The New York Herald Newspaper, February 28, 1865, Page 5

“¥ WASHINGTON. ‘Fina Pesstge of the Army, Navy and Fortification Bilis. The Enrolment Bill Passed by the House. Propesea Increase of the Duties on Imports, Speech of Senator Sherman on the Tax Bill. ‘Whe 600,000,000 Loan Bill Under ‘@onsideration, &., &e., &e. Wasarraton, Feb. 27, 1865. UNFOUNDED WAR RUMORS AFLOAT. ‘The streets have been full of rumors to-day of an ad- ‘vance of Lee down the Shenandoah Valley, a battle on -@ront’s contre, and other equally absurd reports. No -mailitary news of importance has actually transpired, and vtheso sensation items aro no doubt manufactured pri- ‘marily for effect on the gold market. THE JUDGE OF THE NEW COURT IN BROOKLYN. It is understood to-night that C. L. Benedict, Esq., of Brooklyn, is to be appointed Judge for the new judicial istrict for New York. This appointment is said to have ‘been brought about through the influence of Mr. Ray- mond, of the Times. Thus far there is no opposition. ‘There are several applicants for District Attorney for the new court. Affairs in connection with this appointment @re 80 complicated that it is impossible to tell who is to bo the fortunate man, SENATOR DAVIS’ SPEECH ON THE TAX BILL. Senator Davis consumed two hours of the time devoted to the Tax bill in a speech designed to demolish the ad- ministration, repudiate a portion of the public debt, and encourage the people to resist the payment of taxes, MOVEMENTS OF GENERAL MOSQUERA. Gen. Mosquera, ex-President of the republic of Colom- Dla, and now its Minister to London, has arrived hore, acoompanied by General Salzur, Colombian Minister to ‘Washington, and Senor Bruzeral, the distinguished Minister from Venezuela. These parties were tho guests of Senor Romero, the Mexican Minister. General Mos- quora has beon introduced to the Secretary of Stato and ‘the President, and to-day left for City Point on a visit to Goneoral Grant's armies. THIRTY-EIGHTH CONGRESS. SECOND SESSION. Senate. Wasuinatow, Feb. 27, 1865. PROTECTING EMIGRANTS FROM RECRUITING AGENTS, Mr. Lan, (rep.) of Kansas, from the Committee on Agriculture, reported back a House bill for protecting ees topoding @ penalty a roe or decoying igranta into the army or navy &c., with a recommen- dation that it pass. weer Hite ne yates bg ; (opp.) of Ky., from the Committee on Printing, reported a resolution that all undistributed documents now in store, shal! be distributed among the members of the present Congress, which was adopted, 4 PICTURE POR THE CAPITOL. Mr. Coxtamer, (rep.) of Vt., called up the resolution to authorize a contract with Willam H. Powell, of Ohio, for Painting a national picture at a cost of $25,000. Mr. Sumngn, (rop.) of Mass., offered @ proviso that in ier Be dedicated to the national Union 01 no picture representing any victory in ban with our sen eens. phi ae! ir. Witson, (rep.) of Mass, was opposed to this. He wanted to nec the noble deeds of our army and navy ©ommemorated upon every foot of territory in the nation. Mr. Corammx spoke of the propriety of commemo- rating the heroic deeds of our navy. This had never beon while our eminent statesmen and lawyers had béon chi in marble and painted on canvass, ‘The morning hour expired and the above subject went ‘TH LOUISIANA QUESTION. PP Suerman, (rep.) of Ohio, moved to take up the Tax Several Senators desired to call up the Louisiana ques- Mr. Sumnman was willing to have the Louisiana ques- tion taken up, provided it could be disposed of in on hour oF two. Mr. Sumwmn assured Mr. Sherman that no vote could be oe on the Louisiana question within the time he men- ned. , Mr, TrumBut4, (rep.) of Ill., said there could have been @ vote taken nh) the. Louisiana resolution on Saturday wight but for the Senate. factious opposition of one-third of the Mr. W: (rop.) of Ohio, said he was opposed now, as hast bond Gveos. to forcing a constitution upon ‘the of any State, as the resolution of the Judiciary Proposed. It was an attempt such as he re- sisted when made years ago by the friends of the Lecomp- ton constitution. It would be an insult to New York, to Obio and to Illinois to admit Senators from Louisiana who ited nobody and nothing. ir. Howaxp, (rep.) of Mich., said the voice of the peo- ple had not beon heard on this subject, and he thought it it oe to re 3 8 ed until next by op pe . SpRacus, (rep. ) of ., Was opposed to the isi- ena resolution Somes he had information to the effect that twenty-five or thirty members of the Legislature of Louisiana Were officeholders under the government of ‘tho United States or of the State of Louisiana, which was the same thing. Mr. Sumwxr had heard a responsible gentleman, who ‘was in Louisiana when the State government was formed, is was a stupendous hoax. . Grimms, (rep.) of Iowa, said if the Senate would ive him a committee, he would prove that the votes of ¢ outlying precincts were cast by disubled soldiers and others, who were carried from New Orleans to the polis on army transports, and carried back again after voting dn the same way, Mr, Sumwer—I denounce this pretended State govern- ment of Louisiana as nothing more than a seven months’ child, begotten je the bayonet, in continuous conjunction With the spirit of caste. "This is the whole case. The question was then taken on postponing the Louisiana resolution, and taking up the Tax bill, which ‘was decided in the aflirmative—yeas 24, nays 11, as fol- Anthony, Brown, Buckalew, Carlile, Collamer, Conness, Cowan, Davis, Dixon, rwell, “Foster, Grimes,’ Harlan, Henderson, Hendricks, loward, Howe, Johnson, Morgan, Murrill, Nye, Powell, Rid any Sherman, Byrngue, Stewart, Sumner, Wade, ilkinson, and Wright. Navs—Mesars, Doolittle, Harris, Lane of Ind., Lane of MeDougell, Nesmith, Pomeroy, Ramsey, ‘Ten Eyck, ey. APPROURLATION wrLte PaRsKD, ‘Mr. Sumewan made a report from the Committee of mnference on the Army and Navy Appropriation bills, ich was agreed to, ‘THE INTERNAL REVENUE BILL, The Tax bill was then taken up. Mr. Davis, (opp.) of Ky., moved its indefinite postpone- tment, and on this motion made a lengthy epeech, ani- 4 perrnd upon the conduct of the adminis- in the conduct of affairs in Kentucky. The Senate at half-past four tok @ recess, to meet ‘again at seven o'clock. EVENING SESSION. MR. SHERMAN’S BPERCH ON THE INTERNAL REVENUE BILL. Tho Senate convened at seven o'vlock. ‘The consideration of the Tax bill was resumed. ‘The motion of Mr. Davis to indefinitely postpone was Tejovted. ‘The bill was then read at length Mr. Sumnman, (rep.) of Ohio—The late period of the the House of Ropresentatives sent in at wi 4 precludes full discussion upon any of the im- Yuas—Monare. handler, Olark, it questions presented in it. The House is jealous ite exclusive prerogative of originating revenue bills; ‘Dut it ought at least to give us an opportunity to exercise our undoubted power to amend them. This important easure, affecting every industrial interest of the doun- , declaring in its title that it is to provide revenue to bu the government and pay interest on the public containing fifty pages of printed matter, every line manding an examination of previous laws, was sent Within two weeks of the close of the session. The Com- mittee on Finance have worked diligently to prepare it for the consideration of the Senate, and now, see the losing week, with all the hurry”incident to the closing days of the session, of appropriation bills still pending between the two houses, we must urge the Senate to pase fytzment on the numerous provisions of the bill rather an discuss them. After the tirst careful consideration af this bill, and considering the many important changes posed in it, I was inclmed to recommend that the Penne postpone it until the next session rather than by 'y legisiation to run the risk of new errors; but the ib need Of new sources of revenue, the loss of revenue used by defects in the present law, the constructions ut upon parts of it by revenue officers, and the palpable Raine to enforce the present law, especially as to in- bomes, induced your commitioe to report it back with eral Imporiant amendments, and especially to provide er such an examination of the whole subject of internal xation as will enable us to legielnte im the future with er information. It may expedite our action to sab- F at the outeet a few general remarks as to the neces- pity which compels us to iinpove on our constituents the stom uf internal taxation provided for by this bill and act ofjlast session, under the practice of Congress of ividing Gnancial measures into gumerous bills, all of fie considered separately, wilhuut any connection th each other, There seems no other appropriate time fo consider the budget or the general financial estimates (i plans of the government. Yet it is obvious that Whon it is the chief duty of Congress to provide ways ‘and means to carry on the government, some general inciples ought to be adopted and applied to all r financial measures, When at peace the United had an ample source of revenue in a mode- rate of duty on imported goods, This tax so Hight as never to be felt by our ple, and its tn- ental effect in protecting our domestic industry made ‘@ blessing rather than a burden. But the rebellion anged all this. We had either to submit to have oar venoe a4 # oation destroyed by a haughty, but base, @ad defex..cd oltzarch: were ft unavoidable ineldéa The people of the United Si mined to prosecute the war, reat lo Provide the ways and means for it on. tis manifest now, as I then urged, that it would have beon better at the first session, in 1861, to have reduced at the lowest possible standard ail expenditures, and to have Provided @ system of internal taxation. It is easy now to Bog the errors of the past. None of us appreciated the magnituas of contest, thi demanded and $2¢@ vast sums contest, I sifll thirtie @conomy and heavy Trom the beginning ‘We might have borrowed money enough on & cle basis to have avoided a suspension of specie payments. But when the war came we were without & currency and without a system of taxation; gold dfsap; aod was hoarded by banks and individuals. It flowed in a steady stream from our country, By the Sub-Treasury act we could not use the irredeemaDle bills of the State and with the terrible leasons of 1815 and 1837 staring us in the face, no one was bold evough to advise us to make as the standard of value the issues of one thousand five hundred banks founded upon as many banking systems as thore were States. Undor these circumstances we had but one resource, We.had to borrow vast sums, and as a means to do so we had to make a currency. This was done by the issue of United States notes. Subsequently, to invite the interests of private capital, with the secu- rity of the government as a basis of banking, we esta- blished a system of national banks, and upon this currency as am-dium for collecting taxes and borrowing money we have waged a war unexatopled in the grandour of its operations, and, as I trust, soon to be crowned with unconditional success. Such a war has not been conducted without vast expenditures. Our actual expenditure Sorog the fiscal year ending June 30, 1864, was $865,234,087. The estimated nnditure forthe current fiscal year is $895,729,135. Upon the basis of the present laws much more than one-half of this sum has already been expended. ‘To this sum you must add every dollar you provide for by new laws, and this grim fact must not be overlooked for a single mo- ment when you are making new appropriations. Every dollar of this must be paid inthe form of taxes. And that is not the worst of it, It must be paid now; , ing. le. with — parsimontous we must get the money by it, by borrowing, or by collecting it from our peop! we could postpone the borrowing until the war is over it would be easy. But we must havo it now, and we must devise the means of getting it before we can sympathise with the poor clork, the brave soldier, or the needy con- tractor. Untii then your sympathy is mockery. Your very measures of relief may udd more to the distress of all whose livelihoods depend upon a fixed salary. I repeat that there are but three modes of raising this money. One is by printing your notes, calling them money, and compelling your peoplo to tako them. Another is by issuing your bonds and promises to in future. And another is to collect the money in the form of taxes {rom the people. That all these modes may be resorted to is proven from the history of all modern na- tions when involved in war. As the first is the easiest it is apt to be resorted to first; but it is a doubtful and dangerous oxpedient, and soon exhausted if pressed too far. It destroys laws and taxes, and national bankruptcy is the inexorable re- sult, A limited amount of this Ones. was indis- pensablo to us as a medium of exchange. It is like somo medicines, necessary in certain cases and in moderate quantities; but if taken in excess, sure death. Paper money issued by a government is called a loan; but it has none of the elements of a loan, except the ‘promise to pay. There can be no loan without a lender, and the act must be voluntary. In the Middle Ages governments resorted to forced loans—a contradiction of terms, A forced loan was merely an unjust and unequal tax. I regard the United States legal tender notes not asa loan made, but as money, lawful monoy, which the citizen’ is compelled to receive—that which now fixes tho standard of all valucs. Whether the powor to fasue ia derived from the wer to coin money or borrow money, or whether it 1s inhorent in every government clothed with the attributes of sovereignty, aro questions we need not now discuss, We have exercised the power. It ia now the currency of the country—the measure of value—and we cam only Tegulate its form and amount, and provide for its re- demption, while we can and have mado our paper money the standard of value. We cannot fix the price or value of any other commodity, whether gold, silver or food. This attempt has been made in many governments, in different ages, and has uniformly failed. The standard of value may be fixed by the government; but a higher law fixes the relative value of all commodities. As mea- sured by this standard, we may, by our tariff or tax law, affect the relative value of commodities; but we cannot, by direct logislation, fix the value of any commodity, either in gold or paper money, When the attempt has been made the result has been to advance rathor than to de- crease the value of the commodity. All our efforts to fix the value of gold, as measured by our currency, have failed, We may make penal the purchase or sale of gold; we may deny the use of our courts to enforce such con- tracts; we may prohibit the exportation of gold; we may deter sales of gold by heavy taxation; the Price of gold rises and falls as our national credits rise and fall, So far as our ppnals Promotes reunion, in strengthening our army, it measured by our standard. iy courages trade in gold or any other commodity, {t in- creases its market value. It fs an axiom of political economy, proven by the experience of all nations, by every form of government—despotic, monarchical or re- publican—that the relative value all commodities is beyond the fix the standard vi the commodity, and there our power And \- ally is this so of gold, which in all civilized Tenet the world, except with nations for a time involved in war, is everywhere the standard of value, It is mani- fest, therefore, that the first duty of Congross is to keep our lawful money a standard of value as near as possible to the standard of gold, and this cam only be done by limiting the amount and by making it valuable to pay taxes or loans. It can only be redeemed by the govern- ment by taxes or dutics; and every tax or duty, how- ever oppressive to the individual, which withdraws for time our paper currency, brings it nearer the standard of go! The power t© make mone; by eg legal tender bills is now ex- hausted. lore than enough is now outstanding to supply acurrency, The issue of one hundred millions more would not only increase our debt to that amount, but would add even a quarter more to our expenditure by the increased price of commodities consumed by the war; while the imposition of an equal amount of taxes gives value to our currency, and this reduces the price of commodities we are compelled to buy. An increase of Paper money bonefits the taxpayer now at the expense of the soldier. It reduces the purchasing value of the pay of the soldier, while, by debasing the currency, it is made easier for the taxpayer to pay a speciilc sum. In the end, however, the tax, by the increased com of’ food and clothing and transportation of the army, must mg 4 be paid in gold I assume, then, that while the necessity for raising these vast sums is still imperative, yet our mode of doing it and the eastest ‘ts exhauste: Loans and taxes are our only resource. A loan must be voluntary, It may to some extent be induced by patriotism. In this contest thousands of patriotic people—men, woman and children, rich and poor alike—have loaned their savings to the government, from purest motives. The admirable system of distributing this loan by going out from money centres to remote hamlets and villages, gathering from the small savings of the people rather than from the garnered troasures of the rich hus proved a wonderful success. Yet, after all, to borrow money you must appeal to the self-interest of the lender. A great nation borrowing inoney will be tried by the interested tests applied by the pawnbroker to his shivering victim. The more it wants to borrow the more it must pay. The terms upon which we now borrow prove that we have pressed this resource as far as is expedient, Tested by the present standard of gold, we now pay seven rnd three-tenths per cent for three years, and twelve per cent afterwards, until the debt is paid in gold. We pe. to pay in gold at the of cighty years, with end of these years at six per cent in gold, and for three years seven and three-tenths in cur- rency, and we receive for this promise, which must be fultilled to the uttermost, one thousand dollars in eur rency, which will buy our soldiers no more food than five hundred doliars in gold. But this is notall, We stipulate that this property lent us shall be exempt from ail burdens which this war casts upon all other property of State, county and municipelisy. This simple state- ment shows that this process borrowing is exhaus- tive; that we dare not extend it except for the highest object of national existence. When 1 see the money thus borrowed expended in trivial objects I cannot but look forward to the slow and hard process by which it must all be repaid in gold, with interest accumulated and camara Ir through the agencies of collections, by the inquisito: process of this bill and from the labor of the poor, you have ag et me hard and close as to salaries and expenditures, I think you will do me the justice to be- lieve that it is not from any doubt of the ability of our country to pay, or favor the selfish and base desire for cheap reputation, or from @ disinclimation to pay my share, but because I see in the dim fature of our country the same uneasy struggle between capital and labor; between the rich and the poor; between fund holders and rty halders that has marked the history of Great Britain for the last fifty one I do not wish our public debt increased one dol- beyond the necessity of the present war, and the onl; way to prevent this increase is to restrict our expendi- tures to the lowest limit consistent with the public ser vice, and to increase our taxes to the highest aggregate our Industry will bear. Mr. Sherman regarded the tax on sales as indefensible in principle; yet, was willing to vote tor it as a tem) expedient to increase the revenue. The increase of letter postage was to make the Post office Department self-supporting. The changes in the income tax he deemed necessary to prevent a repe- tition of the shameless and wholesale evasion of the special income tax. This was the only tax im- posed on accumulated property—the onby tax on money in State or government securities, It was one which should bave been paid most cheerfully, but its assessment and collection was a disreputable farce, A still more Important feature of the bill was the section compelling the withdrawal of notes of State banks, asthe volume of currency affects the price of commodities. He had no doubt the amount of paper now outstanding increases the cost of purchases KE many millions, and that the refusal of Congress at the last sea. gion to restrictive measures compelling its redemp- tion had seriously affected the value of the currency. National danks were intended to supersede State banks. Both could not t together, yet the issues of the State banks had not been materially decreased, while the national system was extending into national banks, and they Keep gut their circulation on the same capital. It were bettor at once to abandon the national system rather than loave it as acloak for out-sanding state issues. If State banks have power enough in Congress to Prolong their existence beyond the present year, it were iter to suspend the organization of national’ banks. Asa fast friend of the now system, he would to-day Vote for ita repeal rather than allow it to be the agenc} by which Stato ja eure banks may inflate the cur. ency. The of taxation could not be moro wisely exercised than in harmonizing such tendency, and placing on the secure basis of na- tional credit the money of the country. Many of the taxes proposed in this bill wore not in accordance with the established rules of itieal economy founded upon European experience. if object as beginners in the acience of taxation waa leas to equalize it than to in- creago the revenue, All other cuestions must yield to | 7 Postpone, in accumulating’ iaterest. He that war had givon great activity to all classes of in- Sez, ze engrinous profits, and that it was gov nt should receive a full tax before these profita were consumed in expenditures. A tax sy® tem fully enforced now would release the per from heavy taxes when the reaction of peace should lessen the profita of industry. We could not increase taxes, We should to reduco them. Taxes would be paid cheerfully in view of the threatened secession, at which the people would complain when the danger was past. The spectre of repudiation would never trouble us if we did our duty of tax paying as well ‘as the soldiers do that of fighting, thorefore every dic- tate of policy, ev sontiment of “lott de- manded that the nw largest taxation fo eget lessly assessod and impartially collected. The same general principles must be applied to tariffs as to the exoise laws. Our industry now was sufficiently protected by the necessity of paying custom duties in gold, and we were in no condition to protect our com- merce from competition, because our vessels were the prey of British pirates. Our immediate want was revenue payable in gol: We could not forego that revenue with- out destroying our national credit. Our tariff laws m then, be framed solely with a view to revonue. He woul only modify the present duties when such a course would increase the revenue. If by increasing the duty we could enhance the revenue without er eae consumption in a greater d , it should be done. our indus- try is emp! in repairing the waste of war increased importation may become a vast injury by exhausting the country of gold. The true principle must be to frame the tariff laws so as to produce the greatest revenue from the least importation. When the war ceases the English rulo should apply of leaving the requisite duties on the fewest articles, with a view to increase commerce and foster industry. He believed if Commissioner of Rovenue and his subordinates did their duty $300,000,000 would be raised during the calendar year, an ample basis of public _crodit which would rapidly reduco t! public debt. “If the war should close this your our sys- tem of finance would soon enable us to commence the reduction of the debt. Mr. Summ movod to strike out the clause in the bill of last session, imposing a tax upon books, magazines, reviews and other printed matter. The question on Mr. Sumner’s amendment to exempt books from tax was decided in the negative. The question then recurred on the adoption of the amendment of the Finance Committee to exempt maga- zines from the book tax of five porcent, It was re- jected. Yens, 12; nays, 20. : The question was then taken on the Finance Commit too’s amendment not to exempt bibles, testamonts and common school books from taxation, and it was adopted. After which the Senate adjourned. House of Representatives. Wasitnaron, Feb, 27, 1865, INCREASE OF THR DUTIXS ON IMPORT? Mr, Morrm, (rep.) of Vi, from the Committee on Ways and Means, reported a bill amendatory of the act imposing duties on imports, approved June, 1864. Ho said it was not proposed to go into a general revision of the tariff, but to postpone the main subject till the next session. But having imposed higher duties on domestic liquors, and raised the duty on potroloum and cotton, all the committees now proposed to do was to-change the mode of estimating the value and to increase some of the rates, The bill was read. It proposesamong other things that from and after tho passage of this act, fy addition “to the duties heretofore imposed by #taw, there on brandy, rum, gin, whiskey, arrac! liquors and cordials, fityy " cénte por gallon first proof, to be ine in jon for any greater strength than first proof; on sil cocoons, ten per contum a4 valorom, and, in lieu of the present duties, there shall be paid on cptton five cents por pound; on illuminating gas oil, naptha, ben- zine, refined coal oil, ae peat, petroleum or other bituminous substances for illumination, forty conts per gallon; on tobacco stems fifty cents per pound; om ready made clothing of silk, or of which silk is a component and of chiof value, sixty le! centum; on bar iron for railroads, and fitted to be laid down, fifteen. conts per one hundred pounds. ‘The tonnage duty in the tarlif act of July 4, 1802, to be increased from ton to: thirty cents. 80 much of the act +f 1356 as | mgr the exportation of guano on islands discovered 7 Americans is repoaied. The act to vances ras ges April 1, 1865. The bill also con- tains a provision imposing twenty per cent ad va- bing on goods the value of which is based on.the square yi ‘The bill was made the special order for to-night. ‘THR FORTIVICATION BILL PABSED. The Fortification bill was returned from. the Senate with an amondment reducing the original items one-half. Mr. Srevxxs recommended that the concur tn oe amendment reducing the appropriations one- On motion, the House accordingly conourred’ in the Senate’s amendment. BILL. Tho House considered the Senate’s amendments to the ive, Executive and Judicial Appropriation bill. ir. FRANK, (rep.)of N. Y., Chairman of the Library Committee, said the enlargement by Congress of. the library, for which an appropriation of $160,000 was asked, was absolutely necessary, because no more room exists for the addition of books. More than half the pre- sent library is unprotected against fire. Fifty thousand out of ninety thousand volumes are in the: wooden por- tion of the library, ng to a repetition of the calamity which destroyed the collection.in 1861. Tho amendment was concurred in, together with others. The House added an amendment requiring the pro- ceedings of Congress to be published the next day in the Congressimal Gi specches not actually delivered to be postponed until there is room for them, The next amendment of the Senate was the addition of the Deficiency Appropriation bill, the of which has been long delayed, owing to the disagreement by the Senate to the ae on of $38,000 for extra compensation to the clerks and other employes of the House, the Committee of Ways and Means recommended @ non concurrence in this amendment. After a long debate the question was taken on the ameniment adding the Deficiency bill, minus the extra compensation for the House clerka and employes, and decided in the negative by a vote of 54 yous against 76 nays. THE ENROLMENT BULL The House resumed the consideration of the Amenda- tory Enrolment bill, the section pending being that which increases the penalty for desertion by disfranchis- g deserters who do not return in sixty days. ir. Townseyp, (opp.) of N. Y., moved to strike out the section. THE NAVAL APPROPRIATION BILL PASSED, Mr. Monxus. made a report on the disagrooing amend. meuts to the Navy Appropriation bill, and it was passed. THE ENROLMENT BILL RESUMED. The question was taken on Mr. Townsend's motion, to strike out the pending section of the Eurolment bil, and decided in the negative. Mr. Cnaytar, {opp.) of N. Y., offered a new section, that 40 much of all acts as authorized the Prosident raise troops by conscription, be and the same are hereby repealed, and supported it By @ speech, e amendment was rejected—yeas 27, nays 96, Those who voted in the affirmative are Messrs. Ani Brooks, Chanler, Clay, Denison, Eden, Bdgerton, Eldridge, Harrie of Md.) Le Blond, Noble, ONeill of Ohio, Pendleton, ‘erry, Prayn, Rogers, tiles, Strouse, Townsend, Wailsworth, ©. W White and J. N. White” The bill having boen perfected Mr. Scuenck moved the previous question. Mr. Matuory, (opp.) of Ky., moved that the bill be laid on the table; but the question was decided in the nega- tive. The bill was then read a third. time and passed by a ‘vote of 80 yeas against J9 nays. EVENING SESSION. THE §1X HUNDRED MILLION LOAN BILL. The House in Committec of the Whole took up the $600,000,000 Loan bill. Mr. Stevens, (rep.) of Pa, offered his substitute to borrow the same amount at a rate of interest not ex- ceeding eight per centum annum. Mr. PER, (rep.) of , said the bill authorized six hundred millions of dollars to. be borro' terms and in such forms as heretofore authorized, ex- cepting that no part of it shall be made of smaller denominations than fifty dollars; th rate of interest not to exceed six oS oma payable in coin; and in no case 7 3-10 per cent; and the time in which any bonds issued are to be redeemed at not less than five or more than ae ‘ears. Within these Hmitations and restrictions the bill leaves every- thing else at the discretion of the Secretary of the Trea- sury. He said Mr. Stevens’ substitute provided that the bonds shall be payable at the pleasure of the gov- ment at the end of ten Page = Po an interest of ‘ht per cent im currency. In all other ts the substitute and the bill wero alike. The annual rate of seven three-tenths per cent interest was deomed by Committee of Ways and means the highest the government ought to pay and by making the principal and interest payable in coin we have some standard in view to which everything used as currency should be brought, and making currency equivalent to coin at the earliest practicable period. Mr. Frrxaxpo Woop, (opp.) of N. Y., calculated the prevent and prospective public debt at $7,008,000, 000, or more than the combined debte of England, France, Rus- sia, Austria, Spain and Mr, Hoorer —— an amendment from the Commit- toe of Ways and Means providing that the act of June, 1864, shall be construed so as to authorize the iasue of any description of bonds authorized by this act, and that any Treasury notes or other obligations under any a may be converted into any description of bonds. This rar Wises, ) of Town, offered a eubstitute for th r. Wi (rep.) of Towa, ‘& substitute for the first section of the bill to borrow stx hundred million dollars, at arate of interest not exceeding seven and three-tenths per centum. He explained his views on the pulvect, and wished to confine the loan under this act to nds. Mr. Hooren said the bill iteelf prevented anything issued under this act from belug used as legal tender. On motion of Mr. Monn, (rep, )of Vt, the firat seo. tion was amended #0 that for the $000,000,000, the Secre- tary of the Treasury shall issue bonds and treasury notes, instead of bonds and other obligations, Mr. Davis, (rep.) of Md., said that it was known to every one that treasury notes, though bearing interest, oo eeaeet ane te ei . This bill authorizes on eas 600, in treasury whieh will from hand to hand as currency, ~~ a The commitice at eleven o'clock rose, and the House, wRlout coming 40 & conclusion on tho aubjeot, ad: Journed, THE LAS. T RICHMOND SENSATION The Excitement Over the Senate Oppost- tion to tho En, “stment of Negroes. Jeff Davis Urged & > Take the La’ Into His Own B *Hds and Arm the Slave ‘S* THE REBEL CAUSE IN NEED OF Ax ICTATOR. The Senate Playing Into ,, the Hands of the Enemy. a Harmony and Concerted Actiow Demanded. A Quarrel Between the Border and Gulf States on Hand. It Threatens the Safety of the Rebel Cause. Rebel Account of the Capture of Generals Crook and Kelley. REBEL RAID IN EAST TENNESSEE, &., &e., &e. The Hebel Senate Vote which Defeated the Negro Enlistment Bill. (From the Richmond Sentinel, Feb. 25.] The Confederate Statos Senate, as has been stated, de- featod a proposition providing tor the employment of colored troops by one majority. Tho vote stood eleven ten. ‘Those who voted against the measure were the two Senators from Virginia (Messrs, Hunter and Caperton), Gas fenstor trons Nort carole (Mr. Graham), the two Sonators from South Carolina (Messrs. Barnwell and Orr), one from Georgia (ifr, Johnson), the two from Florida Messrs, Maxwe!! and Baker}, one from Texas (Mr. Wig- fall), one from Arkansas (Mr. Garland), and one from Missouri (Mr. Johnson). ‘Those who favored tho measure wore Mr, Walker, of Ala. ; Mesars. Brown and Watson, of Miss. ; Mr. Semmes, of La; Mr, Oldham, of Texas; Messrs. Henry and Haynes, of Tonn.; Mossra. Burnett and Simms, of Ky., and ite Vest, of Mo. The five remaining Senators were absont from the city. 6 will bo seen that tho Atlantic States votes were all against tho measure, the Gulf States all for it, Texas and ‘Missouri equally divided, Arkansas against it and Tennes- see and Kentucky for it. ‘The bill passed by tho House of Represontatives is still boforo the Senate. is fate and that of the who'e policy is dependent on the action of the Virginia Legislaturo in in- structing {ts Senators. It is understood that resolutions for the purpose are pending, and will pass; but precious hours are being consumed in debate, The Voice of Congress to be Disregarded. DAVIS ADVISED TO ARM THE SLAVES WITHOUT Law. [From the Richmond Enquirer, Fob. 25.] If it be correct that the Confederate Senate has decided dofinitively against negro en, then it has delibe- rately und. defiantly disregarded the earncst appeal of Genoral Lee and the weil expressed will of the people; it has criminally jeopardized the liberties of thes» States, recklessly hazarded the success of our cause, and pre- sumptuously set its judgment, or rathor the judgment of thirtoon men, against the will of the people, the earnost appeal ‘of General Lee, the request of the army, and with indifferent eyes looks upon. the calamities that now beset our cause and the imminent danger that now iinperils these States. The liberties of these States must be preserved; wo ou Eejee if this could be done and the Logislature of she country remain intact; but the public safety ts fin- perative, and since the Senate will not consent to the use ofa great element of strength, there remains but one thing for the President to do—aee that the republic sus- tains no detriment—and, for thie ‘without law, cal m the p-ople to and their slaves to the front; ayo, tak ba negroes and use them. The public safety is abo: laws and constitution, and Ifa mistaken respect for the Jaws and the constitution permits the public safety to be compromised, thore will attach an awful responsibility to the Executive, which will be transmitted through all times in the miserable slavery of these people and their descendants. When the assumption of extraordinary and supra. constitutional power is in accordance with the will of t people,.and exercised for the protection of the govern- ment and the defence of the public liberties, it is right and will be justified. It may be said that this is rovolutionary, dictatorial. But it would be revolutionary only in form, not in truth. The will of the: people—cortainly of Virginia—bas been expressed through her press, her soldiers and her Legis- lature. Her Senators have undertaken to disrogard that will; they are in revolution against their own people. The President may exervise this power, and would do so, with “the consent’ of the Virginia Legislature. It is not desirable that any convention of the people of Virginia should assemble during the excitement of this war, but if the me poem interest of slaveholders is to be permitted to stand between the use of any and every means of pub: He defence and the preservation of the liberties of these States, then a convention ought to be assembled and the inst{tution abolished. If the will of the people is not to bo regarded by Senators, then they set themselves up as an oligarchy, super.or to the people. This cannot be submitted to. The Legislature of Virginia should see that the will of the people of the Stato is obeyed and re speoted. These States and this cause stand to-day in need of a dictator—of % man who will take the power of the ple and use it for their preservation; and such a man, whethor President Davis or G Lee, would be borne on the shoulders ofa grateful people, if either of them would with strong hand seize power and exercise it vigorously for tho public safety. At such a time, and amidst such pertis, it seems like mockery to hear the action of the Confederate Senate called conservative. Sherman is rushing through the Carolinas iike an avalanche, and re- port says has captured one hundred thousznd bales of cotton at Columbia; Grant is gradually and perhaps surely ez- tending his lines arnund Petersburg and Kichmomd, and throatens every momoeut to. burst over the lines that in- tervene, and the Senate i# domg the conservative. History furnishes mo parallel to this, Arming Slaves More that of the Senate. DOUBTS ENTERTAINED AS TO WHETHER OR NOT LEB 19 A GOOD AND TRUK SOUTHERNOR. [From the Riohmond Examiner, Feb. 26.] The question of employing negroes in the army ts by no means set at rest by the Senate majority of one. The debates having been secret, the public can have no knowiedgo of the reasons and arguments used on elther side, Undoubtedly the arming of negroes, whether as slaves or not, 14 @ Very serious step, justifies earnest de- liberation and accounts for honest differences of opinion. It # a great thing which General Lee asks us to do, and directly opposite to all the sentiments and prin- ciples which have heretofore governed the Southern people. Nothing, in fact, but the loud and re peated deraand of the leader to whom we already owe s0 much, and on Whose shoulders we rest so great a respon. sibility for the future, could induce, or rather coerce, this »ple and this to consent to so essential an Fonovation, But the question recurs—can we hope to fight successfully through @ long war without using the black population? Evidently General Lee thinks not, because at the same moment that he makes new offorts to recall the absentees and doserters to their posts he also urgently demands that Conyrees and the several States passat once such legisiation as will enable ranks with negro tro« On thw point of military necessity there are few in the confederacy who would not defer to the judgment of the General. ation. If wo able soldiers? This Journal has heretofore opposed the whole project upon the last named ground, and has not changed its opinion. Yet General Lee has, on this question also, very decidedly expressed a diferent judgment in his letter to a member of Congress. And this is another question purely military, upon which, therefore, the whole country will be disposed to acquiesce silently in the opinion of the commander who undertakes to use that species of force efficiently for our defence. There are many other Considerations which are not military, but moral, political and social, relating to the future of the black race as well a» of the white—all of which op themselves strongly to the revolutionary measure now recommended. On these Genoral Lee cannot be ad- mitted as an Guthority without appeal; indeod, lis ear. nostness in providing that “those who are employed should be freed,"’ and “that it would be neither just nor wigg to require them to serve as slaves,” suyyesls a Gotte “oheher he tr what ‘used. to. be called a “'yood Southerner,’ that is, whether he is thoroughly satis- fied of the justice and beneficence of negro slavery as a sound, permanent basis ‘of our national polity Yet all these considerations must also give Way if it be true that to save our country from Yankee Con quest and domination it is ‘not only expedient pur nec ” to employ negroes ax soldiers. He 18 the qood Southerner who will guarantee us against ‘hat shamoful and dreadful doom. To save ourselves from that, we should of cours be willing not only to give up boot that Be nator Or constituent is not with. Leaving that out of tho question, then, it assumed that the majority of the Senate objected to employment of negro soldiers, etthor because they think the “necessity” spoken of by’ General Leo ist, or because thoy those moral, political and social considerations alluded to before. As to the two oe objections, bys only Sanne that cao be made is that rent opinion; he thinka he can ut Generel dae ‘apf a of negroes, and he thinks the time has come whon if is nos bo take and uge them, It is one thing to ha ered vo hig opinion ‘nother to acquiesce in his decision. As to those othér and er considerations, which do not dopend upon military n¢ ity, nor on the present exi- ney, but go down to the foundations of society and the ion of races, those Senators who hold that it to white and black to sever ge! natural relati would be a cruel injury [rede sorte relation of master and slave, that to make mm" # reward for service is at war with the first vrinciples of this relation, and is the beginning o¢ abolition, and that abolition means the aban- do,¥ment of’ the black race to inevitable destruction upo.® this continent, these Senators are undoubtedly hg ‘This is the true Southern principle, and the only tox principe, But what then? What our pris, “tp! ok Ler Zpakere come ie one us? Will Where be . *2Y comfort in going down to perdition earryin, eur princi We with us intact? The principle of slavery 4 a 1d one § but is it ao dear to us that rather than give it &p wo w ‘ld beslave ourselves? Slavery, like the Sabbath, was wade for man, not man for slavery. On this potme also, .%3 well as all’the others, the only prac- tical question no ¥ Ought to be: Is it necossary, in order to ‘dctond our co Uptry successfully, to use negroes as soldiors—not aban ‘onng any principles, but reserving for quieter times the tive arrangements which may thus become needful?’ If it 18 necessary, as General Lee hassaid—that is, if th ? alternative is submission to the enemy, then no good & “uthern man will hesitate. It may be undor protest that we ‘ yield to this imperious neces- aity, but still we yield. Danger Threatenti: the Rebels from Want of ,Yarmony. ‘rom the Richmon, 1 Whig, Fob. 25. Agray-haired merchant of .‘his city offered the other day to give the government halt ' of everything he owned in the world, t close his store, und to devote his whole time, without charge, to hospita’ duty, if thereby he could ensure tho success or prox ole the good of the cause. Another old gentloman, livi.%g {1 the country, in ronowing his subscription to the W. Vg, Writes that, but for his infirm health, which confines hi. to the house, he would, in spite of his seventy winters, eWouldor his mus- ket and fight under the black flag rathei* than submit to be ruled by the Yankees, Still another Wid gentleman, writing from the country, implores Congress to do iis duty and lay on the taxea.’ The people, he Weelares, are willing to be taxed any amount, to endure any privation, in order to benelit the cause. This is the true spirit of patriotism—tho genuine, un- solfish love of country, Were all our peopte uctuated by motives as ardont and principles as noble as these white: hatred sires, tho success of the cause would not admit of moment's doubt—the great stako would virtually be won and our independence as sure as the sun in heaven. And if the old men be moved by impulses #0 exalted, cortainly the young men ought not to be backward. Nor aro they. The glowing rosolations which regiment after regiment, brigade after brigade, and division aftor divi- sion of Lee's glorious army continue to send in to the papers, show conclusively that the pick and flower of our youth are fully up to the mark, ready as ever to peril life and limb in defence of the lovely and beloved ones at home, If the old men are eager to give the half, and if need be, the whole of their substance, and the young men aro ready to lay down their lives for the good of the caus, where, then, is the trouble? It 1s to be found in that middle class of men, neither young nor old, willing noither to part with their goods nor to imperil their lives for the sako of that independence without which worldly goods are acurse and life but a degredation. They are the mon who give up the cause as lost befors they have made the first effort to save it. They are the men who toll you on the street that it is impossible to check Sherman, and useless to protract the struggle, Strange that the very men who have borne the hardships of the struggle during four weary years are deter. mined to strigglo on to tho end, while they who have nover struggled at all aro anxious to prevent others from struggling. And yet it is not strange either. Faith without works isdead. He who has worked most for the cause oug! to have, and, in fact, has the most faith in its success; whilo he who has not worked at all, very naturally, has no faith at all. Hence the obvious inference that if we would revive our faith, we must renew and increase oar works. Especially ts work needed in Congress. Four months of twaddle is enough in all conscience. The time has arrived for pony oatgaad a) vigorous and united ac- tion. Robert E. Lee has ht manfully, and maintains the faith horoically. His hand should be strengthened. As many negroes as he desires should at once be placed at his disposal. Negro blood is not more precious than the blood of our sons and brothers. The enemy is in mortal fear lest we should arm the negroes, and presses his campaign throngh the winter months in hopes of overpowering us before tho negro troops can b» ready for the field. J+ the wate Senate playing in'‘o the 's hands? It really seems so. And yet we ought to.beware of an {Il-timed assault upon the Gulf States. It comes with bad grace from the papers of the State of Virginia, both of whose Senators are asactively hostile to the use of the negro as are any of the Senators from the cotton States, We want harmmy, bold and concerted action; not a renewal of the stale quarrel betwoen the sehen and ae ee as @ quarrel, at = a time, if no! quickly hu. will necessarily prove to the cause. The enemy will regard it as the surest of all signs of our failure, us look up. There is hope in North Carolina. The people ‘of that much maligned State will, as we firmly lieve, show a front to the foe which will bring a blush to the cheeks of the Georgians and South Carolinians, Holden is a North Carolinian, but North Carolina has sent more soldiers to Lee's army than any other State except Virginia, Some of the best troops and certainly one of the beat, if not the very best, brigades now in that army (Cooke's) is composee of North Minjans. The people of the Old North State are a brave and a tenacious people. They will teach Sherman a wholesome lesson. ‘he clans aro mustering, the forces are gathering to- ether. “God,” anid an intrepid and devout clergyman of is city, “has a hook in Sherman's nose and 1s leading him to destruction." We trust and believe so. Where he least expects popular opposition, there will his fate be Operations on the James. ]From the Richmond Dispatch, Feb. 25.) Unbroken quiet reigns along the lines on the north side of the James river. ‘The enemy concentrated on the new position on Hatch. er’s run during Tuesday and Wednesday, but nothing of consequence has grown out of the movement. They cap- tured a portion of our picket line in this vicinity on Tues- day night, but the line was re-established by our forces the next morning A very handsome litte affair occurred one day inst woek in the vicinity of Burwell’s Bay, in which about two hundred’ and fifty Yankees,’ belonging to the celebrated Naval Brigade, were defeated and routed by a comparatively small force of Confederate svouts, under command of Licut. Shalburne, nasisted bya part, of the Independent Signal corps, under com mand of Lieutenant Woodley. This force of the enemy had been gent out to intercept and capture a secrot expedition. known to have been despatchod in that direction recently by our government. While resting at Burwell Bay this force was vigorously attacked by the scouts and signal corps men, who eventually saceeeded tn killing and Me ey oo ‘a number and putting the balance to flight; sixteen dea bodies were subsequently found, six lying ‘om the road- aide leading to Smitudeld and ten in Smithfield who had died of their wounds there. We did not Jearn whether any prisoners were taken, buta number of wounded Yau! were carried off by their comrades; 80 the party who came out to whip got whipped. The Capture of Generals Crook and Kelle: GENERAL LEK'S REPORT. bln pr Feb. 24, 1866, Hon. J. C. Bascknminas, Secretary of War>— General Early reports that Lieutenant McNeil, with thirty men, on the morning of the 2ist entered Cumber- land and captured and brought away Generals Crook and Kelloy, the adjutant general of the Separtinaa, two pri- vates and the headquarters tag, without firing a gun, though @ considerable force was in the vicinity. Lieu- tenant McNeil and party deserve much credit for this bold exploit, The prisoners will reach Staunton to. 4 ANOTHER ACCOUNT OF THE AFFAIR. Harnwonnvas, Fob. 24, 1965. Major Generals B. F. Kelley and George Crook and Major Thayer Melvin, of General Crook's staff, are here, en rowe tor Richmond They rere «captured in Cumberland, Maryland, Inst Tuesday morn: three o'clock, by Li MeNiel and forty-five of his men, and fifteen of General Rosser's furloughed men. The: will reach your city by the cars on the Central Rail to-morrow. Movements East Tennessee. [From the Richmond Dispatch, Feb. 25.) Vaughn ia at work in East Tennomes, He is on a raid beyond Knoxville. The following was received yoaterday :— Haanquanrens, Fob, 24, 1865, Hon. J. ©. Brecknnrpon, Secretary of War:— General Echols reports that detachments of Vaughn's cavalry strack the railroad beyond Knoxville, at Sweet Water and Atheus, capturing the garrisons at both places. Sixty men or the Twentieth Ohio regiment, with their horses aud equipments, were taken. BE. LE The Advance on Tarboro, N.C. {From the Richmond Dispatch, Fed. 25. We learn that the raiding party of Yankee cavalry who were Ly tse to be advancing by way of Tarboro, N.C, on the Weldon Railroad, have returned to Washington We have been unable to obtain any information as to the ‘amount of damage done by them. The Governor “Ss Carolina on the risis. [From the Richmond Whig, Feb. 23 property and sacrifice comfort, bot to put in abeyance political and social theories which in principle we caunot alter. ‘Tho whole matter depends practically on the ques. tion: —Ir this necessary, or not necessary, the defeat of the Yankee iuvaders aud the establishment of Ovn- Governor Vance addressed the people at Gal boro, ©., on Saturday last. The Jowrnal gives a #ketch of bis remarks, from which we copy the following — Governor Vance sald th 4 was one of the Inst to give up the Union. But his State in soleme council pave it Up Lorgver. qud he wag ready to die for the pledge there unconditional submission. gone home to canvass his State for ution of the war. a unit for the war to a successful termination. Vance u: Ld and és * We now copy from At this point Governor V. drew a picture of that veme- rable, great man, Loo—"the greatest ie ago”’—bowing at the footstool of « low, black, Tiinois cross. lawyer, to beg his life for the sake his wife and children! Are there any men in North (Sensation amd Carolina, he asked, willing to gee this eries of “never!’’) If there be, exclaimed Governes Vance, then there are no words in the lexicon I use capa ble of depicting the base brutality of his soul. No ane we mean to resist such demands. To submit is not be than the extromest resistance, and ” who —— we mean dog. Thia is not the language of passion, but of fact. Governor V. did not believe the people of North Carolina would sunmit. When they undorstand the true lesue they will resist, What is property and your broad he asked, if the man feols he is a slave and a dish dog? But, continued the Governor, many will =% “OQ, we ure whipped already,” ‘The ‘enemy pumber us’? Well, said he, in some respects they do, and in some we outnumber tgem; and prod s hundred dollar Confederate Treasury note (which, ‘said, was certainly not worth much now-a-days), he ena~ merated the States of New York, Pennsylvauia, Masam, chusetts, &o., with ir dense populations, and said he would wager his hundred dollar bill that Not Caroling. had more justices of the peace and more milftia officers than all those populous States combjyed. (Loud laughter and choers, with cries of ‘That’ .") In these reae pects, proceeded tho Governor, we outnumber the North in we have long faces, and those who wear them tell us, “Columbia bas gone.’ What is Columbia’ exclaimed. Governor Vance. Are the ple of Columbia and South Carolina yet with us? We are fighting, he conti- nued, for independence, not for bricks and mortar, and the people, not bricks and mortar, can and will wim ft. The Governor alluded to the difference betwoen the spirit at home and that in the army. He had. Just come from the front of Gen. Hoke’s lines. spent several hours there, and conversed with every man he met with in the trenches, He found the men atthe frontall right, as they had ever been. common expression was, ‘Governor, you take care of our folks at as best you can; we'll fi ht this thing out yet.’ (Prolonged cheers.) Yes, said the Governor, that is the voice the brave fellows I saw there, and badly fed, standing—-many of them—knee deep im the mud, their musket firmly clutched amd their eye bright and clear, firmly bent upon the foe some fifty te seventy yards in front. ‘The mam who has suffered lous grumbles most. Those at home who have given thelr #ons @nd their homes and their all are this day more cherrful than any others. This iw true, said the Governor, and he asked the grumblers and weak kneed if they were not ashamed. You think, pursued Governor V., that Tam speaking now to encoamge, and not to tell you what I expect. He told them in soleram seriousness thas if they stood by the army and the government he saw in letters of living light, written upon: our tattered, blood-stained banners, the independence of the Confed- erate States in less than twelve months. (Kuthusiastio cheers.) All depends, he continued, upon’ the popular sentiment. At this time we might not inaptly say, “the voice of the people is the voice of God.’ Pour hundred thousand men—living men—were on the master rolls of the confederacy, and about one-half of them were absent, These nen must be returned to theirduty. He appealed to the women of the country, maay of whom do great harm to the cause by writing letters to their husbands im the army, making thom discontented. You at-home, said Gov. 'V., must quit telling your neighbors we are nearly whipped, &. You must talk more encouraging- ly. Aro wo nearly whipped? he askeds Yes, suid he, we believe 40, Overrunning our territory was no aign of our being whipped. In reference to Sherman's progress, Governor V. said he violated no confidence in assuring tte people, on the ily of General Ler, that Sherman maus! be afd should a Pepa d (Loud cheers.) But, continued Governor V., the people must hel; bd are what I thini the armies. If, he added, the peo- they aro, ail will be-right. All we ve to do is to stamd firm and together; to trust im Divine aid, but at the same time to do our daty by keep- ing an eye on human means in concluding, Governor Vance said our prespects were by no means gloomy. The recent peace offort will of nocessity make usa unit. But there were sgmptoms of foreign complications, and these had much iraportance te us, though they must not be relied upon. there wore the who ever knelt lieved, which would net be disregarded. soul and spirit it was impossible wecould fail. But if we yisld, it {8 possible our strugle will end in subjugation; And then — of millions of the noblest women: fore the throne of Cingge pal he be. ith oneness of ition will be better ‘ice President Stephens had ‘@ vigorous prose- Our own Congressional delegation ia ernor ed the people to action. Now was the time te go together and cease croaking. Those who can do nothing better at home should cheer our men and cheer each other; and those who had the means must feed the families of our soldiers. “If you do not,” exclaimed Governor Vance, ‘‘the land on which, last year, you raised such large crops, will be plowed this year by the foe.’ Governor Vance continued his exhortation, and com cluded in the midst of great applause, png 4 address the people here again on the frst sui occasl on. MAILS FOR EUROPE, The Cunard mail steamship Europa, Captain Moodiq, will leave Boston on Wednesday for Liverpool. The mails for Europe will close in this city at a quarter. past one and at half-past five o'clock noon. The New Yors Heraip—Edition for Europe—will be- published at ten o'clock this morning. ” Single copies, in wrappers, ready for mailing, alx cents, A ut otherwise, the next pro HAMLET'S SOLILOQUY, ADAPTED TO THE PRESENT TIMB. To groan or not to groan, That ts the question. 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