The New York Herald Newspaper, May 16, 1872, Page 6

6 iW YORK HERALD —_>———- N BROADWAY AND ANN STREET, — JAMES GORDON BENNETT, PROPRIETOR, Volume XXXVI... 137 AMUSEMENTS THIS EVENING. woon's UM, Broadway, corner 20th st.—Per- formances aiternoon and evening: —JaRTinE, BOWERY BOWERY.—Wircurs or New Yore—My OLYMPIC THEATRE, Broadway.—Tae Bart Pan romtux oy Husrry Duspry. BOOTIUS THENTRE, Twenty-third street, corner Sixth ay.—Ricuarn TT, UNION SQUARE TE way.—Tux Voxes Faw urteenth st. and Bread- us ov THE KiTcuEN, &0. WALLACK'S THEA’ Loxpon ASSURANCE, , Broadway and 13th street.— LINA EDWIN'S THE mus PAMiy—Wantep 4 Fariti 720 Broadway.—Foon or eo. FIFTH AVENUE THEATRE, Twenty-fourth street.— AniieLe 47. MRS. F. B. $ BROOKLYN TNEATRE.— Antiene 47. PARK THEATRE, opposite City Hall, Brooklyn.— Prerry Panroer conwe ». 201 Bowery.— Gnaxp IxstRumentan PAVILION, No. 688 Broadway, near Fourth st.—Granp Concert, STEINWAY HALL, Fourteenth street.—Matinee at 2— Pranoronte Reerran. NEW YORK MUSEUM OF ANATOMY, 618 Broadway.— Scmence AND ART. New York, Thursitay, May 16, 1872. CONTENTS OF T0-DAY'S HERALD. ieee ames PAGE. J—Advertisenion 2—Advertisements. 3—The Deinocratic e Convention at Rochester: | Hoffman and G of the Field— The Loya t Ehnirs thu ally Endorse Mai ‘to from the Liberal Republican State Committce—The Tennessee Republican State Convention, 4—The Surrender: The Chamber of Commerce Signing the Capitulation to England; A Ped- | r Bourgeoisie That Likes the Shyloc Worth the Zz ‘heir Ducats tion's Delmar Divines the Face Behind the jrant, the Unconditional Surrenderist ; Phelps, Noble Democrat, Votes 1; ‘No"’'—The Strikes: The Carpenters Nearly All Retarned to vk; Strike of the Stair and Cabinetmak: GSeFinancial and Com 1: Reviving the Treaty; ence in the Lon- 3; Gold Down | Parchase of $3,000,000 ‘ary Boutwell; Pacific , Authorizing a Redue- | and Prescribing the | etors; Governments South Ca Qualification Firm, Railway M Securities Quict and Foreign Exchange Un ances—Disease and Dir ox in the City; Alle roton Water—Pro and Impurity of the gs inthe New York and Brooklyn Cour | GeEditoriais: Leading Article, “The British Assault Upon the Honor of the Republic—T! Imperative Duty of the American Senate’— Amusement Anhonncements, %—The Jugglers’ Treaty—Cable Telegrams from England, France and Spain—News from Wash. Teiegraph—Busines ington—Miscellaneous Notices. 8—Kenticky Association: Third Day of the Spring Meeting; Large and Enthusiastic Attend. ance—Trotting at Fleetwood Park—Trotting and Racing in California—Art Matters—Mar- riages and Deaths—Advertisements. QeAdvertis 5 10—Connecticu Hiection of General Ferry to the United States Senate by the Liberal Repub- licans and Democrats—Shipping Iutel- lUgeuce—Advertisements, Al—Advertisoments. 12—Advertisements. Ler re Treaty Go, if it must, but let us preserve our national honor. Humble Pic for Brother Jonathan. “IN CONSIDERATION THEREOF THE PRESIDENT or THE Unirep States, BY AND WITH THE ADVICE AND CONSENT OF THE SENATE THEREOF, CONSENTS THAT HE WILL MAKE NO CLAIM ON THE | Part oy THE Unrrep SraTEes IN RESPECT OF INDIRECT LOSSES AS AFORESAID BEFORE THE Trruna, or ARBITRATION AT GENEVA.’’— EBxlract from Proposed Supplemerttal Treaty. Will the American Senators, republican or democratic, swallow the unclean morsel ? Tae Dore pe Noarues, who has just been | gazetted as French Minister to Washington, bears a name as illustrious as any which occurs in the history of the monarchy of France. He is at the same moment a sincere and con- sistent republican. Tue Preorte oF THE UniTED STATES DO NOT Cane a Srnaw for the Treaty of Washington. It is an English treaty—not an American one. It was made at the solicitation of England. It is valuable to the English, and not to Ameri- cans, except toa few direct claimants, specu- lators and commercial fossils. Shall we sacri- fice the national honor to preserve such a treaty because Englané bullies us and threat- ens to destroy it? Tox Exterpnise or tur Herarp.—There ‘was 0 great demand for the Hrnaxp at Wash- ington yesterday, The exclusive publication in yesterday's issue of the entire correspond- ence on the Alabama ms dispute took all the old diplomatic fossils by surprise and delighted the live politicians. The Senate was in an uproar, aud Senator Cameron was resolved to offer resolutions of investigation to find out how the Heratp manages to get the news. He will, probably, discover what he seeks about the time the John Bull supplemental rule is accepted by our government, and not sooner. However, Senator Cameron is too shrewd and too enterprising himself to take to heart any supposed infringement of the dig- | nity of his committee in the commendable pursuit of information for the people. In tHe Britisn House or Commons, on the 6th of last February, Premier Gladstone said “the could, if he desired, refer to the prepos- terous character of the American demands, which of itself proved their absurdity; for they were such as no people in the last extremity of war or in the lowest depths of national mis- fortune, with the spirit of the people of Eng- land in their hearts, would ever submit to.” The House loudly cheered these remarks ; but how much more Instily would John Bull use his lungs if the Premier could rise in his seat and announce that the “spirit of the people of England’ had compelled the Americans to abandon their ‘preposterous and absurd claims,’ and to confess, by that cowardly act, “that they should never have been made, Wr have had quite enough of weak fish, jelly fish ond Spanish mackerel in our di- | plomacv. 514 Broadway'—Comie Vocat- | dway.—Sam Smarr. NEW YURKK HERALD, THURSDAY, MAY 16, 1872.-TRLPLE SHEET, The British Assault Upon the Honor | of the Republic—The Imperative Duty | of the American Senate. The great journalistic enterprise which yes- | terday morning placed before the people of the United States, exclusively in the columns of | the New Yorx Heraxp, tho entire correspond- | eneo between the British and American govy- | ernments on the subject of the case submitted by the latter to the Geneva Conference, has brought to the knowledge of the country | sooner than the politicians expected or de- | sired the details of the negotiations in which | we have been engaged and the character of the | final proposition offered to us by England as a settlement of the controversy she has forced | upon us. In consequence of the grave im- | portance of the subject we republish to-day tho | cable despatches embraced in the later corres- | pondence. A perusal of these documents will expose to the world more clearly than ever the | unreasonableness of the concessions demanded | by the English government under the throat of a repudiation of a treaty made at its own | solicitation, and will confirm the popular faith this of the Atlantic tho justice and propriety of our hitherto professed determination to insist upon the consideration of the American caso by the Geneva Tribunal as prepared by ourselves, and not as mutilated by England. Although the leading points | embraced in the diplomatic correspondence have long been known, it needed the publica- tion of Earl Granville’s letter of March 20 to show us the actual weakness of his position. Every argument he uses to justify the dilatory protest of his government against our claims for indirect damages is successfully met and refuted by Secretary Fish. Lord Granville declares that these claims were heard of offi- | | on side in cially by Her Britannic Majesty for the first time in the American case, as being included in the “Alabama claims,’’ which had thereto- | fore been understood to embrace only the direct claims of American citizens for the | depredations of the Anglo-Confederate priva- | teers; but Secretary Fish shows that, although the indirect claims were never formulated by | our government, they were advanced and | alinded to in almost every official communica- | tion on the Alabama controversy, from the note of Mr. Adams to Lord Russell in Novem- ber, 1862, down to the date of the Reverdy Johnson Treaty, and were specifically con- sidered and discussed by the Joint High Com- } missioners by whom the Treaty of Washington Lord Granville refers to the waiver by the British High Commissioners of | | the Canadian claims against the United States | for injuries suffered from Fenian raids, partly | in consequence of the “constructive character’ was framed. | of a portion of such claims, and thinks Her | Majesty’s government were justified in expect- ing that after this concession the constructive or indirect claims of the United States were in | like manner to be waived; but Secretary Fish | reminds His Lordship that “what aro termed the concessions of Great Britain appear in the | treaty,’’ and pertinently asks ‘if the relin- quishment by the United States of o part of | their claim was the equivalent therefor, ‘why is not that set forth’’ in the treaty also? But we do not propose to follow the course | of the argument in all its turnings and wind- ings. It is of little interest now to the Ameri- can people to note the singular diplomatic blunder made by Lord Granville in advancing | as one of the reasons for the belief of his gov- ernment that the indirect claims were not a proper subject of reference to the Geneva Tribunal the fact that Minister Schenck was present in the British Parliament when both | His Lordship and the Earl of Derby declared in debate that those claims were not embraced in the scope of the treaty, and that he failed to make a protest against such interpretation of the instrument. Secretary Fish sufficiently exposes the absurdity of this special plea by reminding the British Minister that the ut- terances in Parliament are privileged; | that if the representatives of foreign Powers are bound to take notice of them they have the right to remonstrate against them, which would destroy the independence of a Parliamentary government; and that had Minister Schenck interfered, either to remon- strate or demand explanation, he would have exposed himself to the just rebuke which the United States have ere now had occasion to administer to “diplomatic agents of foreign | governments who, in ignorance or in disregard of the fundamental principles of a constitu- tional government with an independent Legis- | lature, have asked explanations from this gov- | ernment concerning the debates and proceed- | ings of Congress.'’ These and other points in the controversy seem only like so much mockery, in view of the humiliating knowl- | edge that while we have altogether the best of | the argument*—while reason and justice are on | our side—we weaken before the superior bold- ness of the English statesmen and de- ourselves by entertaining for an | instant their insolent demand for our uncon- ditional surrender. No one who reads the correspondence can escape the conviction that the British government have been driven into their opposition to our case by a_ political necessity; that they know the indirect claims to have been made a proper subject for arbi- tration throngh the remissness of their High Commissioners, and that they have from the first been secking by threats and bluster to drive us froma position they cannot honor- | ably assuil. The treaty they endanger is nothing tous and everything to them; the settlement they repudiate is of their own | grade seeking and has never been wholly acceptable to us; yet, through the timidity or incapacity of our diplomatic officers, we are put on the defensive instead of acting on the aggressive, and instead of saying boldly to the English government, ‘Thero is our case and by it we stand—fulfil your obligations and go before the Geneva Tribunal, or we tear tho treaty into tatters,”’ we find ourselves debating whether at the dic- tation of Lord Granville we shall abandon our case, confess that we advanced unjustifiable claims and acknowledge ourselves a nation of pettifogging tricksters, The question now under discussion in the Senate is, Shall we accept or reject a supple- mental rule to be embodied as one of the arti- cles of tho Treaty of Washington, which, after setting forth the contentions of England, first, that the indirect claims presented in our case were not included in the treaty; and, second, should not be admitted in principle as growing out of the acts committed by the Anglo-Confederate privateers; and, after agree- ing on both sides that this principle shall govern sideration thereof, the President of the United States, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate thereof, consents that he will make no claim on the part of the United States in respect of indirect losses, as aforesaid, before the Tribunal of Arbitration at Geneva?’ It would not seem to require one instant’s delib- eration inan American Senate to insure the indignant rejection of this disgraceful and humiliating proposition. Yet there aro influences at work to induce tho ad- ministration to so degrade us in the eyes of the world our own self-respect as to yield to the insolent de- mand of England, and abandon our case in this shameful manner. esta selfish enough—some trading Americans unworthy enough to be willing to sacrifice the honor of the nation for mercenary considera- tions. The unwholesome bubble of Wall street speculation, inflated now to an unnatu- ral and dangerous size, and threatened at any moment with a sudden collapse, clamors for the infamous surrender in order to prevent the simultaneous downfall of the treaty and the and in There are some inter- market. The claimants of direct dam- ages, who have been careful to swell their domands to a _ capacity sufficient to cover the expenses of lobbyists and to meet the necessities of corruptionists, are pressing on the Senate the censummation of this national disgrace. and charlatans—not the bone and sinew of the commerce of the country—meetin a packed convention, engineered by lobby*agents in the pay of the direct claimants, and deplore the loss of the treaty as a great public calamity, but have no word to say in deprecation of the such men is in their monéy chests, and the President and the Senate lnow what value to put upon _ their advice. Because the rejection of the sup- plemental treaty might for tho | moment de- press tho market value of our securities they would cast the government down in the dust under the heels of England. They have not the courage to feel that we are growing to be independent of the English market, nor the sense to remember that ever since the termi- nation of the rebellion, although the Alabama claims have been unsettled and under agita- tion, our securieties have been steadily od- vancing. We have good and true friends in Germany, and the intrinsic value of our bonds defies the intrigues of English capitalists. Tho destruction of the Treaty of Washington will not lead to war, and“while we are at peace Englishmen have sufficient avarice to secure our five and six per cents for their money and sufficient judgment to know that our national wealth is increasing with every succeeding year. The selfish arguments of these interested advocates ofthe supplemental infamy will not prevail with President Grant, and should not be heeded by the Senate. Behind the Wall street speculators, the direct claimants, the lobbyists and the commercial fossils, stand a watchful and a jealous people—a people who care noth- ing for the Washington Treaty or the English threats, but much for the national honor and self-respect—a people who demand from the administration the immediate and uncon- ditional rejection of the English proposal for the unconditional withdrawal of the American case from before the Geneva Tribunal. No party issue at this important moment should be suffered to interfere with the interests of the nation. In the whole of the controversy forced upon us by England, Presi- dent Grant has himself occupied o firm and dignified position, ond the weakness and yacillation evident in some of our acts are not due to him. The despatches of Secretary Fish, speaking the sentiments ond determina- tion of the President, have consistently main- tained our right to advance our claims for special damages and our resolution not to withdraw them. The acts of Secretary Fish suggesting and inviting sur- render, instead of breaking off negotiations by a distinct declaration of our intention not to abandon our case, have been his own. The President very properly referred the sup- plemental rule to the Senators for their con- sideration and advice, but he has given no in- dication of his own readiness to disgrace the country by its acceptance. We call upon him to reiect it, As a supvorter of his administra. Commercial fossils future similar cases, declares that, ‘in con- | tion up to this point, we assure him that destruction must follow this humiliating and infamous surrender to the bluster and threats of England. Political considerations should not be suffered to influence or control a question of grave national importance; nevertheless the voice and wishes of the people in a republican government must be heard and obeyed. The government of the United States ought to be the embodiment of the popular sentiment, or it becomes false to the trust it has accepted. ‘The nation trembles on tho verge of an unconditional sur- render of its honor, its manhood and its self- respect, and the independent press would be faithless to its duty if it should fail to warn the administration that it cannot make the sacrifice without entailing destruction upon itself. Ninety-nine hun- dredths of the ‘people, from Maine to Cali- | fornia, would blush with shame at the na- tional disgrace and with indignation against those who had been its instruments, General Grant, who has saved the republic so recently and whose sword is ever ready to be drawn in its defence, is not likely to dishonor it in the eyes of the world by a cowardly surrender to a foreign Power. We call upon him to withdraw this supplemental treaty from the Senate and to reject it of his own act. We call his friends and opponents in tho Senate to unite in advising such a course. Let the treaty be destroyed, for the people care nothing about it, and the country will not suffer from its loss ; but let the nation’s honor be preserved, and the administration will find its roward in the plaudits of a proud and happy people. Tux Democratic Convention at Rochester yesterday adjourned over till to-day, after pass- ing a short but pithy series of resolutions, which practically pledge the support of New York at Baltimore to Greeley. Governor Hoffman is reported to have triumphantly “‘bossed’’ the gathering, and hoe has apparently heartily thrown in his lot with the Philosopher of Chappaqua. The selection of Mr. Kinsella, who accepted the Cincinnati candidate from the first, as both temporary and permanent Chairman, is significant of the temper of the Convention. Some of the Bourbons are uneasy and restless, but the young men have got control of the party, and what can they do? It has been decided, also, that the vote of New York at Baltimore shall be cast as a unit—a very important feature in the fight that may take place there, when the nu- merical importance of the Empire State is re- membered. The Tammany delegation from this city were admitted and the reformers rejected, owing, it is charged, to the curious generalship of Mr. Tilden, who was a member of both delegations, and did not know exactly which he preferred should be awarded seats, In consequence of this unex- pected result Mr. Tilden is to be read out of the Apollo Hall party, and there is consider- able indignation being cultivated among the country members against him. Ir 15 Joun Buu's Ixrgnest to have tho Ala- bama discussion closed, not ours, We can bide our Ame. No Laren Aco tHan May 8 Secretary Fish wrote to Minister Schenck;—‘‘All the propositions made by the British government involve covertly, probably without design, what this government cannot agree to— namely, tho withdrawal from “the pro- vince of the trilunal what we believe to be entirely within their competence. Ineed not repeat our conviction that the arbitrators have the right to decide whether the claims to which Great Britain objects are or are not ad- missible."” In the same despatch the Secre- tary says:—‘In my telegram of yesterday I explained that the President cannot and will not withdraw any point of what has been sub- mitted within his construction of the intent and spirit of the treaty.’’ Is it consistent with these positive declarations for the President to swallow the ‘humble pie” prepared for him by England in the supplemental rule dictated by the British government, which says ‘the President of the United States, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate thereof, con- sents that he will make no claim on the part of the United States in respect of indirect losses as aforesaid before the Tribunal of Arbitration at Geneva?’’ John Bull not only requires us to eat his “humble pie,’’ but our own words as well. Tre Rervpiican Convention at Elmira completed their labors yesterday with military promptness. The rumors floating about to the effect that there would be a Greeley demon- stration of greater or less importance were not verified. Everything went smoothly for the Grant men from the very outset, and the adhe- rents of the administration can at least con- gratulate themselves upon ‘the splendid discipline of what remains to them of the party which they control. The great feature of tho Convention was the resolutions, which seem to have been written upon the same principle that regu- lated the composition of the Psalms—that is, saying everything twice over in different ver- bal forms. They area wonderful example of literary diffuseness, and are not only a text for stamp speeches, but a stump speech in themselves. Mr. Henry R. Pierson was chair- man of the Convention. Tue Secrets or THE SenaTontat Executive Sxsstons are not too secure. The name of every Senator who supports the infamous sur- render of the national honor demanded by the English government will be placed before the people. Rerernmna to Enoranp’s Reset Dept Crarm, the American mouthpiece says :— Immediately on its presentation the United States remonstrated, and requested the British government to instruct their agent to withdraw that claim. Their remonstrance was unheeded;. their request was not answered, England's requests and remonstrances about consequential damages seem to have been differently met, os the following extract evinces :— The President of the United States, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate thereof, con- sents that he will make no claim on the part of the United States in respect of indirect losses as afore- said before the Tribunal of Arbitration at Geneva, It seems like the result of a contest between a shark and a jclly-fish, Rapid Transit Sills for the Ottya: Railroad Bills in the Governor's Hands. Our State legislators at Albany have ad- | Journed for the season and departed for their several homes. It is not our inten- tion at present to review the past session. If they think they have done well we know they might and ought to have dono better. In one essential particular they have failed, and failed most lamentably, to meet the wants and necessities of the citizens of New York. In the matter of rapid transit, the crying ne- cessity of the hour, the duty of both houses was plain; but, from causes best known to our representatives themselves, the duty has not been discharged. In spite of our boasted American enterprise there is no large city within the limits of modern civilization so badly off for rapid transit as the city of New York. Two bills, both of them having for their object rapid transit, and both of them passed by both houses, are now in the Gov- ernor's hands. Their fate, while we write, is uncertain. One of these bills is Vanderbilt's Rapid Transit; the other is Gilbert's elevated scheme. We have already and more than once commented oh Vanderbilt's plan. Itis better than nothing, no doubt; but the pro- posed railroad which is to give us a rapid run from City Hall to Fifty-ninth street, at the rate of ten cents a head, is merely an extension of the existing Vanderbilt lines; and whatever gain thero will be in the affair will be more a gain to Vanderbilt than to the community. Of the Gilbert elevated railroad we can only say that it is a vory reasonable experiment. Neither the one nor the other comes up to the high requirements of the case. What we want and what the people of New York really need is two railroads for steam cars—the one running from the lower part of the city to Harlem Bridge on the one side, the other run- ning from the lower part of the city to Kings- bridge on the other side—the fare, in either case, not exceeding six cents. To this plan we must ultimately come. Nothing else will satisfy. What the Governor may do we know not. It is said that he is in favor of Vanderbilt's plan. In our judgment the Commodore could do much better. He is known all over the world as a great railroad man, and he requires but to mako the call in a great enterprise, such as that which the Herarp recommends, to command the necessary funds. As it is he has not come up to the high requirements of the occasion. Itis not improbable that the Gov- ernor may sign his bill. So far as the exten- sion will be a gain to Mr. Vanderbilt we make no objection, but we insist that in signing this bill the Governor should know that he is not conferring any boon on the community. Hoe will be advancing the interests of Mr. Vander- bilt, not the interests of the citizens of New York. Of the possible or probable fate of the Gilbert elevated railroad we know nothing. Suffice that the one schemo and the other are, in our judgment, totally inadequate, and that they do not remove the great existing necessity for two viaduct railroads for the use of the residents of New York. ‘Tue Cuamner or Commence have done many foolish things, but never anything so utterly foolish as their action yesterday. Secretary Fish Wnore to Our Minister 1n Lonpon on May 4, ‘“‘The President cannot consent to any proposition which, by implica- tion or inference, withdraws any part of the claims or ofthe case of this government from consideration of the tribuisl.” And again, the same date, he wrote, ‘Under these circum- stances the President is compelled to adhere to the opinion that it is within the province of the arbitrators at Geneva to consider all the claims, and to determine the liability of Great Britain for all the claims which have been put forward by the United States,”” What change has occurred to render it pos- sible for the President now to say, in a rule of the Treaty of Washington added at the dicta- tion of England, ‘The President of the United States, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate thereof, consents that he will make no claim on the part of the United States in respect of indirect losses as aforesaid before the Tribunal of Arbitration at Geneva?” Hamble Pie for Brother Jonathan. “IN CONSIDERATION THEREOF THE PresrpEeNT oF THE UNITED’ STATES, BY AND WITH THE ADVICE AND CONSENT OF THE SENATE THEREOF, CONSENTS THAT HE WILL MAKE NO CLAIM ON THE PART OF THE UnrTeD STATES IN RESPECT OF INDIRECT LOSSES AS AFORESAID BEFORE THE 'Trrpunat OF ARBITRATION AT GENEvA.’’ The above is the dish of humble pie placed before the United States by the English gov- ernment through Lord Granville, with a re- quest that they eat it without making wry faces. What say our American people to the invitation ? Ler us have no more secret diplomatic nego- tiations, but honest, fair, open dealing, which can lead to no mistakes. ‘Tue Re-EtEcTION or Senator Ferry yester- day will doubtless be regarded by the liberals as a significant victory. Senator Ferry was one of the earliest opponents at Washington of the administration, and though fora time he was comparatively guarded in his utterances he has lately clearly defined his position. His re-election has been gained by a fusion of democrats and liberals, and the suceess that has crowned this policy may lead to many similar combinations in the fu- ture. His opponent, Governor Hawley, was one of the most popular politicians in his State, and one of the hardest workers, too, The defeat has not certainly been the result of o negligent canvass or of lack of personal in- fluence. Sgvaton Cnanpuer, or Mrcuraan, 1s Nor Over Foyp of the British. How can he face the sturdy Americans of the West if he should vote to advise the President to abandon the indirect claims before the Geneva Conference at the insolent bidding of John Bull? Senator Conxuinc Is From THe STATE OF New York and is a supporter of the adminis- tration, Will he venture to advise President Grant to back down from the position taken by the United States government, and, at the bidding of John Bull, to sign the following humiliating declaration ?--‘‘The President of the United States, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate thereof, consents that he will make no claim on the part of the United States in respect of indirect losses as aforesaid before the Tribunal of Arbitration at Geneva?’ iene Panoy Stocns oN Waut Stage are inflated, Tho bubble of speculation ig bursting, and may Collapse ‘at any This is the reasot Wall street prudent men stand from under, Ul Taz Democrats Now im Session At Rocuester have a splendid opportunity befors' them. Let them denounce in strong and indignant terms the insult offered to the national honor by the proposition of Lord Granville requiring the President and Senate to surrender unconditionally to the demands of England and to abandon their case before the Geneva Conference. Secretary Fish Mave a SuGGEstion For & Compromiss with England on April 27, bué wrote, “Should a proposal to this effect be made by the British government the President will assent to it, it being understood that there is no withdrawal of any part of the American case, but an agreement not to demand dam- ages on account of the claims referred to, leav- ing the tribunal to make such expression of opinion as it may think proper on that sub- ject.’ How does this ‘‘no withdrawal’ declaration tally with the proposed supplemental rule of the Treaty of Washington, as demanded by. the English, which says ‘in consideration thereof the President of the United States, by, and with the advice and consent of the Senate thereof, consents that he will make no claim on the part of the United States in respect of indirect losses as aforesaid before the Tribunal of Arbitration at Geneva.'"” Lorp Granvittz Sam To Our Mousrse at Lowbon on May 9:—“I carefully avoid any- thing like menace ; but, in conseqtence of the views and information you have presented to me yesterday and to-day, I take an unfavoray ble view of the chances of any settlement.”* After he had thus shaken his diplomatio fist under our republican nose on May 9 he pre- pared us his dish of ‘‘humble pie’’ on May 10,: and Secretary Fish, at least, seemed not uns willing to eat it. How Our Bobadil Government Talkse ENGLAND—“These claims of an enormous and in-, definite amount are not within the province of the arbitration.”” America—“It is within your personal knowledge that this government has never expected or desired’ any PO ge pecuniary compensations on thetr, ENGLAND —*T carefully avoid anything like menace, but’? —— AMERICA—“The President will, therefore, be will- ing to consider, and, if possible, will present for the consideration of the Senate any new article which may be proposed by the British government.”— Extracts from the Treaty Correspondence. This pieco of conversation speaks volumes for American backbone—pliable as that of a Fish. Prince Bismarck Has Dectarep His Cons viction that the Americans were justified in their positive refusal to obey the haughty com- mand of England to abandon their case aa submitted to the Geneva Tribunal. What would our German fellow citizens think of an administration that, after repeated professions of determination not to back down, should. eat British ‘humble pie,’ and consent to withdraw their case ? Tux Inna Vore, AutHovcH CLAIMED FOR Gneexry, is very likely to be cast for Grant. But what will the Fenians say if the adminis- tration should- tremble before Granville’s threats and agree at his dictation to sbandon their claims for indirect damages before the Geneva Tribunal ? GzorcE Oppyge Says Taat tae Fan of the Treaty of Washington would be a great public 2 joes he think it no “‘public calamity” to sacrifice the manhood ? > Tue Stare Department 1s INcENSED AT THR Exciustve publication in yesterday's Henarp of the diplomatic correspondence on the Wash- ington Treaty difficulty. They beliove the publication will defeat the supplemental rule. This shows that they are aware that the wishes of the people are against the disgraceful sur- render of the-national honor, _ AMUSEMENTS. Union Square Theatre. A dccided hit has been made at this theatre by the Vokes family, whose characteristic performance entitled “Belles of the Kitchen” has attracted crowded audiences ever since their first appear- ance in this city, But it is nearly time that they should be seen in some other of their numerous sketches, They are unquestionably talented artists in their line, ‘and display a wonderful amount of versatility from the beginning to the end of thetr exceedingly humorous entertainment. The farce “Roland for an Oliver,” in which the graceful and painstaking actress, Miss Fanny Hayward, appeared as Maria Darlington, and E. F, Thorne as Highfiyer, receded the performance, which altogether seemed 0 give great satisfaction. national honor and > Bowery Theatre. The Old Bowery was crowded on Monday night from pit dome to witness the appearance of Mr. Albert W. Aiken as Royal Keene, in “The Witches of New York.” Judging from the hearty manner in which he was applauded this gentleman has suc- ceeded in pleasing the sometimes hypercritical pat- rons of the “Drury.’’ Charles Foster, as Abraham, the diamond broker, was keenly appreciated, and Miss Sacket as Kate Blake was well received. Sharpley’s Minstrels, Sam Sharpley’s troupe seem destined to succes fully follow in the footsteps of the San Franciscos, at theirold hall. A very full house greeted them on Monday night, and they were constantly en- cored. Nelse Seymour's “Dolly Varden" was the hit of the opening portion of the programme, while several of the songs and ballads were deservedly applauded. ite Lina Edwin's Theatre. Avery excellent farce and vaudeville performe ance is being furnished at this theatre at present, which, without being particularly novel in any of its features, combines several very pleasing acts. In the two farces which are the beginning and end- ing of the entertainment Mr. G. F. Ketchum ap- pears to considerable advantage, his droll iumor and great facial expression causing roars of laugh- ter. Of the other performers who appear in the olio the character vocalism of Miss Blanche Selwyn, the ballad singing of Clara Fisher and O’Reardon’s musical performances on tumblers are the most interesting, while the rest are to be credited with an carnest attempt to render their performances amusing. Wood's Museum. Marietta Ravel appeared Monday evening in the spectacular piece entitled ‘Jartine, the Pride of the Fourteenth,” in which she sustained five different characters. ‘“Jartine’ is one mass of rank non- sense, but gives ample scope to Miss Kavel’s pecu- ar line of acting. Her efforts were rewarded with liberal applause by a large and noisy audience. The other characters were represented by Mr. Ty W. Keene, Mr. A. W. Sheldon and others, Irving Hall—Miss Nininger’s Concert. This favorite pupil of Signor Albites had a com-, plimentary concert at Irving Hall on Tuesday, night, at which she sang ‘Bel Raggio,” from Ros- sini’s “Semiramide,” and in a couple of ‘duets and! the quartet from “Rigoletto.” She was assisted by! iss Agnes Palmer, Miss Ade- laide Manzocchi, and Messrs. Leoni, Lartiett,, Ablites and Korbay. Miss Nininger proposes start- ing shortly for Italy, where she will complete her musical education under the best masters She has given many evidences this season of a high order of talent, which, with careful training, will on 1 Place her among tho foremost of Amertoa, at Madame Gazganiga,