The New York Herald Newspaper, November 9, 1871, Page 6

6 NEW YORK HERALD BROADWAY AND ANN STREET, JAMES GORDON BENNETT, PROPRIETOR. ed All business or news letter and telegraphic @espatches must be addressed New York Henrarp. Letters and packages should be properly pealed. Rejected communications will not be re- sprned. THE DAILY HERALD, pudtished every day in the ‘pear. Four cents per copy. Annual subscription Price $12. \THE WEEKLY HERALD, every Saturday, at Five Cents percopy. Annual subscription price:— Postage five cents per copy for three months. ‘Any larger number addressed to names of sub- $1 50 each. An extra copy will be sent to every club of ten. Twenty copies to one address, one year, $25, and any larger number at same price. An extra copy will be sent to clubs of twenty. These yatesmake the WEEKLY HERALD the cheapest pub- Hication in the country. {_ The BUROPEAN Eprrioy, every Wednesday, at Six (CENTS per copy, $4 per annum to any part of Great Britain, or 86 to any part of the Continent, both to Anclude postage. ADVERTISEMENTS, to 0 limite? number, will be in- erted in the WEEKLY HERALD and the European Edition. ‘ JOB PRINTING of every description, also Stereo- ping ana Engraving, neaty and promptly exe- fuledat the lowest rates. seereeeesNo. SID Wolume XXXVI........000esee0e AMUSEMENTS THIS EVENINS. ST. JAMES THEATRE, Twenty-eighth street and Broad- way. -LITZCUEN AND FRITZCUBS, AO. ; eset |, WALLACK'S THEATRE. Broadway and 18th strecti= A Nok Finm—Tue Crrr16. a Bl seer WOOD'S MUSEUM, Broadway, corner 30h st. —Perform- ances afternoon and evening—Tuk Boy DETective. \ BOOTH'S THEATRE, 234 st,, between Sth and 6th avs. — Dor; on, TUE CrickFT ON THE HEARTH. BOWERY THEATRE, Bowery.—Cnimz—Aunt Cua® Lorts’s MAID. NIBLO’S GARDEN, Broadway, between Prinoe and Houston streets.—OUR AMERICAN COUSIN. \ GRAND OPERA HOUSE, corner ot 8tb av. ana 23d st— E..ees OGE. LINA EDWIN’S THEATRE, No. 726 Broadway.—F RENCE Drepa—La Psrtono.e. FIFTH AVENUE TILEATRE, Twenty-fourth: street.— Tuk New Drama or Divonoz. OLYMPIC THEATRE, Broadway.—Tur BAuLeT Paw §Fomime Or Humpry Dumpty. MRS. F. B. CONWAY'S BROOKLYN THEATRE. VORCE. og THEATRE, opposite City Hall, Brooklyo.—Fan Ty BROOKLYN ACADEMY OF MUSIC, Montague atreet— Ux MANNERING, UNION SQUARE THEATRE, Fourteenth at. and Broad- ay.—NEGRO AOTS—BURLESQUE, BALLET, &c. THEATRE COMIQUE, 514 Broadway.—Couto Vooal- 18, NEGRO ACTR, a0. SAN FRANCISCO MINSTREL H. _ San Francisco MineraEs. cpa te aia he . BRYANT'S NEW OPERA UOUSE, 234 st., between 6th ‘Mh ave.—BRYaNt's MINSTRELS. TONY PASTOR'S OPERA HOUSF, No. — kano ECcENTRICITIES, DORLESQUES, ao. rp NEW YORK CIRCUS, Fourteenth strect.—ScENzs IN BInG, Ackonats, £0. RIPLE SHEET. New York; Thursday, November 9, 1871. CONTENTS OF TO-DAY’S HERALD. AGE. coerced — Advertisements. dvertisements. ‘The Elections—Shockii y of @ Piano ott Fe nth Avenue; Several PT ae Injured—Lecture by Olive Logan— ews, 5 $-—The People’s Victory: Public Opinion on Tam- Fi many's wowniali; Discomiiture of the d Sachoms; wild Kumors 01 Tweeu's Resigna- . tion and Flight; Rossa to be Deputy Register; » nator O'Brien on the Situation; What the dunicipal Keform Association Has Dono and > Wil Do; Ledwith Invisivle Yesterday—Board Of Apportionment—The Attempt to Defraud tho Hospital Stewards—Attempt to Stab an Odicer—Under the Wheels. S=Trotting at Fleetwood Park—White Plains Driving Park—Racing at Mystic Park, mass, — The Death Penalty: Execution of Mack Swann . (Negro) in North Carolina—Pestilence Pouring In—New York ee! News—Martial Law in South Carolina—Public Instruction -New York Juvenile Asylum—Two Servants Ar- rested for Larceny—Deadiy Assault in the Street—Proposed National Convention of In- Veutors, Authors and Artisans—Tue Wrong Man—Miscellaneous Telegrams. ¥ 6—Euitoriais: Leading Article, “The New York Battle for Justice and Keform—A Decisive . Victory and a Great Revolution”—Important 1 iatigation Settled—Amusement Announce- Y—European Cable Telegrams—Important from ms Catastrophe: Ruarning Mexico—News from Washington—Miscella- eous oe ae << — Griticts: of New Books—siterary Chit- s Chat—The Weather Report—Art Matters— Business Notices. veedings in the Courts—The Bonard Will Case -Calvary Cemetery—Fair of the “Sisters 2 of the Stranger”—Financial and Commercial ‘ Reporis—Chicago Relief Fund—Boston In- surance Companies—Thanksgiving in Michi- . gan—Marriages and Deaths. (@—Atray in a Boarding House—Sad Drowning Casualty— Advertise ments, oa rope: The Ministerial Crisis in the Empire os ews — Amusements— TOCrCESGiey Rete ee en nuckeiA ‘ore! ersonai Gossip, Sci 5 Notes and Mimellancous lteme et” Sclentias 1Advertisements, Advertisements. “¢ Tue Sorpizry have commenced a raid on Jnion county, the district newly put under artial law in South Carolina, and our espatches thence indicate a very unhappy ime among the citizens, who either appre- end arrest or have already been arrested, .| Marsnat Bazarye has told all he knows bout Metz to the members of the French mmission of Inquiry on Capitulations made uring the war with Germany. The experi- ees of Bazaine are contained in very volu- inous despatches, but it appears, just now, as the actual results will come in a very curt jhape, and unpleasantly, to the famous com- Asotugr Wanrnine against the lax inspec- lon of our buildings has come to us in the fall f the veranda of an immense piano factory In enth svetue yesterday, under the ruins of hich thirty-seven persons were buried, Al- bh the building was burning when the eranda fell it is apparent that there wasa iminally lax regard for durability in its ructure originally, as the beams which sup- the veranda jutted very slightly into e walls, which were themselves exceedingly {1 for so large a structure. Of the thirty- even persons injured only one is actually ina angerous condition, but the disaster is euf- iclent to give us @ waruing that we ought no to neglegy * .' NEW YORK HEKALD, THURSDAY, NOVEMBER 9, 187L—TRIPLE SHEET. Tre New York Battle for Justice and Reform—A Decisive Victory and a Great Revolutien. A great battle has been fought in New York, city and State, between the honest masses of the people of all parties and a cor- rupt combination of men in power, and a vic- tory has been achieved in the cause of hon- esty, justice and reform which marks the practical beginning of a great revolution in our municipal and State affairs. The sceptre of the mighty Tweed is broken ; his cohorts of corrupt dependents and confederate robbers are dispersed ; his prestige and his power are gone, and his ambitious schemes for control- ling the voice of the State through his dicta- torial power over the city, and the democratic party of the Union through his power over the Emp're State, are all scattered to the winds. The glory of ‘the Wigwam” has de- parted, and the jolly councils and carousals which its sachems have known over the divi- sion of the city spoils and plunder they will know no more forever. City and State, this great battle of the 7th of November, 1871, was fought by an ourraged and indignant people for the suppression of Tweed and his corrupt confederates and fol- lowers, They had become, in their greedi- ness, shamelesaneas and audacity, a fax, a burden and a scandal which could no longer be borne, With the adjourn- ment of our last Legislature, having, in two winters at Albany, by bargains with the re- publicans in tbe first place and through the purchase of Winans as a last rescrt, accom- plished all he desired for our city government, having tied It up and hedged it about so that he had full power over the public treasury, while there was no one who dared to call him to account, and with a democratic following in the city of fifty, sixty, seventy or eighty thou- sand majority at his command, as the occasion might require, who could measure the power of Mr. Tweed? Can we wonder, under the circumstances, that he became inflated as with the grandeur of the Great Mogul? Having tried and proved the power of offices and plunder among the dangerous classes of the city, and having in the guardian of the city treasnry an active confederate, can we be sur- prised at his confiscations of millions of the public money to enrich himself and his willing tools and to widen his scope of authority by bribery and corruption ? It was generally supposed that under our new city charter, with a reasonably honest ad- ministration of our municipal government, the party controlling it and holding the State had the means in their possession for perpetuating their power in the city and the State for many years to come. The so-called Tammany Ring, under this new city charter, had, indeed, the opportunity not only to maintain themselves in power and to strengthen the democratic party of the city, the State and the nation, but they had an invitation to as- sume the direction and ‘Management of the national democracy in referendé to the Bresi- dential succession. We know, too, that the Tammany Sachems expected to play this im- portant réle in our national politics, and that less than six months ago they were filled with the grand idea of afi ‘early tranater of their headquarters from the Tammany Wigwam to the While Honse, But now The cloud-capp’d towers, the gorgeous palaces, which so allured them have assumed the dis- mal shapes of prison walls and iron gratings, Mr. Tweed has simply presumed too much, assumed too much and carried his game of bluff and confidence too far. He was too greedy, in being greedy beyond all expecta- tions and all precedents. He was too bold In his coarse and vulgar parade before the astonished world of his palaces and palatial stables, his diamond weddings and his royal charities with the people’s money. His Comp- troller and bis other convenient instruments— Woodward, Garvey, Ingersoll and Company— suddenly enriched, like the ‘‘Boss,” as with the wealth of the Island of Monte Christo, or the cave of the Forty Thieves, of course could only ape the fantastic tricks of their master in shoddy displays, and in the fulfilment of that right ancient adage that if you ‘put a beggar on horseback he will ride to the devil.” But ‘the Boss” has resigned his office as chief of the Department of Public Works. He may put it on the vindication of his honesty by the verdict of his constituents ; but if he will act upon the presumption that this verdict will not acquit him in the State Senate he will meet the case. We are satis- fied that Mr. Tweed will not be allowed by our new Senate to sit among its members. Should he present himself before the body as amember elect he will have to be admitted; but he will next be cxpelled as an unfit asso- ciate of honest men. And this is the end of the Grand Sachem of Tammany Hall. It is ‘‘a lame and impotent conclusion.” And this is the end of the Tam- many Ring and of Tammany’s reign over this great metropolis and this great State. It is, io truth, a great revolution. It means the complete reconstruction of our city govern- ment, in what shape we cannot tell; but this task devolving upon the republicans of our new Legislature is a very delicate and difi- cult one. Assuming that we shall obtain from this Legislature elect a cheaper and bet- ter city government than that of Tammany we pass on to the consideration of this New York revolution in its bearings upon our national politics. The battle, in the city and throughout the State, has been fought against the corruptions of the Tammany ‘‘Ring.” Democrats and re- publicans, in the common cause of reform, have worked and fused and voted together to “smash the Tammany machine,” and it is emashed. The victory, then, is the joint work of republicans and democrats. Had no defi- nite issue been raised against Tammany the democrats, in all probability, would have car- tied the State by twenty or thirty thousand majority. And yet the victory has given the State to the republicans, The same cause which gave them their unexpected majorities in the September elections of Maine and Cali- fornia, and in the October elections of Penn- eylvania and Obio, and which has operated to some extent in all these November elections from the Hudson to the Missouri River—this same cause has, in this sweeping reaction of public sentiment against the astounding cor- ruptions of Tammany, revolutionized the State of New York. All these other elections may be likened to the rolling thunder in the clouds, while in New York we have the resounding and startling explosion and its heavy rever- berations among the hills. New York, the strong citadel, the magazine of supplies and base of operations of the demo- cratic party for the Presidential succession, is lost and turned against them. What are they going to do about it? What can they do? Their ‘new departure” has proved a snare and a delusion, and Tammany has fought their battle of Sedan. General Grant looms up into bolder relief than ever as master of the political field, and Mr. Greeley asa subsoil Presidential candidate becomes almost invisible to the naked eye. There is, from present indications, hardly the ghost of a chance for the democratic party next year. They are an army without generals and gene- rals without an army. Routed and demoral- ized in the North they are divided in the South, With nothing but the Governor of New Jersey to swear by in the East, they have hardly a local habitation or a name in the Great West. Their perplexed leaders are de- bating still another new departure—the get- ting up an independent republican Pres!den- tial ticket and the concentration of the whole democratic party, with all the loose materials of the country, in its support. This is not abad idea. Indeed it is a pretty good idea, only it involves the disbanding and dissolution of the democratic party. And why not? It has evidently run its race on its old organization, and the republican party, too, is closing up its accounts, After the re-election of General Grant this republican party will fall to pieces and a reorganization of parties will follow. The best course, then, for the democrats is, perhaps, to run themselves a republican ticket in 1872. Then we shall be all republicans and all democrats, as in 1824, With the final dissolution of the old anti-war, federal party, the people became ‘all republi- cans and all federalists. To that starting point we shall come again, with the political cycle now nearly completed, and this revolu- tionary New York election will serve to hurry up the work. Anarchy in Mexico. The news telegram from Mexico city which is published in the Heratp to-day brings the current history of public events transpir- ing in the neighboring republic down to the 80th ult., besides presenting a picture of the consequences as they appeared at that mo- ment. It is a melancholy review. Anarchy followed in the footsteps of revolution at very many points. Nuevo Leon was still in arms. The State of San Luis Potosi was invaded by the insurrectiouists of Zacatecas. Bands of independent marauders were operating in the State of Hidalgo and the State of Mexico. The federal district around the capital was disturbed and alarmed by persons belonging to the same class, ‘Robbers prowled out. side the very boundary line of Mexico city. They were successful within tho space of a few miles of the city gates. The State government of Azuas Calientes was threatened by an armed chieftain. Ter- rorlets roved, from ong. State. £9 another, as if With the view to maininin the public alafi over ag wide an extent of territory as possible, The authority GF th¥ Chigf Executive was either neglected or despised fo tome pais ao the country during the existence of the na- tional melée; for we are told that the au- thorities of Oaxaca had not yet issued the official notice of Juarez’ re-election to the Presidency. We are sorry for Mexico; we regret the present condition of the Mexicans. What will become of the republic eventually? Mexico may, perhaps, repeat the sad epitome of the history of Greece:—‘‘No foreign foe could quell its soul till from itself it fell.” Republican Institutions Vindicated. The elections in this city on Tuesday have vindicated the value and effectiveness of re- publican institutions, The monarchists of Europe and the opponents of republican gov- ernment everywhere never fail to seize an op- portunity to make invidious comparisons damaging to this republic, and the stupendous frauds in New York afforded them the desira- ble theme. Republican government, they said, is @ failure. Not a few even of our own citizens began to mutter their fears. How shortsighted such views or apprehensions were has been shown by the vote of Tuesday. The people of all parties combined to overthrow the corrupt and powerful Ring that despo iled and held this city in its grip. Who will not say after this that the ballot box and periodi- cal elections are the purifiers of the body poli- tic? It is through the ballot box and elections recurring at reasonably short periods that we can reach in America the evils that spring up here, as in other countries, like noxious weeds, Corruption and fraud are incidentat to every form of government—yes, even to the best; but a remedy is sooa found in a republic like ours through the elective franchise. The result of Tuesday's election is of inestimable value, both to the credit and future welfare of this metropolis, and to the cause of republican government every where. Gambetta at the Grave of Baudin. Gambetta is making a desperate effort to come to the surfacein France. Not by noise, violence or persistent inflammatory harangues does he mean to accomplish his purpose. He, however, allows no occasion to slip by with- out endeavoring to ‘make his point.” Some time ago the friends and admirers of the dead and gone Baudin resolved to erect a suitable monument over the remains of the democratic deputy. The monument in due time was completed and the day of inauguration set apart, When the time arrived for the cere- monies to be performed Gambetta, Louis Blanc, Tolain and a number of other patriots of the radical school were present. Speeches of course were indulged, and Gambetta had an opportunity to “‘spread himself,” and this he did in the most ultra-radical manner, In reading over the report of the proceedings we do not find it difficult to believe that this man, who went ‘‘up in balloon” to get out of Paris in order that he might reorganize the French army in the provinces, is the same who at the Baudin celebration assured bis hearers when “by your universal wish I shall preside over the destinies of the republic.” This language savors of the address of the mountebank., It almost reads like a speech of George Francis Train, written in the dungeon of a British Bastile. ‘And now, my chil- dren,” continues this volatile advocate, “you are the hope of the country, It is from you must come the moral and material regeneration of France.” This is a sample of the speech employed by M. Gambetta, the man who is waiting to ‘‘step into the old shoes” of Thiers, when that gentleman passes away from the busy scenes of political life. Gambetta has played so many parts in the French political drama of late that his assumptions fail to surprise us, The qualities are so mixed up in him that when occasion requires he can attempt the réle of the advo- cate, the soldier, the statesman and the con- spirator in all of which he is singularly unsuc- cessful. Yet this is the man who promises himself to ‘‘preside over the destinies of the republic.” International Copyright. The literary world in England is just now deeply engaged debating about the morality of Awerican “piracy” of English authors’ works. So excited have the combatants in the wordy war become that the London Zimes has been obliged to close its columns to further contro- versy. One lady has been so rudely treated in the contest that she has invoked the pro- tection of the law. We do not care to discuss whether or not American publishers are justi- fied in taking advantage of the non-existence of international copyright laws to use the labor of foreign authors for their own advan- tage, without offering any consideration in exchange. In the absence of legal right the question becomes one of personal morality which each one must decide for himself. Incidentally we shall express our views on this point further on, but we purpose examining what interest the American people have in the continuance of the present state of things. If we mistake not the principal argument put forth by the opponents of international copyright in this country is that the existing system secures to the American people an unlimited supply of cheap literature, and so tends to the spread of education and intelligence. Accepting this view as correct onr legislators have steadily refused to give legal proprietary rights to foreign authors. If, on careful examination and a weighing of all the considerations involved, it should be found that this view is correct, and that the educational progress of the American people would suffer from the establishing of international copyright, then the duty of Congress is clearly to protect the interest of the citizens even at the risk of inflicting hardships on the foreign authors. Property has its sanction in law, and there can be no violation of a right which does not exist, But are the masses in this country bene- fited by the non-sxistence of international copyright? We think not—and for this reason—the advantage which would accrug to a publisher from the enjoyment of an exclu- sive right to a given work would more than counterbalance the increased cost of publication due to the payment of a roy-. alty. And from this w» may conclude that the American publisher, after paying the author handsomely, would still be able to sell as cheaply ag under the present system, We cannot, therefore, see in what respect the general public are benefited, while the author is undoubtedly prevented from deriv.- ig the, fall rewond.of his labor, It ie. gyeq open to quéstion ft the ptese te ol the law be not unsatisfactory to the American publisher, who is exposed to dangerous rivalry which makes every venture doubtful, Apart from mere questions of trade the influence exercised on American literature by this free importation of foreign works is decidedly unfavorable; for no publisher cares to employ Amorican authors while they can obtain plenty of foreign matter without paying for it, and it results from this that native authorship is discouraged. The estab- lishment of an international copyright would act as a protective tariff on American brain industry and tend to develop American litera- ture by giving to our authors something like a fair field. Publishers once forced to pay for their material would be more select, and we might hope to see the most worthless class of English works eliminated, at the same time that the booksellers would be more disposed to consider the claims of native literary talent. The result could scarcely fail to be beneficial to the general interests of literature, by open- ing up a wider field to the best class of writers and making the highest order of literary work so much more remunerative. It seems to us, therefore, that the true interest of the Ameri- can people would be better served by afford- ing the fullest protection to foreign authors in every case where reciprocity could be secured. In most of the European nations the rights of authorship are mutually guaranteed, and the result is found to be satisfactory, Asa matter of abstract justice there can be no question that the present system is indefen- sible and that its supporters must base their arguments for its continuance on the lower law of expediency. But it is scarcely becom- ing the dignity of a great community like the American nation to inflict hardship on individ- uals for the sake of trifling advantage. No doubt in the earlier years of the republic, when the community had no literature of its own nor the leisure nor wealth necessary to its cultivation, there was some justification in the appropriation of foreign literature, because it was absolutely necessary to the advance of education and enlightenment in the nation, and this vital interest overshadowed all indi- vidual rights. Besides, our position was a peculiar one. We marched as the advance guard of civilization in a new continent, clear- ing the woods and making the roads for the benefit of humanity, and it was but just that those who shared the benefits of our material labor should contribute in ex- change something for our intellectual ad- vantage. For the moment English writers are the greatest sufferers from the unsatisfactory state of the law, and therefore the clamor for a change comes chiefly from them. At the same time it is only fair to add that they are by no means the only victims. American works are “pirated” with just as little scraple by English publishers as Americans display intheir appropriation of the labor of English authors. This fact, combined with the de- pressing influenco.of the present system on native American literary talent, will, no doubt, soon place the supposed advantages and the disadvantages in equilibrium, when there will be no longer any reason for our refusal to ac- cept the principle of international copyright. England has displayed unusual generosity in thig matter, and without waiting for re- ciprocity has placea it witnm tue powos of American authors to secure the same protection by law as is granted to English citizens. The world owes so much to litera- ture, its influence is so powerful for good and it is so general and widespread in its action that it has peculiar claims to the favorable consideration of lawmakers. And a sense of gratitude for favors conferred ought to protect the author in the enjoyment of his full rights. If there be a commodity or property that peculiarly deserves whatever protection the law can give it is that which results from the inspiration of genius and which is devoted to the amusement and instruction of mankind. It would be difficult to over-estimate the effect of literature in inereasing the sum of human happiness. By destroying ignorant preju- dices and exciting common sympathies it tends powerfully to make ‘the whole world kin.” Even if we should have to sacrifice something of our selfish interest it would be well for us to mark our appreciation of the services which literature renders to civilization by granting the fullest protection to foreign authors, Such & course would eventually be of great service to ourselves by encouraging the growth of native literature, The Austrian Constitutional Crisis—Is the Great Struggle Begun? The resignation of the Austrian Chancellor Von Beust marks a sort of climax in the con- stitutional skirmish which, since Sadowa, has been going on in the Austrian dominions. When, after the battle of Sadows, Von Beust transferred his services from the King of Saxony to the Emperor of Austria, it was folt and admitted that the policy of the empire was radically and permanently changed and that the House of Hapsburg- Lorraine had entered upon a new career. The recognition of the independence and sovereign rights of the Hungarian kingdom was the first great step in the new departure. Hungary got what she fought for in vain In 1848, and what she never ceased to demand in the interval. Autonomy was granted her; and Francis Joseph, with all the surround- ings of a pageant which recalled the memory of the Middle Ages, went through the for- mality of a coronation and accepted the crown of St. Stephen, The change seemed to work well. Hun- gary, so long a source of weakness to the empire, became at once a tower of strength. Yon Boust had given Austria a new lease of life, It is an old saying, however, that when the stone is set rolling at the summit it gathers impetus as it rolls, It was not the intention of Von Beust or of the Imperial Council, when autonomy was granted to Hungary, that autonomy should be granted to each of the seventeon States which constitute the western portion of the empire. But the stone had been set rolling. What was so good for Hungary ought not to be so bad for Bohemia, for Gallicia and for the other Western Provinées. Gallicia was kindly dealt by, and the concessions made to the Poles in the matter of local self-government and in the matter of schools and colleges were followed by the thost beneficent results, gourse Of time Sccak Hakeswadt tonk Ff oO pewet aS pest the Cis-Leithan administration, as fount ‘Andrasey was of that of Hungary, In Count Hhenwar} jhe separatists fouad aconventent dad useful instriient. Francis Joseph came completely under his infiuenéé, and when, some few weeks ago, the local Die! of Bohemia was opened, the address of the Emperor, which was read to the assembled deputies, promised to Bohemia all that Hun- gary had obtained. Directly on this announce- ment the centralists, who include in their ranks the entire German population of the empire, and who have besides the unqualified sympathy of the Hungarians, gave vent to a burst of flercest indignation. It was found that the government had been playing into the hands of the Czechs in the most shameful man- ner, that the liberal members of the Bavarian Diet bad absented themselves when they dis- covered that the proceedings were not to be conducted within the limits of the imperial constitution, and that the Czech deputies in their absence bad coolly and with much delib- eration framed a new constitution—not for Bohemia alone, but for the whole western part of the empire. The trouble has increased. The Emperor has since remonstrated with the Czechs. Count Hohenwart has found it necessary to resign, And now, from causes not quite so apparent or s0 intelligible, Von Beust gives up the task which he undertook, first of all, as many think, to annoy Bismarck, which for a time seemed to be full of promise, but which has at last proved a complete failure, The situation of Austria to-day is very much what would be the condition of Great Britain if some body of audacious Irishmen met in Dublin and framed a new constitution for Ire- land and for Scotland and England as well. It deserves to be borne in mind, as illustrating the daring of the Czechs, that in Bohemia there are at least two millions of Germans as against three millions of Czechs. It may now, we think, be taken for granted that Francis Joseph will have to go back upon his word and that he will not be crowned King of Bohe- mia, Von Beust is surely to blame for allow- ing the promise to be made; for it is difficult to see how it could be made without his full knowledge and consent, It is not impossible that herein lies the secret of his resignation, What is to follow? Will the Czechs and their other Sclavic friends submit or will they rush {nto open revolt? Should a revolt be attempted Hungary will act with the Germans and fight vigorously for the integrity of the empire, The Gastein and Salzburg confer- ences have secured for Austria the assistance, in suchan emergency, of the whole strength of the German empire. The Czechs and the Sclaves, but not the Poles, may appeal to Russia, If Russia hears and obeys their call the great struggle is begun which is destined to convulse the world and to change the face of Eastern Europe. Crowns aNp ConrErgNogs,—The European diplomatists are about to assemble in confer- ence in Dresden, in order, as we are told, to “devise precautions against the International Society.” The very idea is “old fogyish.” It is of the past, Electricity and steam have superseded the force of conferences, The delegates of the royalties will represent tho few; the Internationals are multitudinous and almoat ubiquitous, The Iowa Ring and the Hospital Stewe arde—-A Lame Defence. We print this morning a card from Mr. L. D. Ingersoll, reported in the Heap some days ago as connected with an attempted fraud upon hospital stewards employed by the War Department. Mr, Ingersoll thinks the re- flections upon himself and his associates, ex- Congressman Pomeroy, of Iowa, and J. W. Smith, the attorney employed by the stewards, as “cruelly and uncommonly libellous.” Io itself the case is not an important one; but the persons engaged in this attempt to wrong. soldiers ask @ hearing at our hands, and-we readily grant it, because they have not yet re- ceived full justice. To show how weak is their defence we reprint a statement from u. Washington paper, which embodies everything they can say in their own behalf, and yet puts. them In a worse light than they were placed. by our own mild but more truthful statement, of facts. These things would not be worth rehearsing if agreat moral principle was not behind this: case. Mr. J. W. Smith represented. the claims of certain hospital stewards for extra allowafices per diem as clerks in the War De-- partment. He had not good fortune in push- ing them through; and so, according to his, own statement, he thought it mecessary “‘to, employ more counsel to assist him.” As tha Secretary of War is an Iowa man Mr. Smitiz took care to engage Iowa men who knew, General Belknap to help him in lobbying the claims. Apart from the fact that these Iowa men, in connection with Judge Meservey, another Iowa man, used the superior informa- tion which they possessed as practiced lobby- ists over the needy hospital stewards to buy up the claims at half their value, and would have made a large sum of money out of these poor men but for the interference of the Secretary of War, the case has a pro found significance on this very point of ‘‘more counsel.” In this is Mr. Smith’s offence, and it is one that will be reprobated by every hon. est man. Secretary Belkoap is reputed to. ha an officer of sound sense and sterling honesty, If Mr. Smith had a good case, as he undoubt- edly had, it was morally certain that he. would receive a favorable decision on behalf of his clients, But to make a strong case stronger he associated with him men whom he sup- posed to have a strong personal influence with the Secretary of War. In other words, he put influences to work to bias the judgment of the man who was to decide the case. These men whom he thus employed were not law- yers, but lobbyists, and if they hd been “counsel” they abused their relation to their clients by speculating in their clients’ inter- ests, Reprebensible as this latter action was ft-was not half so bad as the unwarrantable attempt to aéoure a favorable decision from the Secretary of War by surrounding him with the whisperings of supposed friends. , We print the card and the statement of these men to denounce their actions in the strongest terms, If the official judgment of men in high position is to be impeded or con- trolled by lobbying whisperers justice will soon be lost sight of in every public transac- tion, ES this kind of thing that made the Ring frauds in this city ao stupendous, I 's this “— of thing which brings disgrace on every administration and endangers the repu- tations of even honest officials, And it is this ‘kind of thing which must be stopped. Lobby- ing is a crime, and the American people will scorn the lobbyist yrhen the know him, This makes Smith, Ingersoll and Pomeroy so un- easy, and it is this which induces us to give them that fuller justice which they had not yet’ received. And others like them may expect like treatment. TweeEp's REsiGNaTION—LET CoNNOLLY Do Lrxewise.—The people of New York will be rejoiced to hear that the immediate fruit of their recent victory over the Tammany Ring has been the retirement of William M. Tweed from the Department of Public Works. The Boss or Cesar of the Tammany corruptionists, as Charles O’Conor aptly put it, yesterday placed in the hands of Mayor Hall his resig- nation as Commissioner of Public Works. This is well—better, in fact, than most people expected. But Mr. Tweed must not stop here. His atonement is not yet sufficient. Ue should resign the position of Senator to which he has just been elected, and thus spare the city the disgrace of being represented by him for a single day in the Legislature of the State, By doing this he will save himself from the additional disgrace of an ignominious expul- sion from the Senate—a step which the upper House of our Legislature would be compelled to take in vindication of its own honor, Let Comptroller Connolly now follow the example of the Boss, and the purification of our municipal administration will be complete. Slippery Dick has no longer an excuse for holding on to the shadow of an office the duties of which are performed by Deputy Comptroller Green to the satisfaction of the public, Persona! Intelligence. General Ambrose E. Burnside is at the Fifth Av® nue Hotel. Judge Amasa J, Parker, of Albany, is at the St Nicholas Hotel. United States Senator Lyman Trumbull, of Illinots, is stopping at the St, Nicholas Hotel. General ©. A. Johnson, of Massachusetts, 1s quar+ tered at the Astor House. Senator Reuben &. Fenton yesterday arrived at the Fifth Avenue Hotel. United States Senator George E. Spencer, of Ala- bama, is residing at the Everett House. General Charies A. Stuart, of the United Statea Army, has quarters at the Sturtevant House. Mayor John G, Baxter, of Louisville, is staying a& the Grand Ventral Hotel, ~ ‘ Jobn G. Saxe 1s in town at the Astor House. Homer A. Nelson, Secretary of State, is sojourning: at the Fifth Avenue Hotel. General W. 8. Strykers, of New Jersey, is regise- tered at the Everett House Thomas H. Dudiey, United states Consul at Liver pool, is domiciled at the Grand Central Hotel, 2 Judge W. R. Ray and T. C. Barnett, of Louisville, / are among the late arrivals at the Grand Centra Hotel. Lieutenant Commander Frederick R. Smith, of the United Statea Navy, 1s quarterea at the St, Nicholas Hotel. George P. Williams, of Washington, ts residing at the Gilsey House, General W. T. Clarke, of Texas, yesterday arrived at the St. Nicholas Hotel. IMPORTANT LITIGATION SETTLED, CINCINNATI, Ohio, Nov. 7, 1871. Judge Stores, tn the Superior Court, this morning dissolved the injunction against the Newport ana Cincinnatl Bridge Company, and the Betage Com- any withdvew the suit’ against tue oly for yer