The New York Herald Newspaper, June 8, 1869, Page 3

WASHINGTON. Radical Victory in the Munici- pal Elections. RIOTS AMONG THE NEGROES The Darkey’s First Experiment in Ballot Stuffing. THE COLORED MAN IN GEORGIA. The Removal of the Macon Postmaster Finally Ordered. WASHINGTON, June 7, 1869. The Election in Washington—First Fruits of Negro SuffrageSerious Riot—Radieal Ne- groes on the RampugeIntense Excttee ment—Extensive Colonization of MITlegal Voters. The election in Washington to-day for Collector, Register, Surveyor and members of the city councils, has not been astupid, uneventful affair, like most for- mer clections in this town, It has been rendered in- teresting by a disturbance, almost a riot, in which the new American citizens of African descent by all accounts appear to have been the prime movers and offenders. Sambo, this time, cannot complain that he has been persecuted, outraged and trampled upon by the whites, unless, indeed, he complains of the radical police force, which was obliged to demon- strate that there was a trifling vestige of law left in this town, and that Sambo, as well as his white equals, must bow to the Majesty of that legal remnant, which found its champions to-day in Major Richards and his mounted assistants. Indeed, the disturbance seems to have rown out of a demonstration by Sambo upon Sambo, which perhaps explains the mighty zeal ex- hibited by Mayor Bowen’s police. A conservative darkey, named Charles Stuart, who had acted prior to election day as one of the leaders of the “Colored Citizens party,’ a sort of black democracy, chose to attempt to vote for the anti-radical ticket. The dark radicals had threatened that they would permit none of theirrace to vote forthe democratic ticket. They had given warning that they intended to “lick,” “skin alive,” and “shoot” any black son of a female dog who wonld presume to vote for a democratic candi- date. They had held meetings for days preceding, and in their clabs and Ieagues had agreed to do these terrible things; and, further, to socially ostracise such conservative darkies as might escape condign punishment during the election. This was not merely the sentiment of the lower or more debased class; it found advocates among the high toned, religious Garkies, who argued that any nigger who would go back on the party which put the ballot into their hands should be killed. The white radical dema- gogues who ride into power in this city on the shoulders of the negroes, encouraged this feeling instead of discountenancing it. Vigilance committees were organized to look after such Megroes as attempted to vote what was known as the Citizens’ ticket,” or who failed to vote the Biraight radical ticket. Atal! the voting precincts these men kept a sharp lookout, giving attention only to the voters of their own race. Whenever a negro was found voting the ‘Citizens’ ticket” it was taken from him and a radical ticket placed in his bands instead. If he showed any indisposition to go the whole figure he was immediately taken out of the line and “mashed in the head.” This seemed to be taken asa matter of cotirse, and the victiins of the political intolerance made little resis- tance. It was only when some big nigger, some leader of the race, went back on them, as they alleged, that a general demonstration ‘was made; but the most formidable attack was that upon a prominent darkey named Stuart, Last year it seems that Stuart was a violent radical, and it isalleged that he has made scme money out of contracts awarded him by the radical city corpora- tion for paving streets. This year he avowed him- self a conservative, and his fellow citizens of African descent threatened that he should not be allowed to vote the “Citizens’ ticket.” He lives in the Second ‘ward, and made his appearance there this afternoon near one of the polling places. The negroes, learn- ing of his whereabouts, went after him. He had taken Tefage in the store of a white citizen who was on the Citizens’ ticket for councilman. The negroes gathered in great numbers around the house and set up such 4 fiendish howl! that the family of Mr. Given became alarmed and left the house, Stuart, who is 8 large, powerful mulatto, did not show any signs of fear, but on the advice of Mr. Givea fed to the back butidings of the house and secreted himself in a woodshed. The crowd kept up their howliny and called upon Given to “bring out the damned traitor,” “hang the black scoundrel,” and similar expressions. By this time the police force stationed at tne various precincts had arrived, and made an effort to disperse the crowd. This was in vain. Major Richards, Chief of Police, who was present, Pushed his way through the crowd of infuriated Begroes vo the door of the store, and Stuart made his appearance. The crowd made a simultancous rush for the door, but the police, who by this time ad got near the door, keptthem back, Major Rich- ards asked Stuart if he wanted to come out. He re- plied that be did and that he wanted to vote aiso, ‘The Chief of Police said he should do both and that he would protect him against the mob with his whole force, The policemen now made an eilort to drive the crowd back, but it was of little avail. Major Richards ordered the mounted police to ride in among the mob and drive them back. The police obeyed the order and used their clubs quite freely upon the heads of the blacks, At last Stuart was brought oat of the house, and, guarded by a cordon of police, marched off towards the voting place, about two blocks distant. The mob hooted and howled at Stuart and the police all the way to the polling place. When that was reached a fresh attempt was made to take Stuart from the police, The negroes, who had now gathered in great numbers, behaved like perfect demons. The police, however, kept them com- paratively in check until Stuart cast his vote, which he did for the “citizens’ ticket.” The police then started off with him to protect him from the fury of the mob, They haa proceeded but a short distance When the negroes commenced to throw stones at the police, demanding them meanwhile to surrender Stuart. The mounted oflicers rode back upon the crowd and warned them of the consequences of such conduct. The negroes only became more infuriated and paid no attention to the expostulations of the oMicers, The stones flew thicker and faster among the policemen, aud several were struck, though not seriously injured. It now became manifest that vigorous measures must be resorted to, otherwise the police, who were far in the minority, would be overpowered. The police drew their revolvers and fired a volley into the crowd. They fired, however, too high, and nobody ‘was badly hurt, This seemed to goad the mob to absolute madness, They rushed upon the police like savages, hurling stones indiscriminately. The police thereupon discharged several volleys in succession, this time with some effect. One man was shot through the head and several were wounded. Tue police force suffered considerably aiso. Major Richards ‘was struck over the head and upon the shoulder and sustained painful but not dangerous wounds. A policetnan who Was supposed to have fired a shot that took effect upon one of the colored rioters was set upon by three or four hundred of the crowd. He put spurs to his horse and rode away at rapid speed, pursued by a crowd of yelling negroes, who pelted him with stones and bricks thick as rain Grops almost, By the swiftness of his horse, however, he was able soon to get pe yond reach of the dangerous missiles, Many of the spectators rushed im the alleys NEW YORK HERALD, TUESDAY, JUNE 8, 1869.-TRIPLE SHEET, and hallways of houses along K street, to | bargain that he immediately telegraphed to Scott to | 1\ ‘avoid the shots and stones fying about so freely. It 1s a miracle, really, that after all go little damage was sustained. Men, women and children were in the streets, on the stoops and in the windows, look- ing on as usual at the scenes of danger. The shots fired by the police struck many of the windows and house doors along the street, but as good Providence would have it none of the innocent spectators were injured. The police perhaps had something to do witb this, for from the results it is hardly likely that they tried to do much tnjury to the crowd. In the meantime a policeman haa started off with Stuart and managed to get him go far out of the way that he succeeded in secreting himself. The mob broke into detachments of several hundred each, and set about to scour the neighborhood for Stuart. Every alley and corner for squares around was visited, the negroes threatening vengeance upon apy one who attempted to conceal him. Mayor Bowen arrived upon the scene of action during the melée, and exhorted the negroes to de- sist. His presence, however, seemed rather to en- courage them in their lawnessness. ‘Here’s our Mayor,” they shouted; “now let us kill the d—d son of a b—h who ran Stuart off,” referring to the police officer, Major Richards urged Mayor Bowen to request the naval authorities to order out the marines, bat the Mayor declined and = shortly after went away. ‘Tue disturbauce gradually subsided, but the police did not succeed in arresting the ringleaders, and only a few Were taken in Ghatody. The hunt for Stuart was kept up to a late hour, the crowd threat- ening to kill him and to burn his house, Stuart be- came satisfied that his life was in peril and left at the earliest moment for Baltimore, Tne negroes say that if he undertakes to return here he will be killed. Later in the day, a short time before the closing of the polls, another disturbance occurred, but not of such a serious character as that earlier in the day. It took place in the Seventh ward, in F street south, near Seventh street. A colored man named Hooper, who voted the democratic ticket last year, made his appearance in Seventh street, wending his way to the polling place. Immediately a crowd of darkies rushed for him, shouting, “Kill the son of a b—!? shoot him !? “Hang him |? “Break bis neck,” &c. Hooper seeing danger ahead began @ rapid movement towards the police, The latter hallooed to the crowd to keep back and not molest the man. The crowd, however, was deaf to such advice, and con- tinued to rush towards their intended victim. The police thereupon drew themselves up across the street and displayed their revolvers. The crowd, not dismayed, continued to press forward. The word was therefore given and the police fired, but took aim over the heads of the mob. ‘The moment the piatols were discharged the mob turned and rushed away. The police then took charge of Hooper, conducted him to the polls and enabled him to vote. The names of the wounded police officers are Boreman, King and Brenahan. The names of the negroes wounded, with the exception of the man Smith, who is supposed to be mortally wounded, could not be ascertained, as their friends took them away. To-night the city is in a blaze from bonfires burn- ing in every ward. Crowds of darkies at every con- venient spot have piled barrels upon barrels, and, having set fire to them, are dancing about them, howling triumphantly. ‘The negroes adopted the same strategy to-day asa year ago m getting to the polis bright and early. Hundreds of them, supplied with their overcoats and huge sticks, crowded about the diffe- rent polling places at four o’ciock in the morning, and there remained sitting or stretchea on the stoops or sidewalks, rolled up in their great coats, waiting for the moment when the voting should commence. Among these anxious voters were many who, according to democratic state- ments, were not legal citizens at all, but mere colo- nizers imported from various places outside the city, some of them having come a distance of twenty miles, It is said that not less than 1,200 illegal colored voters were thus procured to render the success of the radical ticket doubly sure. It was amusing to see some of the darkies, who had re- mained up all night, toddle away triumphantly after depositing their votes, carrying their over- coats and sticks with them perhaps to the nearest grocery where rum could be procured surrep- titiously. Tne republicans elect their entire city ticket, in- cluding the Collector, Register and Surveyor, by & large majority, probably over 3,000, Nine colored men are elected, namely, the Regifter, one Alder- man and seven members of the Common Council. Negrocs at the Theatre—Trouble Anticipated. Trouble was anticipated to-night at the National theatre, on account of the negro, also. It was feared some colored people woulda endeavor to force ad- mission to the orchestra and dress circle, but nothing of the kind occurred, and the performance went oif quietly. The Macon Post Office—A Disappointed Afri- can—Tarner, the Colored Appointee, to be Superseded—The Macon Collectorship. Samuel F. Gove and George Edwards, members of Congress elect, but kept out in the cold, from Geor- gia, accompanied by Judge ©. B. Cole, of the Superior Court of Macon, in that State, made up another delegation that waited upon President Grant to-day in relation to the caso of Turner, the colorea man recently appointed to succeed Mr. Washington as Postmaster of Macon. They went to the President to protest against Turner’s appointment, and Judge Cole acted as spokesman of the delegation. He told the President that he expressed the feeling of all the white republicans of the city of Macon, which, he said, was the second in commercial importance in the State of Georgia, when he declared that Turner's appointment was not only distasteful to the people of that place, but that it would actually nave the effect of ruining their business. No decent white republican would tolerite such @ man as Turner in official position in Macon. “If,” said Cole, “it be true that you, Mr. President, have appointed this man Turner to be Postinaster of Macon as arebuke for the outrages and disorders that have occurred in that State, you have selected the wrong place for punishment. There has not been any outrage or disorder in that district, and it seems extremely unjust that one place should be punished for the sins of another.’ Judge Cole went on to ex- plain that Turner was such an offensive character that his appointment would have the effect of driving ail decent white republicans from Macon. President Grant heard the Judge to the close of his remarks with the utmost attention and respect, and then said that since the appointment had been made he had reviewed the whole case, re- flected upon the charges that had been made against Turner, duly weighed the reasons urged by the white republicans of Macon against Turner's appointment, and had finally come to the conciusion that a change should be made. He had already informed Post- master General Creswell that Turner's appointment ought to be revoked, and, in fact, steps had already beon taken to notify Mr. Turner that he need not strive any further to obtain bonds, as his ser- vices would not oe needed as Postmaster of Macon, ‘The delegation on hearing this were greatly rejoiced, and, after thanking the President for his consideration and timely action, left the White House in the highest spirits, It ap- pears that Turner, after receiving his appointment, endeavored in vain to obtain the requisite bonds for the discharge of his duties as Postmaster. Nobody tn Macon would go security for him,and he was obliged to look elsewhere, with no better success, So poor Turner, the aspiring gentleman of color, will have to abandon his hunt for federal patronage in Macon and return again to the avocation of preacher, which he would have abandoned for a post office. Apropos of Macon, Iam informed that since my ventilation of the bargain between Delano and Cres- well to exchange the position of collec tor of that city for the post of route agont in Ohio—Creswell agreeing to appoint a friend of Delano to the Post OMice route on condition that the latter should give the colleetorship of Macon to @ friend of Creswell—a good deal of scandal has been occasioned. The man that Creswell had se- cured for collector of Macon was to have given the patronage of that office to @ relative of Creswell, one Strobecker, and to have appointed Mr. Scott, another relative of the Postmaster General, to a clerkship in the collector’s office, Scott got his ap- pointment, but Strobecker could not keep the col- lector to his word in regard to the patronage, Cresswell was 0 demoralized by my expose of the throw up his position and come on to Washington. Personal—Movements of the President. Rev. M. J. Cramer, United States Consul at Leipsic and a brother-in-law of President Grant, arrived here Saturday evening, accompanied by his wife, and both are stopping at the Executive Mansion. ‘They will gé with the President to West Point next Wednesday without stopping at New York city. On his return from West Point the President will stop a few days in the city with Mr. Corbin, his brother-in- law. General Cochrane Declines a South American Mission, It seems that General Cochrane was offered a sort of double diplomatic mission to South America, in- cluding Paraguay and Uruguay, with his headquar- ters at Monteviedo, The salaries of the joint mis- sion would amount to $12,000 per year in gola. But General Cochrane tiianked the President and begged leave to decline, The Spanish Mission, General Sickles, now in Philadelphia, is expected to-morrow, when he will receive his instructions from Secretary Fish, prior to his departure for Maarid, Appointments by the President. The President has made the following appoint- ments:—Angus Putnam, Collector of Customs at Middletown, Conn.; G.C. Lofland, Collector of In- ternal Kevenue for the Sixteenth district of Ohio; T. M. Brown, Assessor of Internal Revenue for the Tenth district of Massachusetts; J. J. Hoyle, Marshal for Nebraska, Robbing the United States Depository at Santa Fe, New Mexico. Treasurer Spinner received a despatch this morn- ing from Santa Fé, New Mexico, announcing that the United States depository in that city was broken open last night and robbed. The loss 1s not yet ascertained. L, J, Collins, a depositor, was found dead, shot through the heart. The government officials had possession of the building and such funds as remained, and would at once proceed to ascertain the exact condition of affairs, The last statement from this bank (made on the 22d of May last) shows that there was then to the credit of the United States about $470,000, Since, then, however, large amounts have been drawn, and as the tele- gram mentions that funds yet remain, it is impossi- ble to learn justnow what the logs is tothe govern- ment. Seward’s Telegram Bill Unpaid. It seems that the report of the payment of $60,000 by the State Department for telegrams was erro- neous. That sum of money was appropriated by Congress for the expenses of sending messages by the cable, but not a dollar of it has yet been used. Disappointed OMice-Hunters. ' The Secretary of State continues to receive a large number of letters applying for ofMice; but at the present there are none to bestow. Letters are also recetved dally referring to letters previously written, and stating that no replies have been made to them. It ig not the practice of the department to give responses to letters applying for office, excepting in cases of appointment. Stamping Cigars Manufactured in a State Penitentiary. Commissioner Delano has written the following letter to the Commissioner of Internal Revenue at Lancaster, Pa.:— WASHINGTON, June 5, 1859. S81m:—I have received your letter of the $4th ult., encl a sample Of the stamps issued by the warden of the Western Penitentiary of Pennsylvania to be ailixed to boxes of cigars made in said Penitentiary, ad of United States internal revenue stamps, and asking to be informed under what authority the stamps are issued, and what course a are to pursue should cigars thus stamped be found Tn"your district. In reply, 1 to say that this stamp or semblance of an inter! revenue cigar stamp ts issued without the slightest authority or warrant of law, if not in direct violation of law. Section sixty-nine of the act of July 20, 1868 declares that Commissioners of Internal Revenue shall cause to be prepared suitable and jal revenue stamps for the payment of the tax on tobacco ‘and spuif, and section elghty-seven required him to cause like stampa to be prepared for the payment of the tax on cl- These stamps are OFFICcR INTERNAL eit ng gare. be allixed and cancelled before any tobacco, snuff. or can legally be removed from the mauufactory or ere they are made. ye absence of revenue ys on any box of cigars sold or offered ror sale is made notice to all persons that the tax bas not been paid thereon, and such cigars are declared to be forfeited. The proper revenue stamps are those and only those authorized by the sections of law Ihave quoted, and prepared and fesued under the order Of the Commissioner of I enue, All others are either false, fraudulent and counterfeit, or mere semblances Of stamps fasued without authority of ‘inw, and not to be ro- cognt apy internal revenue officer as affording protec- ‘currency to cigars removed from the manu- where they are made, or offered for sale per stamps. ‘The government of the United ize ‘any body, corporate or politic, whether city, county or State to intervose in behalf Of goods manufactured in prisons and peuitentiaries under ry stamp, oF the sem! reven and authorize the ‘an « manufactored stamps and without the paymeut of the tax which Congress has tm; You are, therefore, instructed to treat all cigars which may be found in your district bearin, only such a stamp as you enclose, or not having affixed led ‘8 liable. to for- in yoor district, und institute the proper proceedings to have them condemned and old as provided by law. Yours, re- spectfully, . DELANO, Commissioner. On the question as to whether tobacco and cigars which have been forfeited to the United States and sold by the United States marshal on final process, are subject to tax or not, the Commissioner of Inter- nal Revenue writes to the United States Attorney at Boston— That tn his opinion, in the absence of any provision of law requiring to’ , Suit or cigars, forfeited to the United States and sold by order of the court or unter process of distrain to be sold subject to tax, ail such goods must be sold free of tax; that is to say, if the government offers for sale tobacco, snuff or cigars which are lable to be stamped, but which at the time of sale have no such stamps afixed, then it becomes the duty of the government, and not of the purchaser of the goods, to atfix the star} the goods are not liable to stamps at the time of sale, but may become Hable in some fu- ture time, as in the case of plug tobacco, which wil have to be stamped on and after July 1, before being sold or offered for saie, then the goods are sold sub- Ject to that contingency, and purchaser -hay- ing the goods on hand on and after that date Would be required to aMx stamps before selling or overing the goods for sale. All smoking tobacco, fine cut chewing and snuff and ali cigars in the hands of dealers or other persons must now be stamped before they can be delivered to a purchaser. As the law has provided no means for furnishing United States marshals with stamps to be amfixed to tobacco, &¢., which he sells 2 order of the court, the marshal must place upon the goods he selle his brand, and give the purchaser a certificate setting forth the circumstances of the sale, with the deserip- tion of the kind and quality of goods, and such other facts as will enabie the purchaser to idenuly the goods it they should ever after be called in question for want of proper stamps or any other informality in packages, labels, caution notices, &c. to seize ail czars 40 stamped which may be found ri id The Alabama Claims and the Radicals. {Washington (June 7) oe of the Evening t Ost, The probability that the Alabama claims question will be made a party issue in the approaching elec- tions is still freely discussed in political circles. whe comments of the gary, press throughout the coun- try are not as favorable to the plan as some republi- can politicians here expected; but, as their course ‘was not decided upon withou® due deliberation, and the sense of the magnitude and important bearings which the agitation of the subject as a party measure will have upon our foreign policy, there will be no hesitation or faltering im their attempt to make this a live issue for the fall election. Even if they were so disposed it is too late now, they say, to retreat and abandon the field to their democratic adversaries, who would gladly make this an issue if it appeared at all probable that the republican party could be forced to oppose them. The originators of the movement are very sanguine that upon this issue alone some of the doubtful ‘States can be carried by decisive majorities for the republicans. Leading radical politicians in Penn- sylvania write here that unless our differences with Engiand are made a@ party issue, the contest will be close between the two parties, With this issue the Fepublican success, they add, 1s insured. This fact aioue is deemed suMfcient by party leaders here to justify the movement. INTERNATIONAL TELEGRAPHS, Has a Foreign Telegraph Company the Right to Land Cables in the United States—Opinion of the Attorney GeneralHo Declares They Have Not—Reaftirmation of the Old Federal Doctri WASHINGTON, June 7, 1869. Below is given the correspondence which has passed between Mr. Peter Cooper, of New York, and Attorney General Hoar on the subject of the right of foreign telegraph companies to land cables on the shores of the United States without permission from Congress:— Orrics oF 7 By, raugghan Cowra h AND) Atorney ‘General of ine United Stale, of the New Yi New. Com) yn he ot to the « ment of New! Sadlaga incor incor: yr akiibeustadne ae nh two hemispheres nited States ih 1957 armen kn the same year, by anpre. was severed, and for several years it had no versity; but finally new cables were laid at great and are now being worked with reasonable success. Haviig thus lested the practicality of long ses telegraph oa ‘com found that it may become to continue lie lace of cables westeriy from tne shores of Newfoundland, and to land the same upon the shores of the United States, " That it might have the warrant of law to do ‘80, it applied at the third session of the fortieth Congress for the of an act permitting the extension of ita lines of cable westerly and the landing of the xame upon the shores Of the United states, and auch & bil passed the Senate almost unanimously near the close of that session, but failed to be reached a the House of Representatives before final ad- Journment ‘At the commencement of the Forty-first Congress the com- pany renewed its application for the passage of the desired ‘act, and althongh it was unanimously recommended by the Committee on Commerce of the Senate it failed to pass that body, owing entirely, it is believed, to the shortness of the session, As you will observe, this is a foreign corporation, and was the’ pioneer in constructing and laying cables, It as had! the engouragement of the United States government eretofore, and it believed, until recently advised to the con- y that it had the right under the act of Congress of 1857 to iand ite. cables on “the shores of the United Bates, ‘This company is aware that Con, has asserted and maintained the right to permit or refuse foreign telegraph companies the privilege of landing their cables on the shores of the United States, or companies chartered within or by any of the States of this Unfon connecting their onbles with the shores of foreign countries. Now, the object of this letter is to make inquiry whether if the New York, Newfoundland and London Telegraph Company should un- dertake, without authority of Congress, although the State of Maine has given {8 assent thereto, fo lay its lines of cable westerly from the shores of Newfoundland, and to land the same upon the shores of the United States, or to connect its cables with thor other company chartered by one of 3 id, under the constitu- ave & right to do 80. ‘The undersigned has the honor to be, sir, very respectfully, your obedient servaut, PETER COOPER, President. The following 1s Attorney General Hoar’s reply:— WasninGron, D. C., May 20, 1869. To Prrer Coorrr, President of the New York, New- foundiand and London Telegraph Company :— Su—I have considered the queation on which you ask my legal opinion, have given it a careful examination and am now prepared to state the conclusions to which I have ar- rived. ‘That question ts ‘whether, if the New York, Newfoundland and London Telegraph Company should undertake (without authority of Congress—although the State of Maine has given its aatent thereto) to lay ita lines of cable westerly from the shores of Newfoundland, and to land the came upon the shores of the United States, or to connect its cables with those of any other company ehariered by one of the States of the United States, it would, under the constitution and lawa Of the United States, have a right to do #0 2” In the tirst place, | can have no doubt that any act of con- ‘by any foreign nation can give no rights to cession or charter 8 company to exercise any frauchise within the tervitory of the United States, This territory extends, by the law of na- tions, for the purposes of sovercignty und jurisdiction, to at Teast’ the distance of a marine league from ite shores.’ The government of Great Britain may create @ corporation and confer upon it such powers and privileges within the British dominions asit may see fit, and may authorize it to do any acts upon the high seas whlch are lawful under the law of nations and do not conflict with the rights of other Powers, their citizens or subjects, to the equal and common enjoy: ment and use of the great highway of nations, and may pro- tect it in the performance of them. But ‘attempted grant of rights and privileges within the territorial jurisdiction of the United States by a forelgn Power would be an encroach- ment upon the sovereignty of this country, utterly iavalld to create any right in or aiford any protection to the parties nc: cepting the grant. No right, therefore, within the United States could accrue to the New York, Newfoundland and London Telegraph Company in the case you suppose by vir- tue of the charter granted by British authority. The other branch of your inquiry concerns the distributfon of powers between the national government and the several States of the Union under the constitution of the United States. By the eighth section of the first article of the constitution of the United States it is provided that the Congress shall have power “to regulate commerce with foreign nations and ng the several States.” By the first, clause of thesecond jon of the third article of the constitution it is declared the judicial power of the United States shall extend “to cases of admiralty and maritime jurisdiction.” The ad- miralty and maritime jurisdiction thus conferred has always deen held to be exciusive in the national tribunals, (Marti ‘Mayberry, 2 Wheat, p. 246; Waring vs. Clarke, 8 Colien va. Viryinia, 6 Wheat, p. 314.) graphic communication with forelen coun- tri be held to be included within the power to Fegulate commerce, or the laying a telegraphic eable upon the shores of the sea between high and low water mark to be a subject of maritime jurisdiction, {t must follow that the pow- er of Congress to rejniate and control the same is supreme, It was said by Chief Justice Marsball, in delivering the opin- jon of the Supreme Court of the United States, tn Gibbons va. Ogden, 9 Wheat., p. 183, that “Commerce undoubtedly is trailic? but ft is something more—it ia intercourse, It de- scribes the commercial intercourse between nations and parts Of nations in all its branches, and is regulated by prescribing rules for carrying on that intercourse; and on page 188 that “It has been universally admitted that the words of the constitution comprehended every species of commercial intercourse between the United States and for- eign nations.” | The power to regulate Includes, the wer to prohibit fn such cases as the public jnterest may require, as is seen inthe case of an embargo. ‘Telegraphic communication is a new means of commercial intercourse which the discoveries of modern science have supplied, Being, however, an instrument of commerce, and a most efficient instrument of commercial intercourse, the fact that itis a new one does not, in my judgment, prevent the application to it of the constitutional provision. ' Tam of the opinion that the control of telegraphic communication ‘eign nations, eo far as it is exercised by means of cables ding from the shores of the United States, is within the constitutional authority ot Congress—to permit, regulate or probibit, in such casos and under such circuzostauces, as’ their” judgment shail direct; and that conse quently there can be no security for such enterprises while no authority or protection for them has been derived from the acts of Congress. In othor words, that the jurisdic tion of the United States government to regulate commerce with foreign nations, ineludiug every kiad of commerctal in- tereourse, 1s complete and supreme’ thatit can bejexercieed and asserted Whenever and in such manner as Congress shall tiiink fit, and that no action of the government of any expatre State of the Union can confer any rights upon any person or corporation to carry on intercourse with foreign nations by A telegraphic cable, which will afford any permanent secu- fity for thelr value or their continious enjoyment, wuless the revious assent of been obtained. The separate May graut the enjoyment of their own rights of soil andof privileges within their control, but they cannot grant rights whieh interfere. with or’ limit the exercises of the authority of the national legislature far aa that authority is derived from the constitution of the United States, Although not the subject of 5) cial determination this constitutional power has’ been rej ediy asserted aad exercise! by ©o1 . Thus, on the are! A passed an act en‘itled “An act to ex- pedite telextaphic communication for the use of the govern- ment in its foreign Intercourse,” assuming the right to con- trol this intercourse. On the Sth of , Congress P ‘act entitled “An act to convey telecraplle com- Inunteation between the United States ng the is:and of cuba and other West India islands and the Bahamas,” by which the sole exclusive privilege was granted to the’ Ocean Tele: grapbic Company, “for @ period of fourteen years, to cou- Struct, land avd operate telegraphic cables from the ‘shores of thereby assuming tho exclusive control subject. over the entire Florida const. On the 2th of July, 1880, Congress passe! an act entitled “An act to ald in the construction of tetegraph lines, and to secure the government the use of the same, for postal, military and other purposes.” By this act any lelograplg company, ‘organized under the laws of any State in the “filon, may ‘upon certain conditions, construct Iines over any portion ot the public domain, or across the navig streams or waters of the United States; but no au- thority whatever is granted to connect with cables ‘coming r How, pp. 451, 46 Tf, therefore, tel from aforelgn country. By the act of March 30, 1867, Con- gress granted to the American Atlantic Cable Telegraph Com- pany of New York the right (alter the company had acquired the necessary land therefor) to lay and operat cables on the Atlantic coast of the nited States “except the coast of Florida”) for the period of twenty years, incluling the right to Tay and operate such cable within any bays, har- bors or waters of the United States upon the Atiantic coast, except the coast of Florida. Tn addition to these instances of legislation several bills and resolutions have been reported, after the most ful! and care- ful discussion, by the Committee on Foreign Relations of the Benate, Including some of our eminent inwyers and stat men, whieh distinet:y recognize the doctrines abow But, aside from the question of the power of Cony regulate commerce, I can have no doubt that the connection of this country with a forgo nation by means of a tele: graphic cablo fs a tueans of Pa:ional communication fo vital Rnd Important, both In peace and in war, to the national in terests, and under some circumstance, porsibly, even to the nabonal existence, that it is in its own nature a'subject for ational control which it would be impossible for the govern: Inent or people of the United States to allow to exist under the separate control of a single State, or to depend upon the arrangomenta made by oneof the States with a foreign Power, its citizens or subjects, acting either in a private or corporate capacity. These statements seem to me to con a suc: answer to the question which you have anhmitted E. R. HOAR. THE NEW INDIAN COMMISSION, Order from President Grant Regulating the Management of Indian Affairs—The Quakers to Have Full Control of the Red Men—In- structions for Commissioner Parker. fhe following executive order relative to Indian matters has been made by the President:— EXecUTIVE MANSION, June 3, 1869, A commission of citizens having been appointed by the President under the authority of the law to co-operate with tie administrative departments in the management of Indian affairs, consisting of Wli- liam Weigh, of Philadeiphia; John 0. Farwell, of Chicago; George H. stewart, of Philadelphia; Robert Campbell, of St. Louis; W. &. Doage, of New York; EK. S. Tobey, of Boston; Felix KR. Brunot, of Pitts- atuan Bishop, of New York, and Henry 8. Lane, of Indiana, the following regulations wiil, until further directions, control the action of the said commission, and of the bureau of Indian Affairs in matters comiag under their joint supervision:— First.—The commission wil! make its own organization and employ its own clerical assistants, keeping ile necessary ex penises of transportation, subsistence and clerk bire when ac- {ualiy engaged in anid service withia (he amount appropriated theretor by Congress. Second. —The commie! tunity to inspect the r fh full inlormation 1 <1—They shall have full power to inepeet fn. person oF by sub-committee the various lodian superintendencies and agencies tn the Indian country; to be present of the annuities; at consultat) and co dians, and when on the ground to advise the and agents in the performance ot their duster Fourth. They are authorized to be present in person or by sub-committee at the purchases of goods for Lndian pur: poses and Inspect the anid purchases, advising with the Com nusaoner of Todian Affairs in regard thereto. Fiti,—Wherever they shall deem it necessary or advisable that the instructions of the superintendents or agents be changed or modified, they will communicate such advice through the office of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs to the Secretary of the Interior, and in like manner their ad- vice as to changes in the modes of purchasinggoods or con: ducting the aifairs of the Indian Bureau. Proper compiaints against superintendents or agents, or other officers will, in the same manner pe forwarded to tho Tadian Bureau or De- partment of the Interior for ction, ‘Sizth.—The commission will at their board meetings deter: mine upon the recommendations to be made ae to the plane of civilization of dealing with the Indians, and submit the same for action in the manner above Indicated, and all plans involving the expenditure of padlic money will be acted upon by the Executive or Secretary of the Intertor before expendi- ture under the same. mode of accounting with the Treasury cannot ged, and all expenditures, therefore, must be subject to the prprovale required by law and by the regula- tions of the Treasury Department; and all vouchers must conform to the same Iaws aod requirements, and pase eee All the ofcers ef go 0 ted with the officers of government connected w' Inilan service are enjoined 16 adord every Tashily ‘and. op: tunity to said commissioners and thelr eub-committess in e performance of thelr duties and to give the most respect, ful heed to their advice within the limite of such officers’ positive Instructions from their euperiors ; to allow such com: mittee full acceas to’ it records and accounts and to co- operate with them in the most earnest manger to the extent ir proper powers in the general work of civiliting the indians, protect them in thelr legal rights and regiating them to become industrious citizens in permanent hdtues in- stead of following a roving and sav ‘Ninuh— The comnnniagion will keep of their proceedings af may be nec of their action, provide for the parment with the In- juperiptendehts Mite. ch records or minutes to aord evidence maoner in which However, misfortunes overtook the company, | their communications with and their advice to the iy meant shall be made id. 8. ‘and authenticated, |. GRANT, Commissioner Parker instructs the army officers assigned to duty ag Indian agents and superintend- ents as follows:— It being the government of the United States cotlect te Tolan wat lente ‘hem ‘in permanent shod rv ropriations havin made to aaritt themn in nuntainiog theuel fally “as” possibi as as ible _respectin, the ‘Indians id your superintentenay, impreaaio Indian mind upon every favorable opportaaiiy’ the views of the ment, and thus prepare them to submit to th change of their mode of life to pursuits more con- ial to » civilized state. You will endeavor to keep con- Stantly before thelr minds, the pacitic intentions, of, the government, and obtain their confidence by acts of kindness and honesty’ and justly dealing with them, thereby securing that peace which “it 18 the wish of all good citizens to estab- lib and maintain. Your success in the accomplishment of these objects will depend greatly upon the efficiency, discre- tion and care exercised by you !n the economical expenditure of the means placed at your disposal for this p1 and it is confidently hoped that the result will prove the wisdom and expediency of your appoiatment for this responsible NATIONAL TYPOGRAPHICAL UNION. First Day’s Session—The Admission of Colored Typos and Women to be Cousidcred—The Proxy Delegations Discussed. * ALBaNy, N. Y., June 7, 1969. ‘The National Typographical Union of the United States assembled at ten o’clock this morning, in their seventeenth annual session, in the Assembly Cham- ber of the State Capitol. Upwards of 100 delegates are in attendance, and the deliberations of this Convention are generally anticipated as being the most momentous of any which have marked the history of the organization. The most prominent, however, of the questions to be brought before the body is the question of the admission to the unions of colored persons as members. This matter arises on the question of the application of Louis H. Douglass, son of Fred Douglass, to be admitted to membership of Columbia Typographical Union, No. 101, ef Washington, D.C. Mr. Clapp, the government printer, is generally understood to be “at the bot- tom” of the whoie matter, he having appointed young Douglass to a position as a compositor in the Government Printing Department. Columbia Bnion declined to take any positive action in the premises, or rather, by negative action, denied the appli- cation for the time being by laying the matter over for consideration at a subsequent meeting. Pend- ing this postponement the National Union is assem- bied, and the matter can hardly fail to come up here. Of course it is a shrewd piece of engineering on the part of the government printer to throw whatever onus may attach to the recoguition or rejection of the colored element upon the National Union. ‘There is a feeling, however, in favor of ignoring the question entirely, while other delegates incline to the opinion that the matter should be left entirely tothe jurisdiction of the subordinate unions, to ad- mit or reject colored applicants as they deem most expedient or appropriate. But should it be forced upon the consideration or the National Union it is believ-d further that a great effort will be made to shirk the main question, as to “color,” by making the issue one of status as a craftsman. Young Douglass learned his trade in Rochester. Subsequently he made application for admission as a member of the Denver (Colorado) Union, but that union rejected him on the ground that he was what is called in the vernacular of the craft a “rat;”—i. é., he had worked at a certain estab- lishment at low rates of compensation, where no union compositor would have accepted employment. ‘Through the correspondence which is matntained by the organizations throughout the country this fact was learned, aud when he applied for admis- sion to Columbla Union it is claimed that he pre- sented §no ‘card,’ and his request was looked upon unfavorably, upoh the assumption that he was au untair workman, Which is considered suMcient rea- son for exclusion even in the case of a white man. ‘The general impression prevailing 1s that if the question can be disposed of on this issue it will be to the advantage of the Unton to let it take such a direction, a8, Of course, among typos as Well as other profes-tons in “this republican land of ours,” there 1s @ diversity of sentiment on this “‘irrepressibie”’ subject, and any severe struggle on such a question would, it 18 conceded, in all probability, Work to the detriment Of the fraternity at large, and perhaps per- manentiy disrupt their present harmonious aud flourishing condition and unity. In any event it is probable that the question when brought up will be discussed in secret sexsion. ‘The next important topic will be the question of the recognition by the the National Union of the women’s untons, Misses Augusta Lewis and Eva P. Howard, of Women’s Union No. 1, of New York city, are here, and were on the foor at the opening of the Convention to- day. hey come as accredited delegates and ask the privilege of a charter, and of co-ordinate repregentation in this body with the men’s unions. The sentiment almost, if not quite universally, is In favor of their recognition and admission, and there is little doubt of their success. The action of Wo- men’s Untou No. 1 during the recent strike in New York, in declining to take the places vacated by the strikers, hag Lad a powerful infuence in tueir be- alt. ‘The Convention will remain in session until Friday next, and the programme for the edification and amusement of the delegates, apart from the parlia- mentary debates and pi ings, embrace an ex- oursion on the river, a trip to Saratoga, and a grand banquet at Stanwix Hall on Wednesday evening. ‘The President of the National Union, Mr. Kobert McKechnie, of New York, a8 chairman of the Con- vention, called the delegates to order, ‘The proceedings were opened with prayer by Rev. G. C. HECKMAN, Of Albany. Mr. FRECKELTON, President of the Albany Typo- graphical Union, then delivered a brief address of weicome, on behalf of the Albany Union, to the Na- tional Union, and the President responded, assuring the Albany craft of the heartiest sympathy and wishes of the delegates assembled, ‘The PRESIDENT then announced that the Conven- tion was prepared for the regular bu-i.ess. A DELEGATE Moved the appointment of a com- mittee on credentials, upon Which some discussion arose as to the question of the appointment of the commitiee by the Convention or by the Chair. A majority of the delegates expressed themselves in favor of adhering to the old rule of appointments by the President, aud upon the question being subuilt- ted to the vote of the house it was so carried. The PRESIDENT then appointed the following named delegates on the committee:—Mr. Rogers, of Baltumore ir. Whittington, of Alexandria, Va.; Mr. Barfield, of Louisville; Mr, Doughty, of Indianapolis, and Mr. Feehan, of Albany. On motion, @ recess of one hour was then taken. Upon reassembling Mr. Wairrtvoron, from the Committee on Credentials, presented their report on the credentials received, recommending their ac- ceptance, and submitting a resolution in opposition to the system of representation by proxy delegates, he sentiment of the resolution was applauded, The report aiso acknowledged the receipt of a communication asktng recognition from Women’s Vnion No. 1, and recommended that the repre- sentatives from that Union be admitied to seats on the floor. ‘he report of the committee was received and adopted. On motion Martin Curtis and Andrew Hagan were respectively appointed Sergeant-at-Arms and Jauitor of the Union during is session. A communication from Mayor Charies A. Bleeker, Presivient of the Board of Fire Commissioners, was receiyed and accepted, inviting the Union to visit the various engine aud wuck houses of the deparunent during their sojourn in this city. A question having arisen as to the regularity of the credentials submitted by a number of the dele- gates, a motion Was made to reconsider the vote adopting the report of the committee. A Warm discussion ensued, tt being contended by some of the delegates that under section one of arti- cle five of the constitution no delegate was entitled to a seat who had been appointed by the Union he claimed to represent instead of being elected. It was claimed to be under this “appointment” prin- ciple that those who are delegated as proxies asked recognition. tn opposition it was claimed that the Convention could not ignore the erddentials when properly signed and sealed. ‘The motion to reconsider was lost. A resolution was adopted that a special committee of five be elected by this Convention to examine all the credentials under which proxy representation Was claimed, with power to send for persons and papers, Rie PRESIDENT then delivered his annual address, im the course of which he congratulated the Union on the prosperity which had marked their career since the last annual session. There had been during that period nine new local Unions formed and two revived and re-established, Six strikes had been reported during the year to the Executive Commit tee, their locations being New York, Montreal, New Haven, Indianapolis, Toledo, and Trenton, N. J. Be- yond a doubt other minor strikes had occurred, but Uheir existence and results had not reached the com- mittee, In almost every instance the strikes had terminated favorably to the Unions, they having in apme cases gained their full demands and tn others a hmpromise had been effected. The New York strike cost the New York Union about $21,000, $17,000 of the whole amount being defrayed by the treasury and $4,000 by contributions. The results generally of ail the strikes showed that mutual concession was the best governing principle to be adopted, as it was on such basia that most of the strikes had been con. cluded. The Montreal strike cost about $1,700, of which about $800 Was contributed and the remain- ing sum paid out of the treasury. The action of the Woman’s Union, the President said, had been such 80 far aa to commend them to the National Union for careful and favorable consideration, and he felt disposed to recommend to the Convention the \t- ing of a charter to the Woman’s Union. also Called attention to the question of representation by delegations. Each Union was entitled at present to three delegates, but it was beileved that this was not @ proper means of arriving at the conclusion as to $1,671 20, The Arcemus Ward fund had increased the past year $1,183 62, $1,000 of which had been in- vested in government bouds. ok D. W. FLynn, of Washington, offered the fol- Whereas the highest interests of the working classes are attainable only by a union among themselves in which should be embraced all workingmen in the country; and whereas impartial justice will, as a sound and conservative policy, Teiuire that all workingmen, who are willing to support or- lone tend! promote the fare of worki: Men, should be allowed to beco! bers of auch me mera! Organizations, and not be probibited for reasons not applicable to every workingman in the coun- i, aud whereas if ‘any class of workingmen are denied admission into organizations for the promotion of the classes ou interests of the worktn, aipog auch dena! wil Crtily evgntnta ine combinaton inet the ti in a low scale of prices for both p jens ‘hersfore be ph nion, sul versive of its interest din violi f the policy, prin- Ciples and objects of the organisation, to make thee oF Solar @ test of qualification for membership: aneggolved, That K will, be flagrantly unjust of any subor- Ground of race or color, wn” ‘8B printer merely on the On motion of Mr. Murray, of New Orieans, the resolutions were tabled—o6 to 23, The Convention then adjourned till nine A. M. to morrow. THE ADMINISTRATION AND THE TRADES UNIONS. WASHINGTON, June 4, 1869, To THe EDITOR OF THE HERALD:— The employment of a negro compositor in the government printing office and the probable oppost- tion of the subordinate Union No. 101 of this city to his becoming a member of the soeiety has given rise to newspaper discussion im different parts of the country and at times elicited observations severely reflecting upon the craft generally. Onesuch article, purporting to emanate from the Cincinnati Gazette, has been widely copied, its evident intention being to carry the matter into the halls of Congress and its primary object without doubt to array the domi- nant political party against all trades organizations, The writer belongs to both societies of the craft in this city, and he could not, for good and substantial Teagons, be persuaded to vote to make Douglass @ member of subordinate Union No. 101. The privileges of our craft are not the offspring of an hour; it has taken many years and a great many severe privations to establish them. No one who has passed through the labor of securing them will even for one moment consent to have them placed in jeopardy. I Know for a fact that to elevate one negro to the privileges of the craft in any part of the country, and more especially in Washington, is to admit the element which will destroy its power. This view of the case ts not without demonstration. Where he 13 now employed in other crafts, such as carpenters, plasterers, &c., he 1s underworking the white mechanic; and thts will be the case with every mechanical business which he will touch. He will never work so well, and he will always work for less than the white mechanic, thus degrading the stan- dard of prices for which we have deservedly labored and by superior abilities become entitled to. As the matter stands itis not an opposition to Douglass nor to the color of his race, but to the in- ferior workmen of his class who will be speedily manufactured with which to stock the government printing office. Already they have begun to school them to the trade at the Howard bray Steen 4 as soon as the buildings were finished, and they will be em- ployed by the government, whether they are good workmen or not and no matter how short their term of learning was, solely because of their color. Is this acting upon a just principle? Is it mght that the white mechanic shall sacrifice his best interests, divide his scanty loaf with the negro, while the rich men of the nation, secure in their landed estates and bonded property, but continue to grow more rich? ‘This, however, 13 what the government, in the person of Superintendent Clapp, clearly intimates. It isnot individual proprietorship, but national proprietor- ship which makes this unjust decree, Certainly the printers of the United States would not object if the black race choose to have printing offices and typographical societies of their own; among them- selves certatnly they woula without objection of any kind be permitted to work as they clioose and for what they choose. But to be forced among the whites and to be made, not so much partakers of the rivileges we have secured as instruments for the jestruction of those privileges, isthe thing which we will ever object to and vote against, This letter is not written in the spirit of democra- cy—it is written in no political spirit whatever. The writer not only voted for Mr. Lincoln in Chi- cago, but acted with his party there—the men who were chiefly instrumental in making him President; very well remembering one night iu particular, that preceding election day, wherein he stood stde by side with Norman B. Judd (tne man who nominated Mr. Lincoln in the Chicago Conveution) until midnight, constracting the electoral ticket agaunst lumitation by the democratic party. By business association with and observation of these men, who insured the national position of Mr. Lincoln, 1 learned to know the views and mo- tives that animated him; and I know that Mr. Lincoln was averse to @ conjunction—I do not mean ion, but s conjunction—either bust- ness or social, of thé two races. He illustrated this view when, subsequently, the negroes of the South came flocking Northward through the lines of the army, he sought to domicile them in South America, and only failed because the nations of that region would not rage od them as near neighbors. Still moved by this desire, very clearly shown while he lived, Mr. Lincoln was not unfavorable to tne Amer- ican Colonization Society, and the writer knows to a certainty that he really desired the emigration of the blacks to Liberia, im this regard and to this cer- tain extent, at least, meriting the cognomen of Moses that the blacks were fond to apply to him; for if he could have done so he would bave led them to the land which promises them more than any other—to the free republic of Liberia, on the shores of Africa. He knew very well that white and biack interests would clash in the domain of American la bor, of which, indeed, the government printing of- fice imbrogito furnishes a “striking exampie at the present moment. ‘The views entertained by Mr. Lincoin on this sub- ject are not now the views of President Grant’s party, only because a convenient political use can be made of them im this country a thing never thought of or encouraged by Mr. Lincoin. If they could be go used without treating them in a defe- rential way—without giving them place and emolu- ment—it is equally clear President Grant's party ‘would do so. It is not merely the printers of Washington who object to aMiiate with them, but the whole sensible North look upon it in the same light; or, if this ia not 80, why recently did a deputation of negroes wait upon the President, and appeal to him to give them Northern situations under vernment, and the President’s hesitating reply t he would con- sider the subject? Why stop to consider if the thing was right and proper’ Simply because the Presi- dent knows that it would be an impropriety the Northern people could not stand. i do not mean that they would (4 to war about it; but with their ballots against him how could his party stand? Certain parties in the interest of the government are straiping every nerve to show that the opposi- tion of the subordinate Union 101 is against the negro on account of color. While there is some- thing true in that, the greater truth is that the ma- jority believe, and wisely, judging by circumstances before them in t ty, that it will open the door to anew class of ts,’ made so principaily by the rapid manner in which Superintendent Clapp wilk desire to propagate them for use ia the governmeut oilice. Apparently and unmistakably the object of the government in attempting to force a negro in among the whites and compel association with him is but @ part of a general design pose. the Bong 9 men of the country, not merely of Washington city, but of the whole country. And the successful intent of ee Borie in curtailing the pay of the working men inthe navy yards, contrary to the desire of Congress when the cight hour law was passed, is nothing more nor less than another part of the general design to oppress the laboring classes, aud to which the President has made himself privy by the proclamation which he uttered on the subject. To & cominittee of Navy Yard tien who waited apon him to know the exact meaning of his proclamation, he is said to have felicttously answered ‘that it was worded very carefully and meant what it said.’”? Well, what did tt say? Just this:—That hereatter there should be no reduction of their wages. Here was surely as much if not greater wisdom than Solomon's. “It meant what it said’’—in other words, it meant nothing. So that the proclamation ‘Was a cheat, smnce a further reduction of the wages was no longer feared, but a restoration to the pay they had received for the ten hours was what the mechanics of the Navy Yard wanted, and what Con gress, on the authority of Senator Wilson and others who javored for the measure, designed they should have. So, thus, in more quarters than one at the present moment are the mechanics of the nation assailed by the government in what concerns their vital interesta, But the mechanics are not power- less, They can easily be made a unit, The printera of the United States are not the men to be im; upon, The effort to destroy one union is a direct attack upon them all—invoives the interests of all— and every one of them will perceive and compre- hend the issue, Our craft has during the past led ali other crafts, and at the present time enjoys the sympathy of every other organization of working- men. If the administration persists in its attemy to Fe the laborers within ite control it can have no other effect than to unite, as they have never yet been united, the entire mass. Why should not the ad. ministration take warning in time, and in this re- spect amend Ita A For it ts even now true, and 1 utter no chimerical declaration when I that the mechanics of the nation are bound er by ties of Ay and affection broader seourer Svsince ts letter was begun 1 read in the Tera ep eke nical jon, ai session about to convent in All ageinat tue pre te 7 hoe ished, of the practi now long estabil Nitional fyporraphicat Union, It has been the isagreeing Unions, It has never the general wishes and aims of the craft, as it af- fordea jons having @ small numerical mem- bership t same representative voice as Unions with a much larger ier een of members, The Treasurer Teported that the receipts for the past year were $2,400 66 and the expenditures ‘biter pwoen yet, for wise reasons, tn red with the internal aifairs of an individual Union; go that, | doubt, the matter, if brought before the Ni Union, will be referred back for settlement to the subordinace Union immediately concerned, yf