The New York Herald Newspaper, February 13, 1873, Page 6

NEW YORK HERALD} BROADWAY AND ANN STREET. JAMES GORDON BENNETT, PROPRIETOR. Volume XXXVII.............0:0:0201+:NOe 4& —_—_—_—_—_—_—_—_——— AMUSEMENTS THIS EVEN ATHENEUM, No. 585 Broadway.—Gnanp Vantery En- ‘vertanent. RDEN, Broadway, between Prince and baston streets Les AnD LOTS, ‘ARE THEATRE, Union square, between Bronaway Bt Fourth av.—Oxs Hunpaap Yuaas OLD. WALLACK’S THEATRE, Broadway and Thirteenth @treet.—Davip Garnice. BOOTH'S THEATRE, Twenty-third street, corner Sixth avenue.—Ticket or Leave Man. THEATRE COMIQVE, No. 514 Broadway.—Tuz Pano- mama or Curcaco. BOWRRY THEATRE, Bowery.—Carrain Sravce— ‘Braz Hontens. GERMANIA THEATRE, Fourteenth street, near Third @v.—FeRnanne GRAND OPERA HOUSE, Twenty-third st and Bighth @v.—Caranact or THe GaNcES. NEW FIFTH AVENUE THEATRE, 726 and 730 Broad- oway.—ALUEE P scale WOOD'S MUSEUM, Broadway, corner Thirticth st— gin “Anernoon and Evening. WRS. F. B, CONWAY'S BROOKLYN THBATRE.— Diana; on, Lovx's Masque. BRYANT'S OPERA HOUSE, Twenty-third st.. corner 6th av.—Nxcro MinstrELsy, Kocentuicitr, &c. TONY PASTOR'S OPERA HOUSE, No. 21 Bowery.— ‘Vanisty ENtenTainMent. SAN FRANCISCO MINSTRELS, corner 28th st. and Broadway.—Ertuiorian Minstreisy, £0, STEINWAY HALL, Fourteenth strect.—Betiew's Bwapins. 8T. PETER'S HAL and Ninth avs.—Mrs, NEW YORK MUSEUM OF ANATOMY, 618 Broadway.— ECIENCE AND Art. ‘TRIPLE SHEBT. New York, Thursday, Feb. 13, 1873. THE NEWS OF YESTERDAY. Twentieth st., between Eighth ‘aniey’s Wax Wons. To-Day’s Contents of the Herald. “THE REPUBLIC OF SPAIN! THE REPUBLIC OF CUBA! THE DEMOCRATIC PRINCIPLE EVERYWHERE!”—EDITORIAL LEADER— SixtH PAGE. AMADEUS FORMALLY ABDICATES! CORTES RECEIVES THE CROWN AND DECREES THE REPUBLIC! THE NEW MINISTRY! THE EX-KING’S DEPARTURE! HOW THE EVENT IS REGARDED! SPANISH HIS- TORY—Turep Pace. NON-INTERFERENCE WITH THE EDGAR STUART DECIDED UPON BY OUR GOVERNMENT! CUBAN INDEPENDENCE! COUNTING THE ELECTORAL VOTES! THE SYNDICATE— SEVENTH Pace. THE LEGISLATURE AND THE CITY CHARTER! A NEW AMENDMENT! EXCITING SCENE IN THE ASSEMBLY! BERGH WANTS SOME LEGISLATION—TENTH Page. EUROPEAN CABLE NEWS—LATE TELEGRAMS— SEVENTH Pace. YELLOW FEVER RAVAGES IN BRAZIL! AN AVERAGE OF FORTY DEATHS PER DIEM IN RIO—SEVENTH PacE. ANOTHER WIFE KICKED OR BEATEN TO DEATH BY A DRUNKEN HUSBAND! HIS CHILD TESTIFIES TO HIS BRUTAL TREATMENT OF THE WOMAN! AN APPALLING SUENE— EIGHTH PAGE. STILL ANOTHER WIFE MURDER! 8. D. MOORE'S TRIAL! CIRCUMSTANTIAL EVIDENCE RE- LIED UPON BY THE COUNSEL FOR THE PEOPLE! A PECULIAR DEFENCE—EicutTa Page. ELECTING THE HEADS OF THE NATION! U.S GRANT AND HENRY WILSON DECLARED DULY CHOSEN BY THE ELECTORAL COL- LEGES! THE GREELEY BALLOTS! THREE STATES VOTE FOR MR. HENDRICKS AND THREE ARE OMITTED—Fovurtn Page. JOHN DORIS RECEIVES JERSEY JUSTICE! DE- CLARED GU:LTY OF MURDER IN THE SECOND DEGREE! A REFLECTION UPON THE NEW YORK COURTS—ErGutn PaGE. CAPTAIN JACK'S REBELLION! THE MODOC CHIEF REQUESTS A “TALK” WITH GEN- ERAL GILLEM! TREACHERY APPRE- HENDED! PERSONAL SKETCH OF GEN- ERAL GILLEM—Fovrtn Pace. THE LITTLE NECK MYSTERY! THE INQUEST INTO THE CAUSE OF JAMES GRAHAM'S DEATH REVEALING SOME QUEER FACTS! THE CLEWS OBTAINED—Firta PaGE. NEW CATHOLIC DIGNITARIES! SKETCHES OF THE LIFE AND MINISTRY OF THE BISHOPS OF NEWARK AND SAVANNAH ! WHO WILL BE APPOINTED TO THE VICAR GENERALSIIP r—Fourtn PacR. LEGAL PROCEEDINGS! THE SCANNELL TRIAL PROGRESSING VERY SLOWLY! THE JUMEL CASE OLOSING AT LAST—FirTa PaGE. FOSTER’S APPEAL FROM JUSTICE—THE BLEECKER STREET AND OTHER DEATHS BY VIOLENCE—FirtH Pas. BEAL ESTATE! IMPORTANT TRANSACTIONS— AN INTERESTING SANITARY REPORT— CIVIL RIGHTS AND CUBAN FREEDOM— Erouta Pace. SALIENT POINTS IN THE FINANCIAL AND COMMERCIAL BUSINESS OF THE ME- TROPULIS—Nintu Pace. BROOKLYN INCENDIARIES HELD FOR GRAND JURY ACTION—STEAMSHIP MISSING— EIGHTH PaGE. ART COLLECTIONS—WHAT OUR AUTHORS ARE DOING—THE MARKET SAVINGS BANK— Fourta Pag. Ex-Mayor Karsrixiscu, of Brooklyn, died yesterday. He was a man of large wealth and a useful citizen. His loss will be felt in Brooklyn, of which city he had been twice Mayor. Tse Goveanonts ArrornTments.—Governor Dix has appointed Dewitt C. Ellis Bank Su- perintendent, William M. Howland Judge of the Marine Court im this city, and Kilburn Knox as Commissary General. All are good selections, and the promptness with which they were confirmed by the Senate indicates the entire harmony existing between the ex- ecutive and legislative branches of the State government. The people of New York are especially fortunate in having secured the ser- vices of Mr. Howland on the Marine Court Bench. His opponent was Mr. Strahan, who was vigorously pushed by Mayor Havemeyer Comptroller Green. ON OF THE Prirsts IN textann.—Rev. Mr. Loftus, one of the Galway (Ireland) priests who were indicted by the Crown for the exercise of spiritual intimida- tion over voters during the Parliamentary election in that county, has been temporarily acquitted in the Court of Queen's Bench. The result of the trial was received with tumultuous spplause by the people NEW YORK HERALD, THURSDAY, FEBRUARY 13, 1873.-TRIPLE SHEET. The Republic of Spain—The Republic of Cuba—The Democratic Principle : Everywhere, Republicanism is the refuge of nations in these modern times. When the failure and calamity of war crushed Franco as she had never been crushed before the people hailed the Republic as the hope of national preserva- tion and restoration. And now, Spain again, after having made a brief trial of monarchy and failing to establish it, returns to the Re- public. Our telegraphic despatches from Madrid, published in anothor part of the paper, give the details of how this was brought about. The news is at once graphio, signifi- cant and suggestive. Whata wonderful age we live in! Crowns go begging for adven- turous scions of royal blood to wear them ; the mightiest monarchs are hurled from their thrones as useless domestics are dismissed from service ; even the crown is cast aside by the wearer as an unendurable burden. There is no more divine right of kings. Divine right now rests inthe people. True enough has the voice of the people become the voice of God in these latter days. There is an epic in the adventure of young Amadeas, King of Spain for a few months. Son of the King of Italy, a prince of the an- cient royal house of Savoy, -s chivalrous and ambitious youth, full of noble impulses and an honest purpose, be was called by the reac- tionists and monarchists of Spain to rule over the Spanish people. He believed it was the call of the people. It had been so represented tohim. Born a royalist, and at the same time having his mind imbued with the liberal ideas and tendencies of the age, he thought he could reconcile monarchy with liberty and democ- racy. He endeavored to do so whon he ac- cepted the Spanish crown. He found that to be impossible. Rather than shed blood in a doubtful civil war to maintain his authority, as an older and more selfish man, or some booted and spurred despot might, he resigns his crown and leaves Spain to her fate. His language in doing so will be memorable. After maturely considering the question as to what course he ought to pursue, and resolving to abdicate, Amadeus says:—‘‘When he accepted the crown he did so under the belief that the loyalty of the people who had called him would compensate for the inexperience which he brought to the task. He had found that he was deceived in this. If the enemies who have beset his path had been foreigners he would not have taken the course now determined upon; but they were Spaniards. By them Spain has been kept in perpetual disquiet. All efforts to quict her, or put an end to the intrigues which were the source of her agitation, had proved unavailing. It was not enough that he had a partisan support. He had no wish to remain on the throne as the king of a party. He therefore announced his abdication in behalf of himself and his heirs.’’ Here, then, the curtain falls on the last act of this last drama of Spanish monarchy. The Ulysses of Rome need not go after this young Telemachus ; he returns voluntarily to his father’s home, and no syren can detain him. How his heart and the heart of his youthful queen must have swelled with joy and pride when he and she were borne, under the proud flag of Castile, amidst a blaze of glory, from the sunny land of Italy to the throne of Ferdinand and Isabella! What an ovation was that! There was no opposition from foreign monarchs. All seemed well pleased, thinking, doubtless, that his installa- tion as King of Spain would tend to strengthen monarchy and check republicanism in Europe. He was the young royalty of the age per- sonified. But monarchy has really no youth ; it is decrepit from age and crime; it is in the lean and slippered panta- loon. -There is no youth in any form of government but that of and by the people, which is republicanism. But let us glance for a moment at this romance of royalism before we leave Amadeus. We have briefly noticed the glory and promise of his accession to the throne. See the contrast. There are no weeping adherents, no sword drawn to maintain his authority or to avenge the wrong done him ; nothing in the least sen- timental or dramatic, as when he went to Madrid ; all is cool and tame. Madrid, or Spain, was not disquieted ; the Republic was immediately voted in the Cortes by two hun- dred and fifty-six yeas to only thirty-two in opposition, and it was unanimously resolved as an act of courtesy, but really in withering sarcasm, that a commission be appointed to accompany the King to the frontier and to bow him out of Spain. That may be called a supplementary act of the drama. But whata volume of meaning there is in this finale, though not so much with regard to Amadeus personally as to the whole monarchical system ! We now leave the honest young Prince and wish him a happier future. The question now is, What of Spain? What will be the result of this revolution, for a peaceful revolution itis? There-was no dis- turbance in Madrid, and only a sort of curious excitement, which was natural. The Cortes remains intact, and has assumed supreme power. Sefior Rivero, the President of that body, declared himself ready to answer for the preservation of order and the execution of the decrees of the Assembly. The populace, too, appears to be contented and not disposed to disorder. The Cortes is thus placed in a posi- tion similar to that of the French Assembly, except that President Thiers has something of @ legal and a good deal of moral influenc e, while in Spain there is no legal head. We suppose a provisional executive will be in order, either in the person of Rivero, who pre- sides over the Cortes, or through some other chief or a committee chosen temporarily. Taking it for granted, from the overwhelming vote of the Cortes declaring a republic, that the intention is to establish that form of gov- ernment, the greatest difficulty appears to be in bridging over the crisis. Will the Cortes immediately dissolve itself and appeal to the people? That evidently is the proper course. Or will it, like the French Assembly, per- petuate its power, ostensibly in the mame of order, but really for the sake of power?. Then, in considering the situation of Spain, we must not forget the Carlist and priest factions, or the Montpensier and Alfonso agitators, The people generally, though’ loving liberty, are not educated up to republicanism, and the republican leaders heretofore have been in the minority. The reactionists opposed to a re- lamation of the Republic when Isabella was driven from the throne. There certainly ap- pears to be no other form of government pos- sible than the Republic, but Spain is in such a transition and chaotic state and so divided by factions that no one can say what is to follow. And Cuba—poor, struggling Cuba, as the lamented General Rawlins said—what of her? Will the new republican government of Spain grant the same right of sclf government to the Cubans that it claims for Spaniards? To do so would be logical and just. But, aro the republican chicfs so disposed? Dare they venture to come in conflict with the national pride and igno- rance of the masses of the Spanish people and the interests of a powerful, wealthy class by conceding independence to Cuba? We are in doubt. Castelar, the most intenso and bril- liant of the republican leaders of Spain, has his soul filled with the imaginative idea of a grand Spanish empire, and would, possibly, be the least disposed to dismember it as it now stands. Itis not unlikely that the ro- publican chiefs of Spain may be as intent on holding Cuba as the monarchists have been, though they would, perhaps, abolish slavery and promige reforms. But the die is cast in Cuba, and the Cubans, if wise, will not lay down their arms till they have secured’ iride- pendence. Spain never ‘kgs been and never will be liberal and generous to the colonies. The Cubans ought not to depend upon the contingency of changes of government in Spain, and should never trust to any other government than one chosen by themselves. The establishment of the Republic of Cuba ought to follow the inauguration of one in Spain. There will be, probably, some action in Madrid under the new government with regard to abolishing slavery in Cuba and making reforms, and with a special view, per- haps, to prevent the United States from recognizing the Cubans as belligerents; but our government ought not to be deterred from doing that ‘act of justice to an American people struggling for independence and repub- lican institutions which has been too long delayed. Cuba ought to be free and is enti- tled to be free, and, whatever changes may take place in Spain, our government should give its moral support to the cause of Cuban freedom. The abdication of Amadeus and the estab- lishment of a republic in Spain must have an influence throughout Europe. Monarchy will be shorn of its gilded surround- ings. Republican ideas will receive a fresh impulse. This will be felt particularly among the nationalities of the Latin race. The French Republic will be strengthened ; Italy will be more inclined to aspire to republican government; the absolutism of the Church hierarchy and the relics of Papal power will be shaken; and in Germany, Austria, Eng- land and everywhere the democratic principle will. receive’ fresh vitality. Under the influ- ence of the press and telegraph knowledge is diffused among the masses, Light is bursting upon all peoples and upon the dark places of the earth. Men are learning their rights and are resolved to havethem. This great Republic is the central sun of modern political and social progress, and is carrying the nations along with it toa better destiny. The great Napoleon more than half a century ago foresaw that Europe must become either re- publican or Cossack. There can be no doubt now as to which will be its destiny. Another great man, Talleyrand, was prophetic when he said: —‘‘America grows each day. She will be- come a colossal power, and the time may ar- rive when, brought into closer communion with Europe by means of new discoveries, she will desire to have her say in our affairs, and putin her hand as well.’’ He cautioned the governments of Europe to scrupulously watch the United States. But he was looking especially to political influence or inter- meddling, and had in his mind the old idea of the balance of power on that Continent. His prophecy has proved true, however, with re- gard to the moral influence of America upon Europe, through its wonderful growth and the new discoveries he anticipated. We live, as was said before, in a wonderful age, and while it is impossible to foresee all the vast results, we may be sure that one will be the elevation of the masses of mankind to political self gov- ernment and to a better condition. Counting the Votes of the Presiden- tial Electors—A Constitutional Amend- ment Demanded. The proceedings of the two houses of Con- gress yesterday in the matter of counting the electoral votes cast in the several States in the recent election of President and Vice Presi- dent will serve, we hope, to convince every man in Congress of the necessity of an im- mediate amendment of the constitution, sim- plifying the processes of the election of Presi- dent and Vice President, and clearly provid- ing for probable accidents between the election and the installation of said officers. We see, from the questions raised and the jurisdiction assumed by the two houses yesterday in the counting of the votes from Georgia, Missis- sippi, Louis‘ana and other States, that under our present system, in a close contest, the two houses, in counting the electoral votes, may reverse the election as actually determined by the electoral colleges, or involve the country in revolutionary excitements and possibly in civil war. These dangers, under the present indirect and complicated method of choosing our President and Vice President, can no longer be* questioned. The country has out- grown this republican apprenticeship system. The founders of the constitution doubtless did the best they could do in this matter and in other things for the time in which they lived and under the conditions of the country at that day, But from thirteen States the Union has been enlarged to thirty-seven, and our people have increased from three millions to forty millions. Best of all, they have proved their capacities for self-government, including their competency to choose di- rectly their President and Vice President, as they practically have done for many years, notwithstanding their second hand agency in acting through these Presidential Electors. We believe that there are now upon the tables of the two houses at least a dozen propositions to amend the constitution on this subject, and from among them all some amendment em- bracing an election of President and Vice President directly by the people should be adopted in season to come in force in 1876. We suppose, however, that it is too late for public are ever ready to intrigue and defeat | action upon the subject by the outgoing Con- the vovular will as they did after the proc- | cress, but it should certainly be among the first subjects of consideration and action by the incoming Congress. President Thiers and the Committee of Thirty. It is manifest from our latest news from France that very considerable anxiety prevails as to what will be the result in the Assembly when the Committee of Thirty bring up their report. Itis well known that the President is not at all satisfied with tho work of the Committee of Thirty, and that it is his fixed determination to fight them in the Assembly when their report comes up for discussion. Tho Left Centre, towards which the President for some time past has been leaning, has just assured him of its hearty support. The Presi- dent is not without the hope that the commit- tee may yet accept the views of the govern- ment, If they should not the President is resolved to maintain those views before the Assembly. ‘The special committee appointed to draw up an electoral law have resolved to act in entire independence of the Committee of Thirty. Rather than submit their report to that committee they will resign their. posi- tions. All this, of course, points tothe com- ing fight, which, it seems, must bo fought in the Assembly. How it may ond it is aa yet difficult to sy. We are not left to doubt whether President Thiers does or does not mean to stand by the Republic, His mind is made up ; and it is undeniable that the suc- cess of the Republic in Spain will greatly strengthen his position, The defeat of the President might lead to serious results. His success, however, as against the Committee of Thirty, will be a serious blow to the hopes of the monarchists, A Decision as Is a Decision. We congratulate the Surrogate of West- chester county upon his decision in the case of Mr. Greeley’s will. In the language which Jack Bunsby employs when ecstatically feel- ing Captain Outtle’s bumps, we exclaim, “There's wisdom for you—chunks of it!” The chunks hurled at the pubiic’s head by Surrogate Coffin ought to render him eligible for any office in the State. We cordially rec- ommend him to the consideration of the Com- mittee of Seventy. Admitting that the witnesses are non-ex- perts, the learned Surrogate deliberately pro- nounces Mr. Greeley insane and the will of 1872 invalid. We expected no less, He thinks it unnecessary to detail with any degree of minuteness the testimony adduced by the con- testants with a view to establishing insanity. The public think otherwise. When the law takes wills into its own hands every detail should be recorded in order to satisfy justifiable suspicions. Surrogate Coffin considers it sufficient to say that Mr. Greeley’s ‘intimate associates” ob- served aberration of the mind as early as the Ist of November ; that this condition con- tinued down to the 9th of November, the date of the will in controversy, from which time “until a few hours previous to Mr. Greeley’s death, we have no direct evidence as to his bodily or mental condition.’”” Having no direct evidence and receiving no opinion from any expert competent to speak authori- tatively, the Surrogate sends in a verdict of insanity. The Surrogate’s impartiality in ad- vancing proof is worthy of all praise. He ig- nores such ‘‘intimate assopiates’’ as swear that, althongh ill, Mr. Greeley was not really out of his mind. He ignores the editorials written four days after the last will, abso- lutely daring to say that, from November 9, we have no direct evidence as to Mr. Greeley’s bodily or mental condition. “If forcible, logical editorials are not direct evidence, what are they? The Surrogate informs us that “goundness and perfectness of mind are held in law to be absolutely requisite in the making of wills, the health of the body merely not being regarded;’’ con- sequently Mr. Greeley’s evidently unsound body in mo way . incapacitated him from matettya will. We contgnd, therefore, that if Mr. Greeley’s mind was sound enough to write for the public it was sound enongh to make a testament; but Surrogate Coffin rises superior to argument. Original in his method of reasoning, the Surrogate may be original enough to'consider the writing of intelligible articles the greatest possible proot of Mr. Greeley’s hopeless insanity. Perhaps it is. As the learned gentleman does not know where the last will was written or the circumstances connected with its discovery, thereby infer- ring foul play on the part of those nearest to Mr. Greeley, he disbelieves in it. Henceforth when wills are not written in public and every circumstance is not familiar as household words, the law, which is supposed to give the benefit of the doubt, shall assume these wills to be fraudulent. Surrogate Coffin is truly one breathing mass of wisdom. Having settled that Mr. Greeley was mad when he drew up the will of 1872, the Sarro- gate asserts that there is not sufficient proof of an interval of reason at the time of the fac- tum. Is there sufficient proof of the reverse? He allows that there was a change in Mr. Greeley’s mental condition a few hours pre- vious to his death, and ‘‘intimate aasociates” have sworn to his sanity during that period, but, being witnesses in behalf of the will of 1872, of course their opinion is worthless. It is only the supporters of the previous will whose word avgils anght with the judicial mind. Asan evidence of Mr. Greeley’s intel- lectual aberration the Surrogate states that when asked, with his eyes closed, whether the paper of 1872 was his last will and testament Mr. Greeley said “No ;"” but when he opened his eyes, raised his head and looked at it, the dying man said ‘‘Yes.” It seems to us that this looks very like reason. The Surrogate at- taches ‘‘very slight importance” to the fact that Mr. Greeley at that time recognized Mr. Reid and pressed the hand of his friend to his breast, while we, having noted the action of madness, think this fact, when taken in con- nection with the will, of very considerable im- portance. The Surrogate confesses that these circumstances are not inconsistent with sound- ness of mind ; but as it ‘‘strikes him they are notinconsistent with continued nnsoundness,”” he writes down “mad,” and hugs his per- spicuity to his Dogberrian soul. We are prompted to buy a farm in Westchester county, that we may come within the shadow of a Coffin and be able to obtain the counsel of a Williams. ‘The Surrogate refers to the “tender solicitude with which all courts guard and protect the rights of those whom the law considers in- capable of managing their own afinirs;” hence, with a case half tried, closed suddenly because Mr. Greeley’s daughters cannot bear to fight over their father’s grave and spend their small property to enrich their father's debtor, Mr. Isaiah T. Williams, the law tenderly hands over ten thousand dollars to the Children’s Aid Society and sev- eral thousand additional dollars to less intimate relatives than Mr. Greeley's chil- dren, The Surrogate expressly declares that the Children’s Aid Society has never released or abandoned its legacy. Con- sequently Mr, Brace’s affirmations to the con- trary appear in a most extraordinary light. The question of veracity lies between him and the Surrogate. Mr. Brace’s last card to the public assures us that what- ever action the Society takes will be “generous.’’ When people prove themselves false prophets in one case we are prone to doubt in another, and when the presidents of societies are incapable of justice we question their generosity. Nevertheless we are open to conviction. Humanity is neither as good nor as badas it would like to be, circum- stances being favorable. In the ‘hope of find- ing all the actors as tenderly solicitous of the rights of two orphan girls as ‘intimate asso- cistes” ought to be, appreciating Mr. Wil- liams’ expression of this tender solici- tude in immediately sending a despatch to the Surrogate to know his deci- sion, we draw the curtain upon the sad Jinale of a most sad drama, and wish all that comfort to the daughters of a brother jour- nalist which has so far been denied them by the loving consideration of ‘intimate asso- ciates.”” The Missouri United States Senator Elect. Mr. Louis Y. Bogy, the United States Sena- tor elect from Missouri, sends us the following communication: — Sr. Louis, Feb. 9, 1873, To THE EDITOR OF THE HERALD :— Great injustice having been done.to our Legisla- ture by republican papers, in charging that my election as United States Senator from this State had been procured by improper means, I wish you would pubiish the enclosed report, taken from the Missouri Republican ot this date. I think this due to my State, as well as to me, so as to remove any injurious impression which may have been made by a partisan press. I claim it asa right that this pleas should PYontay teopsctial read as the in- og HUIS V. Boay, Senator Elect from Missouri. The report to which Senator Bogy refers is made by the Investigating Committee of the Missouri Legislature, and declares that the committee ‘find no evidence, either directly or indirectly, to criminate the Senator elect, Hon. L, V. Bogy,”’ and therefore fully exone- rate him from the charge of having procured his election by bribery or improper means. We give the Senator elect the benefit of the exculpation the more willingly inasmuch as he is a Missouri democrat, and hence the scrip- tural teaching in regard to the sinner and the ninety and nine just men may hold good in Semator Jones, of Nevada, On the Senatorial Monéy Question. Mr. Jones, United States Senafor elect from Nevada, boldly ‘takes the bull by the horns,” and, in a set written speech recently read by him, candidly acknowledges that money was used to elect him, but, he alleges, not cor- ruptly. It was, he insists, used legitimately and rightfully, and he proceeds to justify the use thereof in his case. On behalf of Senator Jones it is but fair to say that money has been expended in the election of United States Sen- ators from States west of the Mississippi ever since California became a State. It has been the ‘‘one thing needful’ in most of the new Western States to secure the success of par- ticular men—especially since railroad land grant jobs came into fashion—and Mr, Jones, no doubt, felt himself justified in “ following in the footsteps of his illustrious predecessors’’ in the matter of his election by the Legisla- ture of Nevada. But this does not reach the morality of the question. Two wrongs, or a thousand wrongs, never made a right. It is not many years since the merchants of Boston raised a fund of a hundred thousand dollars to induce Daniel Webster to take a seat in the United States Senate, a position he could not afford to occupy on account of his limited per- sonal means. But nowadays we see men themselves expend more than twice that amount in some way to secure seats in the same body, expecting—not a glorious career as statesmen—to indemnify themselves by Con- gressional jobbery and peculation. Here is where the moral turpitude of the whole thing develops itself. And it is here where the new Senator from Nevada, with all his ideas of self-justification, will find himself, unless he keeps his skirts clear of some of the bespat- tered robes that now soil the Senatorial Chamber. A Heantitess Rurrian.—Among the sub- scriptions to the fund for the family of the man Phyfer, so cruelly murdered by Nixon, we credited, some days since, a check for fifty dollars, signed Thomas Christy. On the pre- sentation of this check at the National Trust Company, on whom it was drawn, the signa- ture was pronounced false. A visit toa Mr. Thomas Christy, who has deposited in this in- stitution, revealed that it was not his signa- ture. It would seem almost incredible that any human being short of Nixon himself would perform so despicable an act as this forged check reveals. There are depths in meanness which have not been measured ; but the ghoul who forged this check must have touched bottom there. He will do well to preserve his ghastly secret, for the State Prison awaits his avowal. Charity may be rare under the sun, but it is something to know that fiendish heartlessness of this kind only occurs once in an age. Even were there no legal punishment awaiting the detection of this felony its author would be spurned by the vilest thieves with contempt. peaked NIST Tur New Yore Pouce Commrsstoy.—The Legislature will do well to consider the ad- visability of making the New York Police Commission under the new charter consist of five commissioners instead of four. The Com- mission has quite enough businéss of impor- tance on its hands under its enlarged duties to occupy the time and attention of five mem- bers if it is all to be propsrly attended to, and in a fall board meeting it is always better to be sure of a majority one way or the other on disputed questions than to risk a deadlock. Besides, with a board of only four commis- sioners, the absence of two on account of ill- ness or other unavoidable circumstances, pre- vents the transaction of business for want of a quorum. By all means let us have fiye com- } missioners in the now boards 4 Interference in the Affairs of Ouba= ‘The Mission of the Herald Commis sioner. The difficulties which are placed in the way of the Hzzazp Commissioner in Cuba, and the threat by which the Spaniards seek to impede his progress, are not surprising to any one who understands the character of Spanish rule in the Antilles. The hold of Spain upon her remaining West India possessions has been so- weak for many years that it has been her policy for a long time to build up a system of isolation for Cuba and Porto Rico, Even after four years of war, which continues to desolate the fairest parts of the Cubanisle; in spite of repeated official declarations that the insurrection was at an end, the world is im ignorance of the real condition of affairs. The revolution has not succeeded nor yet has it been subdued. Horrible stories of butcher- ies and barbarities on both sides have reached: us from time to time. From all that the world can learn of it the struggle is one whick shames humanity. Even a rigorous censor- ship of the press and the terrible death which has constantly menaced the newsgatherer im Cuba have not been able to conceal this muclr of the truth. Willing, however, to dis- believe everything except what wo found to be beyond’ question, wo our first Oommissioner fo tho island. Thinking that he had not probed the insurreo- tion and its attending cruelties to the bottom, we sent another man to take up the work where the first had left it, et Our second Commissioner. is now struge gling against every obstacle in order ta complete his mission—even in face of threatened death as a spy. It is useless to waste words in proving that Mr. O'Kelly is not aspy. He is not seeking for information for the benefit of the enemy, but in the interest of humanity. The Spanish au- thorities and the Spanish people respond by. asking us what right we have to interfere in the affairs of Spain or her colonies. We acknowl- edge the pertinence of the inquiry, and our answer is the response which the highest civil- ization demands and justifies. Asa rule, one nation, or the people of one nation, have no right to interfere in the internal affairs of an- other; but every rule has its exceptions. The condition of Cuba is one of those excep- tions. Under the law of nations interference is sometimes as much a duty as non-interfer- ence is at other times. Every European gov- ernment has recognized this principle—the allied Powers against Napoleon, and Spain herself against England, when her fa- mous Armada went to pieces. In our own civil war we recognized the principle to its fullest extent by giving every civilized nation ample opportunity for watching our conduct of the war against tha so-called Confederate States. The condition of the insurrectionary States and every move- ment of our own army, even, was open to tha scrutiny of the whole world. The governmenta and the people of Great Britain, France and Spain, if they desired it, could be as fully in- formed of the status of our rebellion at every step as was the Cabinet at Washington, Chatged of butchery and barbarity were met by revealing our affairs to the whole world. The representatives of foreign journals were not only welcomed in our lines, but afforded safe conducts to and from the lines of the enemy. Intended movements upon this or that point and the plans of campaigns were the only things that were matters of secrecy. We do not ask the Spanish authorities for in- formation on any military points. Our ques« tions are based on higher and nobler grounds. Our Commissioner is empowered to solve more important propositions. How and why are the Spaniards in Cuba conducting their war? How and why is a part of the island in insurrection against Spanish dominion? Is there truth in the stories which are constantly coming to our ears? Do the Spanish soldiers murder women and children? Are like accusations against tho Cubans true? Is every rule of civilized warfare set aside and is the struggle fiendish and monstrous on both sides? Can the revolution succeed, or is it only a foolish and purpose- less struggle? Can Spain subdue her in- tractable subjects, or is her endeavor to sub- due them only a waste of blood? These are questions to which the world has a right to an answer. Civilization is an arbiter for nations as well as for men, and compels every government to exercise its functions withs due regard to humanity and justice. No people, not even the Chinese, can shut them- selves off from the the rest of the world. In attempting to do it Spain only shows how far she is behind the civiliza- tion of other nations, The United States cannot afford to allow such a policy to be pursued by a neighbor so contiguous as the island of Cuba. Thousands of our peo~ ple have made that country their temporary home, and our flag must protect them there as well as here. Our money is poured into Havana ina stream which supports Spanish authority in Cuba. If we went elsewhere for our sugar Spain would find the island a burden, as it was before the Cuban planter began to drain us of our wealth. Ina hundred ways we are interested in the condition of Cuba, and cannot afford to let it be a terra incognita tg us. Its affairs are, to o great extent, our affairs, and the American people are never slow to.eompel what is their due when they find that it is stubbornly or maliciously with- held. The Heratp Commissionér represents the American people and the people of the whole world. A newspaper correspondent is not an irresponsible rover pi heedlessly into matters which do not concern him. In every civilized and free country his privileges have ali the force of constitutional right. The British Parliament and the American Congress wouk® not dare to exclude him from their delibera~ tions. He is as much an Ambassador at Court as the grandiloquent representatives of Spain. When he speaks Cabinets tremble or rejoice, He embodies the power of the press, and givea expression to the public opinion which rules the world. Mr. O’Kelly’s commission could not be better defined if he were the bearer of a mandate from every king on earth. With a mission which is sanctioned by every princi- ple which civilization recognizes he under- takes his work, confident that the public sen- timent he represents will hold both Spaniard and Cuban to a terrible responsibility for his safety. He is sent into the insurrectionary districts of Cuba not as the friend or the Jgnomy of either, knowing that any wropa in+