their guilt exist, and there are suspicicns of the criminal being another person. The crime is the result of family jealousies, and it is to be hoped the identity of the murderer will soon be established. Comrvisorny Epvcation.—[t will be seon from our Albany news of this morning that the bill providing for the compulsory educa- tion of children was yesterday passed by the State Senate. It is right and proper that no | child should be allowed to grow up to claim the rights of 9 citizen of the United States without having enjoyed the advantages of a common school education. Parents, of course, have a right to educate their children where sud how they please; but the State has right to say that they must be educated. More and more compulsory educatien will be- come law among the civilized nations. It has fong been the law in Prussia, where it bas worked wonders. It is now the law in Eng- land, and, sooner or later, the principle will he adonied bv all the States of the Union- ‘theretore, is the one thing in American poli- tics that no party can afford to permit or to countenance. He deliberately declares that he does not look to the Legislature, and does not propose to be bound by what.it has done in the past, nor to take any note of what it may do in the future touching his claim; and yet he knows that under tho constitution of the State the Legislature is the only authority competent to determine the issae he makes. No court has jurisdic- tion save indirectly, and this the Supreme Court of tbe State has determined, with this very case before it. In declaring, therefore, that he will not accept as against his claim the decision of the only body that has power under the supreme law of the State to take cognizance of the subject, he repudiates the very constitution in virtue of which a Governor is chosen, and cuts away at a stroke the ground on which all political rights and claims must stand, in so far as they stand at all. His case is thus admitted to be bad, or even hopeless, within the limits to which it should be confined. No court has power to review the acts of the Legislature in the per- formance of a function which it exercises ex- clusively under the constitution. So the courts of the State can give no assistance, and unless the Legislature shall see reason to re- consider the decision by which it refused to examine the evidence that it is pretended will show that Brooks was excluded by frand, there seems to be no peaceable remedy for his grievance. Is a revolution always and necessarily to follow the denial of every man’s right or sup- posed right? Isa State to be brought to the verge of war and the streets of its capital to be patrolled by the armed retainers of rival Governors whenever a man who does not suc- ceed in getting office is wrongfully excluded or believes he is wrongtully excluded and can gather to his support a retinue of desperate partisans? Can it be accepted as in any sense @ legitimate part of our political system, when a man doubts the validity of the dec- laration of an election and his claim to have the declaration investigated is rejected by the only body authorized to entertain it, that he then has the further right to levy armed forces and wage war on private account for his sup- posed rights? This would be to place indi- vidual judgment above every recognized NEW YORK HERALD, THURSDAY, APRIL d il didate carrying to the last extremity his en- deavor to secure office is only fighting for the rights of those who voted for him, and that, if they are the majority, he is asserting ‘he’ Tight of the sovereign body, and not merely his individual right. But when the tribunal | authorized to declare who has received the largest vote has pronounced against him he cannot urge this without invalidating the whole civil authority, and that, as we have already pointed out, is not a permissible step, | for beyond it is a precipice. At the next ad- | vance we fall into political chaos. In the assertion of o political right no argument is legitimate which contemplates and involves a | condition inconsistent with the existence and Eecognition of rights of any sort. It appears to us, therefore, that if Mr. Brooks has been wronged in his exclusion | from the office of Governor of the State of Arkansas he must submit to the evil and be content to number himself with the thousands | of other candidates who have been similarly wronged before him, since there is no remedy that is not altogether too expensive for any State to accord it; no remedy that does not involve evils infinitely greater than the con- tinuance of the original evil. He will perhaps stand in very good company, even if it should be clearly admitted that he stands asa candidate excluded by fraudulent returns from an office for which he had received the greater number of votes. It has been shrewdly believed that many a Governor before him has been kept out in the same way, and even that some ot our Presidents did not represent an honestly counted vote, while so many Congressmen are in the category that the historians of that body will never try to number them. Sup- pose they had all asserted the same right now asserted in the name of Mr. Brooks, where should we be? In politi- | cal history it has always been a} point of particular difficulty to determine | the exact limit of the right of resistance; and, while our constitutional theories are based upon it as a corner stone—while our political existence starts from it, and we thus give it the largest conceivable recognition— it has never been admitted by any one that it | went so far as to justify private war for de- fence of the rights of candidates who believe | themselves to be unjustly excluded from office. In all this we have written from the state- ment of Mr. Brooks’ position as given by himself in the Hzeratp of yesterday, and we do not even touch the argument as to whether or no he really received the greater or the | smaller number of votes in the election in which he was a candidate. It seems to us that | the case has reached a point where it must be determined on grounds that do not involve that inquiry, and that, examined on these, | the proper political grounds, his position, | even as presented by himeeSf, is untenable. Semator Scnurz’s Eulogium om Sum- mer. | Senator Schurz delivered his oration on Charles Sumner in Boston yesterday. The speech was not great in the oratorical sense | of greatness; it had in it few of’ the graces which characterize funeral oratory from | Pericles to Everett. Indeed, it was scarcely a funeral eulogium at all. But it was full of what is perhaps better than rhetorical senti- ment; it breathed a manly affection for the distinguished dead and contained a sturdy estimate of Charles Sumner’s character and work. We reproduce it this morning almost in its entirety, partly because it was a labor of love in the orator and partly because it is a part of the record of Mr. Sum- ner’s career. If it falls short of being a great oration it has a value in itself as being the solemn judgment of the statesman who knew the Massachusetts Senator best in the latter years of his life, and who could thoroughly sympathize with him in the opposition to slavery which is the marked and absorbing feature of his career. If we were disposed to be critical we should find fault with Mr. Schurz for the feebleness with which he brings Chérles Sumner upon the field of his greatest achieve- ments. His retrospections of American history are singularly weak; they are not striking in their presentation of the era pre- ceding Sumner’s entrance into the United States Senate, nor comprehensive, or even just, in their estimates of the great men who accomplished in the era of compromises. But when Mr. Schurz comes to speak of Sum- slavery we have a more glowing picture. We see in Mr. Schurz’s portrait a man who was not a politician, a man who was not conscious | either of possessing or needing courage, a man whose moral sense obliterated his appreciation of the stinging force of his words, standing in his place before the country among the high priests and worshippers of slavery and dealing terrible blows at an institution until that time held sacred. We see in ihe picture a being | possessed of the faith of a devotee and uncon- scious of everything except the wrong which fired his soul and called him to battle, Charles Sumner then and always was like an anabaptist iconoclast, stripping the priests of their robes and overturning the images on the altars of the Church. He had more of the spirit of the martyr than of the | leader. He was not a man either of com- | promises or concessions, and his ringing | authority in the State ; to put the whole com. | Words against slavery had all the force and all munity and the public peace at the mercy of one man’s convenience and another man's de- Jusion, and to open the door to constant en- | terprises like that now in progress in Arkan- sas, pretexts for which could never be want- | ing—pretexts, too, that might generally be | made to appear in the highest degree reason- able and just. Anarchy would be the neces- sary consequence, and a government would | only stand on the convenience of excluded candidates. With all respect for individual rights, we cannot admit that they can properly be as- serted to this extent. We are inclined to be- lieve that there are other rights in States j besides rights which need this sort of assertion. Our view is that the whole community—the body of the people—have rights also, and that an interterence with these rights—-the tem- porary denial of the rights of the whole people of the State to peace and order for the sake of securing the rights of some indi- vidual—is not contemplated by any scheme of government whatever, and is the exact reverse of what governments like ours propose to secure. It will. of course. be said that a can- | the | the great bitterness of invective. Only ao very bold man, too earnest to know how bold he was, could have delivered speech of Charles Sumner’s | life—his famous arraignment of tlie barbarism of slavery. Even now, when slavery is dead and the Fugitive Slave law is almost forgot- } ten, his terrible answer to Senator, Butler, of | South Carolina, when asked if without that | law he would consider it his duty to aid in the return of fugitive slaves—‘Is thy servant a | dog that he should do this thing ?””—is fierce | and almost angry in its earnestness, Such was the man whose likeness Mr. Schurz has painted in colors too faithful | to make it a perfect work of art, and yet too faithfal as a work of art to bend a line of nature to the forms of art. If the portrait is not the glowing tribute that Pericles breathed over the Athenian dead or the im- | passioned eulogium which Cicero would have pronounced over # Roman Senator whom he loved as Schurz loved Sumner, it has a | beauty of its own, apart from its forensic strength, in the manliness and vigor of its af- - slight difference between the price of coined | mination of her great war, is on the eve of left the political arena to die when Charles | 82Y sudden tilt or disturbance in the money Sumner entered it to undo all that had been | market. ner in the Senate fighting his battle against | pliment with which the London Times softens peculiar value and will preserve it to posterity after greater orations prompted by Charles Summer's death are forgotten. Foreign Opinions on Our Finances. In a cable despatch printed a few days since we were tcld that thé London Times says editorially that “to British eyes the appar- ently interminable inflation of the currency is a hazardous proceeding, fraught with peril to the prosperity and even to the unity of the American commonwealth,’’ which strikes us as the sound judgment of an enlightened ob- server, But the Times proceeded to say, as if in abatement or by way of apology: —‘But it cannot be denied that no other country in the world could do what the United States have hitherto done with their finances, It is a law of American nature to expand and develop in every possible direction.’ This last seems to us a specimen of hasty, inconsiderate writing. We can only ascribe it toa stretch of courtesy and the willingness of a foreign journal to speak kindly of our national credit and resources. We believe that no country in the world could have done worse with our great advantages. The Times seems to forget the splendid, the almost mi- raculous financial achievements of France. Never in recent times has a country been so crippled, shattered and burdened by a relent- less, desolating war as France. But though her government still flounders in an uncertain political sea, how nobly, how proudly she has recovered in her finances ! True, France has not yet resumed specie payments, but she is nearly ready for, resump- tion. Her paper currency to-day is substan- tially as good as gold. From the money reports in the Journal des Débats of April 12 and 13 we learn that the premium on gold bullion in Paris on those days was only from two-fifths to three-fifths of one per cent. Twenty-franc gold pieces were at par. The and uncoined: gold is to be explained by the fact that coined money which has been in cir- culation loses a small portion of its value by wear. American half eagles were selling in Paris, April 12, at twenty-five francs and seventy-five centimes, their par value, as fixed by the United States Mint, being, in tle money of France, twenty-five francs and about eighty-seven centimes when the coins of both countries are new and un- worn. The slight discount is merely the ex- pense of recoinage. It will be seen from these | statements, taken from the ordinary daily re- | ports of a respectable Paris newspaper, that the premium on uncoined gold in that city is only equivalent to four or six mills ona dollar estimated in American money. France, then, within a period of two years after the ter- resuming specie payments—a great contrast to the condition of our currency. . We will also repeat from the Journal des Déats a statement of the circulation’ and the specie of the Bank of France. On the 12th of April it held gold and silver to the amount of 1,052,000,000 francs, and its circulation was but barely double the value of the pre- cious metals in its vaults—namely, 2,226,000,000 francs. Atthe same period in 1873 its metallic reserve was only 808,000,000 francs and its circulation) was 2,769,000,000 francs. Since the beginning of the pres- ent year the Bank of France has been making vigorous preparations for early resumption. Between the last of Janusry and the Ist of April it in- creased its stock of coin and bullion more than 2,000,000 francs. The London Econo- mist, of March 28, made these remarks: — “The Bank of France, with its usual excellent judgment, is evidently desirous of returning to specie payments, and is steadily preparing to doso. French coin is steadily taken from here for that purpose, and the bullion so ab- sorbed by the Bank of France is so much ta- ken out of the general money market.” If the Bank of England had a store of gold so large in proportion it would freely discount commercial paper at low rates and make money cheap; but the Bank of France, being differently circumstanced, pur- sues with resolute wisdom iw policy of re- turning to specie payments, and slowly con- tracts its circulation as it increases its stock of gold, instead of expanding it. It will reach resumption by asure, gradual process, without Now, really, in view of what France has done, this country does not deserve the com- its condemnation of our misguided policy of inflation. The financial managers ought to | take shame to themselves that a country s0 | broken as France was has so speedily out- stripped us and is on the point of resumption | after a short interval of two years, while we are only beginning o serious fight against the | inflationists at the end of eight years from the close of our war. As compared with France, every advantage has been on the side of the United States, with the single exception of foresight and financial knowledge. We have had a stable, settled government. Our national resources have not been taxed like those of France. We have suffered no loss of territory. Neither our political nor our commercial capital has been in possession of our enemy. We have no powerful menacing neighbors compelling us to support a great standing army in time of peace. We maintain 30,000 soldiers; France 400,000. We have not been burdened with an enormous, an appall- ing indemnity to a foreign conqueror. Yet France has solved her colossal problem under circumstances of the utmost difficulty, whereas, after a period four times as long, we have scarcely approached the solution of ours. There is no example, in any age or country, which our statesmen could study with so much profit as that of France. How tae Westrean Press Sranps.—The Chicago Tribune has taken the trouble to col- lect some statistics as to the sentiment of the Western press on the President's late veto, and it discovers that, “of the 116 examined, 61 sustain the veto, 42 oppose it and 13 have expressed no opinion sufficiently decisive to tell where they stand.” Our own examina- | tion of the press of the country shows that the papers of the West stand about as two in favor to one opposed; those of the South, about equally divided ; those of Pennsylvania, about two in favor of the veto to one against, and those of New York and New England (with the exception of one journal in Oswego and one in New Haven) unanimously in accord with fection. It is this that gives the victure its | the President’ ¢ act. 30, 1874.-QUADRUPLK SHEET. Are May Movings an American Mal- ady? A malady may be defined as ‘‘a disease pro- ceeding from impaired, defective or morbid organic functions.” In one of these respects, at least, our annual May movingsare a malady. It is the disease in the organic functions of the American housekeeper which morbidly causes him to move once in a twelyemonth. Not more certain are the flocks of wild geese from the south to seek the frozen north about this time than is the average American family to hurry away to a new abode, though only in the next block or the next street, on May day. ‘The new house is often not so good and sel- dom so cheap as the old one, but, unlike the old one, its merits and faults remain to be tested, and there.seems to be a pleasure in making the experiment for at least three-fourths of our housewives. Nothing can be more trivial than the reasons which generally in- fluence people to change their abodes. The bedroom windows in the Mansard elevation are so high that the poor relation, full of complaints, but without money or enorgy to get work, is unable to see what passes on the sidewalk below. The bedrooms are cramped, though it never ocours to the good housewife by excess of useless furniture, The parlors are too small as double rooms and too large with the separating doors unhinged. The stairways are too narrow or too steep. Even the location of the Croton in the kitchen, or the situation of the coal hole is 9 matter of the utmost gravity. If no other excuse for removal can be found it may be looked for in the quality of the doorknob. Though the next house may be in no better repair and is more expensive, it is ina better neighbor- hood, or a little ncarer to the office or the theatres or Broadway, or has some other imaginary advantage. In another year, how- ever, it is found to be even worse than the first house—the poor relation has been compelled to take a back room, more furniture has been put into the bedrooms or there is no coal hole at all—and so there is another removal, with its discomforts, and loss of temper, and breakage, and expenses and increased rental. And so rents go up and people in moderate circumstances ge down, till at last the luxury of a ‘‘whole house’ is exchanged for a French flat and then the flat fades away into apartments in a tenement. The waste and extravagance of frequent re- movals have had more to do with these changes in circumstances than the victims suspect; but there seems to be no help for them, for May movings are 9 malady for which no remedy has yet been discovered. The dis- ease 13 in the blood of our people, and blood diseases are hard to cure. We are at once gregarious and migratory. We live in herds and fly away in flocks. On May day we trans- fer our homes from one house to another. As socn as the new house is comfortably arranged we, run away from it for an uncom- fortable room ata watering place hotel. In September we come to it and undergo another period of discomtort while it is put in readi- ness for the winter. As soon as the carpets are all down again and the fires brightly blaz- ing we are off for what a too postic imagina- tion has called the orange groves of Florida, or seeking to extract delight irom the stale pleasures of Havana. If we could all be among the summer swallows, who fly to En- rope as soon as the spring opens, our May moving malady would be all the more deli- cious, for then we would have no uses for houses of our own at all. As we cannot all be summer swallows, let us be as happy as we can with our opportunities, and. begin the year of migration 1874-76 with another grand exhibition of our May day malady. A Coming “Organ.” It is whispered in Washington that a company has been formed to purchase the Evening Hepress and “begin the pub- lication of a new republican newspaper of the Grant and Custom House stripe in New York city.” We are happy to learn that “the money has all been raised,’’ enough to “have one hundred thousand dollars to ran the ma- chine with.” ‘The largest stockholder is un- derstood tobe Mr. McMurdy,” while several “Grant Congressmen and influential repub- lican politicians are also among the stock- holders.” We hope this news is not premature, for we really want a good republican “organ’’ in New York. New York is not a healthy placo for “organs,” and the President must feel nervous and lonely, as he opens the New York journals, without knowing whether he is to have honey or wormwood. A good, sound, substantial “organ” is a good thing to have in acity. You always kuow where to find it. You are sure to see the official advertisements. But New Yorkers are queer in their ways. They do not crave ‘‘organ’’ literature, and even Custom House people would rather read what is said against the Prosident than what is said in his favor. Another trouble with ‘‘organs” is that they de not generally have sub- acribers or advertisements. A “machine” without these two essentials of newspaper: success will not run very long, even with the hundred thousand dollars behind it. The editor of the ‘‘organ’’ isnot named, but he has our sympathy in advance. To editan ‘‘organ’’ of the President, with his pronounced an- tipathies towards newspaper gentlemen, will re- quire unusual patience and self-denial. Some- how, it seems to us the position of a court fool to an Eastern monarch, say, like the Shah of Persia, who is flogged every morning and re- coives sugar plums at dinner, would be pret- erable te the position of the editor of an “organ.” Before we dismiss the subject let us give the President a word of advice, or if not to the President, then to his friends; for we believe His Excellency has ceased to read the Hzratp since last summer, when we gently hinted our opinions, upon the propriety of any Chief Magistrate running for a third term. He need have no difficulty about an “organ.” Let him always do the right thing—the prompt, manly, indopendent thing—like the veto of inflation, and the Hxnaxp will be his “organ.” Nothing would please us better than to be the President’s ‘“organ’’ until the end of his term. We do not wish any of his money, or the moncy of his friends, except the four cents daily which the Heratp costs in New York, or the five cents which we believe is the prico in Washington. As for the Post Office oe eae? oan roposals for lies and the official adver- tising potisch iy waive all of that. This official advertising is not welcome os reading matter; the government does not begin to pay our ratea, and we have as much business now 88 we can accommodate. The Henaxp will be his “organ” and intone his praiscs without costing Mr. McMurdy or any other ‘“stock- holder" » dollar. We think it quite probable that the Tribune ond the World, each of them able and scholarly journals, would be hia “organs” on the same terms as the HuraLp. So that His Excellency may rejoice in three “organs” and live in an atmosphere of com- mendation and approval. We can assure him farther that praise like this, carned by due respect to the popular welfare, will do him more good than all the purchased flattery that the Treasury could buy. Havemeyer Makes tempt. It appears to us that the venerable Chief Magistrate of this metropolis, who gets awfully older and older every day, is nota conspicu- ous success in the political circus. He does not ride two horses galloping in opposite directions with the splendid ease which gives the feat its real charm when practised by younger athletes, but which is immediately seen through by the public when performed by very old men who have to do it slowly, and so give the luokers on, who should be dazzled by the dashing brilliance of the act, an opportunity to analyze it while in prog- ress. Obviously the old gentleman's letter to the Lientenant Governor leads to such a conch sion. It suits him very well to ride the Ous- tom House horse, to meet the Custom House propositions more than half way, and to make any fair bargain for the good results he hopes from such an alliance; but he must necessa- rily ride the democratic horse also, for it would not do to imperil the bird in the hand; it would not do to be chronicled as a rene gade and shut out as a traitor. Hence the letter framed to put him right wite his. democratic supporters, to present him to the public az a champion of the rights of the city—ot those rights the maintenanca of which has always been the democratia policy. All the time, of course, the dear old gentleman knows that his letter will have na effect on the Legislature. Care has, of course, been taken to let them all know that it is written only in a Pickwickian sense, other. wise dreadiul consequences might be appre hended ; for, old as he is, he is tremendously eloquent and he might have persuaded some- body. Evidently the bill to give the Mayor the appointment of Police Commissioners wil) pass the House, as it has passed the Senate, despite the resolute opposition of the demo- crats, and so the Custom House appointments will be made. But we doubt if the Mayor's well pretended opposition to the measure will deceive the democrats; and if it does not what musthappen? The poor old gentleman will fall, dreadfully hurt, between his two horses, for the democrats will visit his crime upon his head. What the Custom House may promise would be small compensation for what the democrats could give; but when the Custom House finds that the democrats have left him he will lose all respect in official eyes, and his new friends will drop him also, Then all the people will be called upon to pity the sorrows of a poor old man, or he may send around his hat inscribed with the famous ob- servation that Belisarius would be grateful for a trifle. His glory will be gone. = Bold At A Cxists In Encuanp.—The labor question is assuming great importance in England, and it would not at all surprise us if there were to bea “crisis” arising out of the present agri- eultural lock-out, the end of which no one can foretell. Newmarket is the centre of the agitation, and we learn by cable that at a meeting held there yesterday a Mr. Wood, an Englishman for some time resident in Ohio, had announced that he knew of any quantity of laborers now in Ohio who would gladly go to England and work for fourteen shillings a week. As fourteen shillings may be esti- mated in our money as about four dollars, we are afraid that the oratory of Mr. Wood was like the heathen Chinee, with intent to deceive. The statement is untrue and absurd, If Mr. Disraeli is really a statesman let him address himself to this labor question. Nune graver has been known in the history of Enge land, A Vusprcarion.-George P. Marsh, the Min- ister of the United States in Italy; James Russell Lowell, the distinguished American author; T. Adolphus Trollope, the celebrated English author and correspondent of the New York Henraup; John W. Field, H. G. Wild, Arthur Dexter and others sign a card, which has been forwarded to us, certifying that the charges made against Mr. Story, the sculptor, that he depends upon skilled workmen for his work, and uot upon his own genius and industry, are untrue. ‘We,’" say these most respectable and respected gentlemen, ‘who, either during a many years’ residence or prolonged visits at Rome, —— the whole period of Mr. Story’s xesii there, have watched the progress of his works in their various stages, from their first sketch to their completion, know that the charge brought against him is utterly without foun- dation. It is a vague charge of dishonesty against an honorable life of devotion to art, which must meet the reprobation of all honor- able men.” The Henaup has made no charge against Mr, Story and has taken no part in the discussion concerning him. But he is an American, away from home, and we print with pleasure the vindication his friends have sent us. Navoneonism.—The split in the French. imperialist party, arising out of the refusal of Prince Napoleon to attend the recent féle at Chiselhurst, on the occasion of the coming of age of the Prince Imperial, continues. Prince Ni was recently elected President of the Council General of Corsica, a municipal or- ganization of the island. The members of the Council are Bonapartists of the strictest sect, friends and followers of the imperial cause, and to show their disapproval of the course of the Prince they have refused to attend the meetings of the Council General. Conse-+ quently there is no quorum, and the Prince occupies the humiliating position of a Bona parte rebuked and despised by Bonapartists in the home of his family, There is much re semblance between the career of this Prince and that of the famous Duke of Orleans whe afterwards became infamous as Bualilé.