The New York Herald Newspaper, November 1, 1863, Page 10

W: < ——- Mass Meeting at Cooper Insti- tate Last Night. THE HARD FISTED IN THEIR GLORY. Cheers for the Poles and Groans for the Russians. Enthusiastic Reception of Governor Seymour. Conciliation to be Superadded to Force. The South Mot to be Subjugated, but to be Brought Back Into the Union Under the Constitution. Rpeeches ef Gov. Horatio Seymour, A. Oakey Hall, and 8 8. Cox, of Ohio. OUTSIDE SCENES, Ree Ree Reo Agrand mass meeting of ine united democracy—s0 catied because It was hardiy ever before so fragmentary and disunited—was held last evening in the Cooper Insti- tute. The hard fisted were there in thoir might, fling up the large hall and blocking every avenue and ap proach to. it, The thousands who could not get in were regaled with music and speeches 00 the outside, The five or stx thousand who squeezed their way into the in terior aid so in the expectation of hearing a speech from Governor Seymour. And they were not disappointod. If the democracy were indeed united—if the McKeon corps were joined to the main army instead of having its lances levelled against it, there is no building im the city with auditorium half large enough for its mass assemblages. But there is no insti- tution, polities or religious, into which heresies will not creep, and ‘the democratic party, with all its unde- niabio purity of character, could not expect to be exempt from the evil. Tammany has made up with Mozart; but the McKoonites are still unmanageable, and obstinately refuse to come into the dear old fold, of whieh Captain ‘Rynders is ono of the chief shepherds. The Captain was on hand last night, and so were many others of the chief guardians of democratic rights and advocates of popular privileges. While the crowd was waiting for the proceedings to be opened it amused itself by cheering and groaning alter- mately democratic and republican celebrities. The amuse- ment went on something after the following programme:— Three cheers for McClellan—Hi! hi! bi! Three groans for samper—Boo! Three cheers for the dimycratic party of New York—Hi! bi! bi! Three groans for the man ‘that cuspended the babeas corpusBoo! Three cheers for Governor Seymour's friends—(Laughter and cheers.) ‘Three groans for the man that issues the greenbacke—Eoo! ‘Three cheers for the whole democratic ticket—Hi | hi! hi! ‘Threo groans for the renegades from the democratic par- ty—Boo! Three cheers for Governor Seymour, who sent more soldiers to the war than any other governor—A Taint response, Three cheers for the Poles—Loud huzzas. Three groans for the Russians—Responded to with evi- dent heartiness. Three cheers for the next administra- tion, with McClellan and Seymour at ite head—Hi! hi! hi! But all vhings come to am end, and so did this prelimi- pary amusement. The curtain rose at longth, and Mr- Hall was presonted as chairman of the A. Oakey meeting. SPEECH OF MR. A. OAKEY HALL, After the cheer eided, Mr. Hall said:— I do not think that we need an introduction; I-do not ‘propose to increase your taxation b: ba oy ir patience with a long’ voice, ‘ lor, Mr. |; louder. ’”) tonight Bat, locking’ around. thle, vast aos to-night. a at this vast assemblage ef the united of the city and county of Now York, 1 read in every tace ono resolr;:ion, and that is,that with one united voice in upion and in harmony next Tuesday you will send your usual greeting to the interior, (Applause.) I say, “the foterior.” Tam reminded in saying that that the aboli- Uonists—(groans and Disses)—like their all! the seces- siovists—(a (ew hisses)—have always operated on{interior lines, while the democracy, like Union soldiers, operate on exterior lines. I have just returned from the interior. T took the liberty of saying there that just such a greet- ing as I have bad to-night will be sent to thom. ‘They are fall of promise; they are full of hope. It is not very long.—-only .about a year—since I that party which has now become abolitionized. (Hisses ) saw beneath tho specious sugar coating of ‘military necessity’ the bitter pills of abolitionism and anarchy «That's 80."") Excuse me for in figures. They volong to election times. When J was in the interior I met an old associate whom I had seen at Pitts! , at Philadelphia and at Chicago. He said to me et tu le 1 took him by the band and said, * You quote from Julius Crear, as ap abolitionist should.’ Let me say to you, my frien the language of the Roman tribune, and I com mond it to the New York Tritune— These floating feathers, plucked from Caesar's wing ‘Will make him (ly an ordinary stretch, Who else would soar above the reach of men, And ‘eave us all in servile fearfulness. He said tome—What now are the principles of your new party? Said |, excuse me,an old party; it is true my new one. 1 will, tell you in two sentences. Ho listened, as you do First principle—that Davis shail not pale the stars of Union—(taint applause)—and second, and just a8 important, Lincoln shall not obliterate the constellation of the constitution. (Loud and hearty ap- plause—again and again renewed.) 1 told you I should ot tax your pationce with a speech—end. T shall not, (Go on Oakey.) I know very well the duty of ® presiding officer, though I never yet have presided at # democratic meeting. But 1 hope to preside at a great manyfnore, (Applause enlag, 20 the epeaiog. I thank ficer is to lead off the list you again, my fellow citizeas, to whom I feel that I eeded no introduction. A long list of Vice Presidents and Secretarios was road and approved. RECKPTION OF GOVERNOR SEYMOUR. At this point in the conducted to the platform. ‘and recognised by the at burst by ono single impulse, cheers that made the echoes ring. Tho whole assombiage rose and, with tho bya | of hats and handkerchiets, gave to the Governor a onthasiaatic reception. Atter the applause had subsided, Governor Seymour, without any introduction, stepped ‘orwara and commenced HIS SPEECH. He said — Faivow Cromees—When 1 was invited to address my follow citizens tn this condition of public affairs, I fels myself compelled to respond to that invitation. (Ap plause.) I feel that our country is in extreme peril, and J foo! that tt tm the rigbt and the duty of every man at this moment to stand forth and do what he can to save the rights and liberties of the American people, (Choers.) Upon a recent occasion, when the President of the United States addressed an assemblage of his political friends, be said he knew of nothing in the constitution that forbid him from so doing. On my part, 1 can find much in the constitution of our country and the genius of our institutions that makes it the duty of every oficial at times Jike these to stand forth wod speak plainly with rogard to public affairs. (Cheers.) One year ago | addresse! a vast assombingo ‘Ilke thie in thie very room. What has red since that time? Taed the people of there United States, in re- sponse to an appeal which was mado to them by its keseroment, had just sent up six handred thousand men to fill the armies of the Uolon At that time we bad a Tight Lowxpect before twelve months should have passed away that we should have reached an ood to the sad war which has carried desolation over our land and mourning Jot ite homes. (Applause) Since the beginning of this war the administration hae at diferent times called upon the people formally for nearly fourteem hundred thou- sore advised that this call was more than ‘or we are told that the Northwestern ; tor the eali made by the Conscription act, arce credits whieh were to be deducted from the amount which they were to farnigh under that act of Congress, the Conseription law ‘tself, in addition to the hundred ant seventy five thousand men that Ut times have been called into the service, a de. mand woe made for more than threo hundred thousand more. I mean by that thie, that, taking into recount the surplus which had been’ furniabed by the ‘Western States ad the demand made upon the Atlantic Staten, it would Awell the calle made upon this people up to seventeen Bundred thougand men. Withia the last fow weeks the Prenident, in addition to that, bas called ‘or three hondred thousand more, making a total of two million of men who have keen cemanded thas far in the progress of thie war, more than fourteen hundred thou. fand of whom have gone forth to the battle field, (Cheers) When | addreered fou ove year ago the armies which he was greeted bad sub- Wi : i A i i é f i? | H 3 4 ta F¢ 3 iy 4 H : a i E i 5 another, more sanguine, at four thousand mil- Tons; bat-all mea, Toare not what {heir political views may be, w! are democrats or whether (hey are republicans, agree in this, that there is an amount of public indebtedness which, when it is once created, wit be the ability. of this people to pay. But more than that: in view of what! nave al y . whatever ‘@ cont! of this war national ruin; for when | tell you what , every. man will egree that all agree in this— theré is in the pathway on which we are travelling a point of time, which, if we reach it, if we do not save our Union and reach le defore we Peace reach that point of time, we will be invoivedin uational ruin, Caen 80,” and cheers.) Now bear these two points in view upon which we are all |. What, then, is the problem that we are compelled to sovle? It is. ‘hig that I mean to speak to-night. J will forget the past. pe ‘the time being, let the curtain fall over the past, aud wo will leave its transac- it of a dispassionate fu- tons ana events to tho jud @narchy and disorder. Bands’ upon | soother point, ‘republican w rr ‘i, ‘that is,’ chat be saved—(é }—our constitution must upheld. I say upon this point all are agreed, republi. sodaduice in no barsh eu i giver pore Te o- poneate—(applause)—yet I was mcr! when Iyboar | the Viee'Pres ep thee ap ores pie groans)—perhaps very room, e su] "kere were men in this State who want the ‘Union as it was aud the constitution as it is, but they can- I tell the Vice President we will have it. lause and a® volce—Bul Hamltn.’’) aE seeking On all hands to bring this war toa successful result b efore, the of time and 1D progress events, wo are overwhelmed with finanncial destruction and national ruin. Shall it be done? That is the question defore us. That is the question,which we ought to con. front, and, if possible, solve at this time before we de- posit our votes in the ballot box. (Applause.) The pro- position which J have stated, and which no man will gainsay, makes another thing clear ovory day that rolls on. is ex] iture, this waste and treasure, brings us still nearer to the calamities to which I have alluded. I have wherein men of all parties sub- stant agree. Now, wherein are we divided? Why are we divided in opinion? Why at thia moment in our country’s peril is the public mind agitatea by contention and by strife? It is this. We declare that we battle for the ion of our Union. for the pre- servation of our constitution. We say that this war should be od for that purpose and Keats) atone. ) fopablicas, My for ‘the restoration of the Union, not merely to restore jurisdiction of your constitution, but it ‘must be carried on, as they say, to root out what they assume to be the cause of the war—the institution of slavery. Against that we protested, because it was ‘was arrived at yh all solemnity by the Prosi- Btates, and asserted by the unanimous 088, fe ) Bat thai is not all. The radical portion of the republican party, whose policy has prevailed in that party up to this time, declare now still another thing—tbat this war must go on until the ie of the South and the Southern States are sul ; thas ten States shall be trampied out of existence, shall be re- duced to a territorial condition, and. to use the! of « Senator (rom New England, they demand eubjuga- tion, He said subjugation—that is the term. N then, what is the attitude of the two parties? Wo, on our part, combat for that upon whe the Northern mind is united—the of our constitution, brit unhappy . (Applause.) A lending for that which is most earily attained, because upon that point we are a united people—mont easily at- once declared before the whole werld tained, that such is the of the government, and yeu will bave nos @ united North but a divided South. I tell you there are hundreds of thousands the '» tore, I believe that at this hoer & majority of the Southern people, if they could retumm once again within the fold of this Union, and feel ite commision. would A Diessings of pease restored to a distracted land. ( Applause.) Now. no man, I care not what his political views ve, will deny this proposition, that it img more easy to this war to a successful result, by making it a war for the restoration of the Union and for the support of the con- stitution, than by making itawarfor subjugatiom, by 5 are mont easily, amd for that goes antipathy and hatred. (A) .) We all agree to this, that the continuance the war will bring national Dankruptcy upon us. We all ‘tp this, (iat the con- Ungance of the war is a waste of patioual li «, a waste of the par prolong irposes: sujugation, of carrying out the theery of centratization of govern who are increasing the list of ment——are those calamities to which I have alluded, are thoee who bring Us nearer and nearer to the fatal abyss into which we mind of all wo are contend. ‘most canily attained—that we, as a icy vastly more secure, vastly caloulated to presorve us from alluded. This nation is like a map floating above the Fulls of the Niagara river—above ‘the mighty cataract itself, and while he is yet at a safe . OF can fave himself from the flood which will carry him to destruction, he does not avail himself of the means of that may be within hia reach, and he goes nearer, and nearer, and suili nearer, till at length be finds himself beyond the influences which might have raved him, and he is overwhelmed beneath the flood when it is too late for him to himeeit from the istonce. (Applause. ) Are not only contending for that which is most attainable, but for that which is most valuable it may be said that although we admit in ask- ing more than they ask in making further jssues—in kolng for subjagation and centralization, in changing the character of the war, wo ask what may ba more difficult to attain: yet, when reached, will be worth all the cost of blood and treasure now apent. Let ue ook to this, for it is the true answer. Liston to me for a moment. If t is brought to an honorable covelusion, i we can those, by force of arms, and tatoamanslip, and conc..¢ tion, Dow in resistance to the government to return Lo their allegiance.whon we have brought them tous vy these torms—we have « basis indeet, when we ts Droaght them to this state of mind, and they wi! t tent to remain in the fall enjoyment of thelr oon tional rights. Now I assert that the people of the sca are an deeply interested in preserving the conatitul ooal rights of the South as the people of the south them ven are, You oan have no fa the land while one third of the people feel 1 ves wronged, aud jnjared, and trampled upon very man koows you can have no peace in the land unioes ali tne people stand on the same platform as regards their con atitn tional righta and privileges, apd enjoy equal terms to All rea pects with reference to the government. But, o: ‘the otiner han poke We epend more , And blood and Creag: °\ suppose we éneounter all the huraris of Pele ed Ru Puppone we are sy (ortumale, indeed £0 ut $ armies; tO Seman URE RR A De cevccrampeuen th aantea-e UKK HERALD, SUNDAY, NOVEMBER 1, 1863.—TRIPLE SHEET. dated and centralized at the seat of Srsnneet fortanate as to be able to gadjagate the South—what | tary service in the distant battle field. (Applanse.) He theny | tell you such @ peace as that igno peace im any asked that Unis same great and gepereus policy should be sense of the term 4 ~ .) Subjgat: pat fort, but our prayers were then . as cupation necessary; It necessitates a waste of treasure; Mt | that? ‘Why io it that this war is 20 — keeps up the ost of the ‘war; it demande tbe waste of | Why ie it thas in detriment and injury to rig! blood, and treasure and life of the , for al) kvow | the people it still rolison? You may for yourselves, that ' life is wasted on ee or, wasted | Somep kaiheabed Son cece every mao under the Southern sun in moments of activity | who is in favor of consolidation, finds ‘& motive in sho as well a in active service, Such @ peace, if not @ | views for the continuation of war, for it pee mockery and a spare to call it @ peace, moans what? That | virtue of arms and arined force that power | the peoplo of the North are to maintain great cand tocover their sons under one perpetual con scription, to bold thetr brethren of the South in subjec- tion, (Applauso.) If not coneifiated, if not reconciled by generous treatment, what hope ia there of peace? But what is the proposition? That thoy shall be held by mii- force at the expense of the life and treasure, aye, at the en the expense of the liberties of the people of the North. (Cheers.) What wonid be our resolve under like circamstances? What man would bo 80 mad who would dare to aay, in the face of the people— if perchance it had been our sad misfortune to be brought in collision with the goverament—that New York could ‘de kept in the Union more easily and more securely by war and confiscation than by giving her her just rights, by conciliating ner people, by restoring that Jovo of Union and love of the constitution which should ‘ever dwell in the hearts of the American citizen? (Ap- plause.) The great conservative party is contending fr that which is most easily gained—that which can be reached with the least expense of life, and biood, and treasure, And,‘more than that, we are contending for that which when gained is far more valnable than the ubjugation of American States. ( Applanse, ) 1 have told you what the cost of this war has been, Now, under the policy that has declared by the radicu! leaders Of the republican party, when will that cost end? If, in adaition, you prolong the contest, incressing its cost, you make peace itself—that. kind of peace which they would bave—almost. as destructive as tho active war in which we are engaged. Now, we obd- Ject further to the policy ‘the radical repub- licans and those who control that party. ‘They are not only attempting to gain that which we believe to de unattainabdle—not only attempting to wasie more Dlood and more treasure, but they are not bringing to bear upon the contest something which is as great an in- ‘strumentality to secure success a8 war. They sry in this hour of our couptry’s peril, when we are now engaged in this war—when overythig Af you plesso, on'the events of the battle fleld—that they would put forth the exertion of every material power, and so do we. We will go with them in that, but we will do more than that. ‘There they stop, and say, ‘‘force, force alone;”’ here we gay we would superadd to force the power of concilia- tion, (Good, and cheers). We would have wise statesmanahip, we would have a liberal patriotism and an enlarged philanthropy that, rising above passion and above prejudice, should honestly and thoughtfully seek ‘out the real good of the whole American people. Is there Bo power in this beyond the mere power of arms? No is than Iam with all the magnifl- rray; no man has been more impressed our magnificent army, as 1 havo seen , bese, Sa | ee ‘vast uumbers, with all the material strength wi ey. young men in the prime of life, full of Taeteaee abit, fall of courage; but, high as I rank the armiesof my country, mucb ‘as I’ admire their bravery, their daring and their patriotism, he has bat an infirm mind who does not know that there are powers and influences greator than that of material strength. (Applause.) Is not wisdom more than strength? Is not virtue more than mere muscular power? Is not the wisdom—is not tho Christian charity—is not the earnest patriotism which at this time calls upon us to superadd something to the wer of force greater than even material force itself? (Sate? Will the preacher in bis pulpit—who, , too many times forgets the character of his own religion—dare to stand forth and say that force is better than Obristianity?—that force is better than wisdom?—that force is greater than influences ‘which are generous, and which should be exerted when they can be exerted consistently with honor and with the interests of our country? (Aj .) Now, we tell you to what end and for what object we would exercise ll these influoncos—as I said before, to the restoration of our Union and to the preservation of our constitution. We stand, then, in comparison with our friends of the republican organization, on the advantage ground in every respect. We contend for that which we can attain; we contend for that which is far botter as a resuls than the one they seek; we contend for that which will not only show that as a people we are marshalled, sud that we will make our history glorious by our deeds upon the Dattle field, but we contend for that which will elevate us still higher in the estimation of the world, in our own estimation, aud jn that of all posterity, when we show that we are a people capable of magnanimous aud generous action. (Cheers.) But looking to this more closely, I coprend tbat the radical leaders are not only in thia mat- ter contending for that wbich they cannot reach—cov- tending for that which is less valuable when attained, and contending for it at a fearful waste of” life and o| treasure, but they are doing that which is incousistent with the nation’s honor. Js there a man within the eound of my voice who believes when Chase came here atthe outset of this war to call upon the city of New York for its treasures, if he had told them what be de- clares to-day, that they would have ventured one dol- Jar in sach an enterprise as that? (‘No, no.”’) More than ‘that—the Jproposition of subjugation contains within Meet the proposition of repudiation and of constant conacaiption, becauae it is ill faith towards tho iblic creditor. It ssys to him:—*‘We have now got your Ercen hundred mitttons of dollars, you bave let us have it, trasting to the national honor and to the national wisdom.”’ We understood that you meant to bring this war to a conclusion as soon as may be consistent with Que purposes for which it was waged—for the Union and ‘the eonstitution; wo supposed there was some signifi- of Congress when eaace in the unanimous declaration they adopted the Crittenden com ; we su) there was some nificance in the declaration of the Presideat of the ited States when he taken ‘pon himself tne solemn oath of office to support the constitution, and when he then declared fas the only object of this war was to bring back the States again to their proper allegiance. (Applause. ) Now, every act that prolonged this war ; every act (nat brings us nearer and still nesrer any of time, to which all concede we will reach if wo continue tm that paihwey:: overs. such act is an act of repudiation, and be who holds a government hen he suséaing pe wks = that, save by his vote: in ade which dition to that which we have ‘Will this community step forward au has been deciared here—that this not top when the Union is restored: that this war shall not ve eee ie ‘Uhe purpose of maintaining our constitution , bet 4 we waged a“ ae Vo ae aid ogee Gamtroy the government of States—they have got beyond that—for we have the bold declaration that it sbail go on until It destroys ten States themselves. ‘That is now the yen openly made in this city, and openly ap- by the radical leaders of the republican party. It ‘was deciared by Sumner aud by Chaso—(hisses)—and it was <djeclared in meetings held in the New England States. This rightfully calls out the indignation of the peo- ple, who embarked in this contest for the purpose Of restoring the Union and for the purpose of up. Bolding our constitution. Now | beg all of you to think ef thess propositions which have submitted to you; I beg of you to soe if there is auy escape from the conch gions that | bave indicated. But that is notall. ‘tho wa ie net waged alone for the definite purpose which | have mentioned, but for tho present it is carried 9n for a cer- tain purpose more indefiniie than that, Why is it that the Northern mind is today distracted and perplexed’ Why is it that we have not the community we had two years ago, when upon all hands it was said we were bat- for the Union and battling for the constitution’ It s day alter day we bave pew theories of govern. feat put forth, aud we are now invited to plunge earselyes into the bottomiess pit of discussion on questions touching our government which have been settled by eighty years’ experience, and which in truth were settied by the plain letter of tho constitution, as ft was written down by ourgfatnors. Why, we hear it guid not unfrequently that oue of the ends aud objects of tis war must be tomake this goverument si and ve power, I am willing that our national gov- qrmmpent shall be made as stroug as human heart and exill and hum@e wisdom can make it; but I do thas this geveroment is to be male strong by giv te, Chat it cannot exercise wisel; : fasist =Gpos it that the si of goverament depends = not alone — iy above all, depends tp the that @ all, depends upon the ee otannd tr from it by the constitution applause) eur (ashore meant when they formed that constitu to teach us this: that the government, to be strong, ‘be founded upon the affections of the people; that bes must aot in mag omer a their will and wishes ‘a proper extent. Meo at Washington faucied that legis- lation would give them power, and they have tried the experiment. Now what have been Its results? for | want to call attention not only to System to our whole country, but more particularly to the evils which have ‘been brought upon our own great State. As [ told you, I bave not ope word to say tn defeuce of myself. care what may be thought of me in such asad and solemo hour as this. ppl] No man lives who values the Kindly regard and good Qpinion of all men more than 1 40; Tlove to bave the affections of my neighbor, what- ever party he may belong to. but at this moment, when the destinies of our country trembie in the scale, all per- sonal passions are busbed and subdued within my heart, yi! and 1 approach this question, not as a man who cares {or man’s judgment, but as one who few brief ‘years is to give an ac to Him who reigns above us ail, (Cheers, T pass by unnoticed ten thousand hasty words of re} uttered against me; but | nevertheless cannot pass by at- tacks made upon this great and gloriovs State of ours. While I will not defend myseli, 1 will defend the action of this State, embracing as it does, the opinions of mea of all partics; aod lwieh to view that in connection with the sabject which I before ailuded to—the evils of the centralization of power—the att cortain quarters to consolidate power at the general government, Deoause recitals of the wrongs of our State will serve tO iliustrate the views which I mean to pat forth. Why is it that when we have had victories we have bad no policy such as victory domanded? Why is it, that to the whole progress of this war there bas never yet been put forth, that which the common all mankind has over de- resort to the arbitrament of our father: Mf the yoke of They that @ decent opimions of mankind o wrongs and their por; arkable that in thie war tude and ite influence, from for anparaileled for ite magni- ts beginning down to this time there bas never yet been put forth by cis govern: excopt broken promise, apy distinct, clear ation Of ite policy, of A which it moant to ach and where jt meant to sop. (Applaase.) Why te i? Task why is it? When we obtained wach signal vic- toriea at Vicksburg and fort Hudson all the world thought that this contest was to be terminated. We wore elated with our victories and those against whom we battled were depressed by their defeat We called upon the government at conventions at this moment when every motive of magnanimity, honor apd patriot: jam dem inded it, that they shoula come forth and offer terms to the other party, that should restore peace to the land, not peace to them alone, bat peace to ue—not Peace alone to their homes, bat peace and happiness to ‘our Own homes—not only Lo eave thelr blood, but to save Northern blood For the Inst threo of four months you “lt i at a cloud has rasted upon the North ae wo ant aun based frp yw how soon it (4 home aud ait those 4; loved to ag (4p- jauge.) Tbe doctrine of consolidation zation a of ‘Poait full of civil war and full of disorder and revolution. It is now proposed to strike out of existence ten States—ten States with a very large population—to deprive them of their representation in Congress until the party in power may seo Mt to restore them wo their rights again. Look at our constitution. never designed that tho Dave these vast powers. It was that it should have the power to destroy the life of the States, What would be the inevitable consequence? New York, ever patriotic, ever generous, ever true, when this constitution was formed, came forward and said it wanted to preserve the States, jthe lives of the States, and the righte of the States, "She wanted not to preserve the rights of the States alone, but that tho general govern- ment should not overleap its proper limits. Although at this time New York was one of the largest States of the Union, and was destined to be the foremost State of the Union, yet sho declared in the Con- vention that every State in both branches of the legisia- tive department have no more power than was bo cua wan sdjanod by allowing State represent in the end it was represen’ tion in the Senate and popular rej tation in the House of Representatives, the delegates from the State of New York withdrew from that convention, bocause they declared that it was a blow at the rights of tho State to which they could not consent. But, not ‘withstanding, we did consent to this compromise, and gave to New England, with leas population than New York, six times our voice fn the government—a power that is now used for the purpose of injuring and raining it, Itell you that @ government thus constituted was never intended to exercise all the franchises which you would now heap upon it, The which it has under- goue hag revolutionized the cl of the government. ‘The Senate of the United States is absorbing the power of the government. Why. the President the United States does not appoint the principal officers of state. He cannot his own Cabinet ministers. He cannot make for us a brigadier goarchi--(rotoes. “Busteod,” and Iwughter)—without the help of Senate, (Applause.) He is powerless without the co- operation of the Senate. Then the Senate controls the Executive; but, moré than that, the Senate, being sub- stantially the ting power. and holding its terms of oftice for'six years, controls the House of Representa- tives. Im that branch of the government we fod that the State of New York has lese than ono- sixth, in eg of the have. Now, tect us, The Southern < Rot always agree with the Northeastern States. New ‘York was commercial; New ‘was mannfactaring ; the Southern States wanted manufactures and com- morce, and thus situated all went well ; we became a great aod But now these gentlemen, who have six times our power, coolly come to New York and say we will destroy this bal- The tical result in the workings ance. pract of our government is dangerous and injurious to us. ‘This is not more speculation. Let us see what practical results have done. You all know that power will exer- cise itgef, We all kuow that tho twelve Senators from New England, who look out for their respective States, have six times the power of the two Senators from New York. I haye no doubt that our Senators do all they can to protect our rights. Nothing was more material hen we this war, troops wero drawn from the different States by quotas, that these quotas should be fairly adjusted. But, more than that, when hey weed leclared that we should have a lottery for life and death, I appeal to every man within the sound of my voice, if it was not of vital consequence that such transaction should be equal. fair and just, Let me call your attention to certain facts which are important to us because they not only exbibita great ‘wrong, but they also expose the tendency to centralization upon which it is important that the miods of the Amori- can people should be aroused. I found when I came into ‘power that New York had furnished more than its quota of men—(applause)—and had sent more than its share of forces into the fleld The Northwestern States bad the same thing. Thoy were in advance of New York. The Northeastern States were a little more patriotic in ex than we. You well know that there had been recruit ing offices for New a in) =syour = city during the iasttwo years. Now, we wanted to know ‘account stood. It bas never been fairly stated how many men these different States have sent—How tho quota wasmade up. Under the Conscription act New ‘York was called upon for sixty-cight thousand, We were told io fixing the number at that amount that the proper credit to which we were entitled had been given. When Penrod aed pei ater maar a nage srt that thero was great inequality—that in one district in Brooklyo Aen Cited toe hve tacueant one in this city for five thousand, and one the State where they called teen hundred. I called the at- tention of the government to this thing; I endea- have Fweor done. I bad a correspon. dence with the dent upon this su! by our friends upon the other side a very di izing Why did they publish i. (Laughter and applause.) I never dide@o, If there was any tbing in that orrrespondence calculated to excite the popular mind, or distract it, the guilt of does not belong tome. The I and I never met a man who did not say that it was not fair, and that was this:—| sent to Washington and asked when the enrolment was mado that it should bo put up up in some conspicuous place. That is the habit in regard to the census. It is put up all over the country. Why, when this enrolment was made out slips ‘might have been printed at a trifling expense and placed whorever men could see them. 68,000 persons would be made unhappy—surely in a transaction of that kind every thoughtfal man would say, in God’s name let us bave no complaint but they were wi York had already York was deficient in ber quota ay aa ‘York with Vermont. Vermont never furnished her proper number of men to the army, and yet in one of our Congressional districts—] ), there was a call issued for more than were called for in the whole State of Vermont. While in all, or most of all of the other ,Cor districts there were deficiencies, Now York gave a surplus average in the different districts of twenty per cont more than the New . Was right or just? (No, no.) Why was this? Ido not charge the government that it meant to do you wrong; but I want to draw this lesson from the fact, and the most charitable conclusion I can come to 1s merely to show you the prac: tical evils of centralization and consolidation on the rep- Tenentatives of the government. ( The York, with a much larger population, elects but twoS tors; and New York, in like proportion, has given all to this war ;and she has been wronged, not alone of treasure, ‘but robbed of her citizens and of the best blood of her sons, that which makes her great and glorious, Our oppo- nents say that will not have the constitution as it is, nor the Union as it was. And Vice President Hamblin ‘and others told you that we should not have the Union as it was, They do not tell you how it must be, but leave it all an uncertaiaty with the future. Look at New York, the great commercial metropolis of the country, made rich by the trade and commerce of the Western States ; we act asthe agents of otber states and grow rich and great and powerful. The trade and commerce rpacts ‘upon the country and all prospers. Is it prudent or right to ask you to engage in revolution to bring round a con- solidation and centralization of the government? | do not want changes. I want New York to maintain her power. I am willing that little Rhode Island should stand forth as a State. (Cheers.) I am will fmg that New England, with her ten thousand 1 hemor bould haveall ber power; but I not willing to havo a central and consolidated power tablished in the ment. Tam not willing to gi power that may be exercised to our detriment and to our destruction. (Applause) No man who ts 4 true friend to himself and the country will think of ever doing this. Every intelligent New Yorker must perceive such ays. tom Of consolidation and centralization must result tn to jury, It is said that centralization and consolidation would make the government more powerful: bat I deny the proposition, and | assert that the power of the gene. ral government would be stronger resting on the consti- tution than all the power it could employ by centralization If you take a barrel you will find it is made strong and servicoabio by the tron bands which bind it together It ia then of a cortain capacity as a barrel, but if it should take it into ite head to become @ hogshead, with all its capacity, and to accomplish this showld burst all its re: straining bande and }, it would be neither a barre! por & hogshead, but a bundie of staves. When the bonds which keep government together are voliated, when the restraining checks aro cast aside, whon the influences which hold it together, making it useful and serviceable, are destroyed, you have destroyed the general government iteel(, (Applause ) A gentioman lately asked me if the general government was pet going to deatray the action of the States, I said no. Our States can live and will live in spite of all, ‘You may roll over Ohio with your troops, you may in sule Pennsylvanin—the Keystone State—stiil one thing ne will live to be reprobated and condemned by men of all parties would be the attempt to rule States, Oblo, and Pennaylvania, and Kontucky and every other Sovereign State will live and exist im all their vigor. [hese mon who are invested with power forget what ought to be, are intoxicated with success and forget that they are but the recipients of the peoie’s conscription act. I begged t bounty, They not to that measure, I warned them that it would fail in its mature. implored them to aliow us to raise troops an we hed raied them before. I pointed to proud gt ed New York and the enrolment we made; and, after the sad events which occurred hero, I again appealed to the President and pointed oat the fact that there were bat fow men bere who bad not seat out sone to save the national life, to protect lennaylv: and to save the capital of the country. Hut thie req not granted. The time for the draft had come in New York, while it had not come to the Western States, ly had pot come to Wieconsip, and will not til! after the vane | payer ‘thousand tarily | Heian | | | public and felt throughout, itizens of New York who felt gBsEEe 2 F F Its merebants were entrusted with the wealth and pro- ducts of the nation, New York was the heart of the Union, that when it can be saved it muat not be lost merely to gratify any fanatical theories. Then this war must stop. Up to that time forth every: and withhold nothing. They would dedicate thomselves, their lives and all they had to this idea of Union. Citizens of New York, he said. jn conclusion, 1am ‘hopeful for the future. Ido not, cannot, despair of the republic. Whether ion ‘will be saved now or saved after still more suffering, I for one will never al the idea that it must be saved, No personal injustice, no insult and 00 wrong shail taro aside Sour ‘steps one hairbreadth from the stern, siraight pathway of duty, Whatever other mon may do, we will contend for the Union es it waa, and we willhave it. We will contend for the constitution as our fathers framed it. Wo will mantain it. We will su t the flag of our country with all its lntegrity, aud when this war is over that flag shall glitter with every star that glitters on it now, and every star shall represent a State. (Loud and continued applause. ) ERS FOR THE UNION AND COXBTITUTION. Mr. A. Oaxky Hati—The Governor calls {for three cheers for the Union as it was. (Responded to.) Now let us give three cheers for the constitution as it was, as it 18 and as it ever willbe. (Loud applause.) SPEECH OF HON. 8. 8. COX. * ‘The Cuamman introduced as the next speaker the Hon. 8, 8, Cox, member of Congress from Ohio; and then there were three cheers given for Obio and three more for Vi ham. that though the democratic paaty oi jones 5; fallandig! Mr. Cox said gain the last election it had polled one ninety thousand votes—a larger vote than any successful candidate there had ever got before. Thore had been See oped pguunss Corarree Seymour. Well, they had hea: ish song— And must Trelawney die—and must Trelawney die? ‘Then twenty thousand Cornish men will know the reason If they would substitute the word Seymour for Tre- lawney , and for twenty thousand should substitute 4 hun- dred thousand—(Voices—“*More, more””)—it bye pl hundred thousand New York men a know the reason why. (Cheers) Governor Seymour ‘was worth all the Governors of New England, Including Governor Andrew. (Groans for Andrew.) If the federal government tried to drag Ohio to the foot of their mili tary fooigtool they would also try to drag New York there, (Criesot “Never, never.””) If the federal govern- ment should undertake to do it New York should just give Ohio a little intimation of it. (Cheers.) The democratic party wanted no war except such a war as would restore the constitution and the Union, while the republicans made war against non-combatants, and children, against State lines, against State rights against State tustitutions—e war to break up the formand structuro of the government, and to break down tho very constitution for which the war was initiated. Who wore the apostics of republicanism? (Voices—‘John Brown, Job Cochrane.”) Mr. Cox did not know that ‘there was much difference now between Jobn Browa and Jobn Cochrane. (Laughter. Voices—‘Not a bit.”’) It was said that Jotin Brown’s soul was marobing on; but of Jobp Cochrane was march. 1d such men as George B. McClellan. (Loud cneers.) He declared that every one who favored the emancipation proclamation was ap abolitionist—an unadu! , dis union, Wendell Phillips abolitionist. The people of the country were meeting, not in cathedral halls, but in pub- lie assemblages, and ware solemnly excommunicating brabam ) few verses from the Acts of ine Aponte, where Paul rofused to leave tho prison until the mag’ would send and fetch him—comparing his that of Mr. Olds, of Obio, who bad been imprisoned Fort Lafay said that if Paul had beeo living in these times he would undoubtedly have been a good, true, constitutional Union democrat. ‘The democracy proposed to confiscate confiscation, to break down emancipation, to Mr. Chase wanted to re Union and emancipation want Union and the reserved rights of the States Frey Mots Ore neath adjourned to reassemble at the polls at The a qontad cootien ‘o'clock A. M. on Tuesday next Outside Scenes. ‘The scenes onacted outside were of a varied and ex- citing nature. For some time before the hour appointed for the commencement of the proceedings Astor place was quite crowded with people, who remained quictly waiting for the appearance of the orators who were to address them. Governor Seymour being recognized descending from his carriage, at the entrance to the Cooper Institute, was welcomed with a tremendous burst of cheer- ing, which had scarcely subsided when music was heard approaching, and the procession from the Sixth ward filed into the square, beaded by a donkey cart, in which were seated some boys, one ot whom al Placard with the words, ‘(Massa Lincoln can’t draft dis child.” To this succeeded s num- ber of men bearing banners, torches, &c., and headed by 8 powerful brass band, the rear being brought up by small cannon and a large car crowded with persons bear Danners. To those again suc fro: and oountermarched the eq around the Cooper Institute, their appearance each time being the — for renewod cheering. When precessions ived in the square, the Sixth ward on and around stand No. 1 and the Kighth ward at stand No. 2, the excitement reached its highest pitch, the voices of the speakers being drowned by the uproar and ap- suse. vat stand No. 1 Mr. Maher presided, and the speakers ‘were Messrs. J. C. Anderson, Kerrigan, Cramer, Tucker and Johnson, At stand No. 2, Mr. L. R.Riors, of * the were J. F. Seever, H.H. Morange, J. Coleman, Brackett, Curtis, Hutchins and Mahoney. ‘At stand No. 3 (the German stand) Mr. L. Kersinger, who, ‘with bis party, were early in possession of the stand, sided for a time; bat a di arising, Mr. 8. L was afterwards ted chairman. and speeches made by Messrs. Luke F. Cozans, Rheim, Hermann. Gen. Jennett and some others. ‘Apother meeting was organized on tho portico of tho Institute, Mr. William H. Mansfeld presiding; but the addresses owing to the noise andfconfusion in the square, ‘were little more than mere pantomime, About ates nine o'clock the clubs commenced to move out of the ‘square, and in a short time the place whieh just had been the theatre of so many varied and exciting scenes relapsed into its usual qaietud WEWS FROM WASHINGTON. Wasminaton , Oct. 31, 1863. THE AMOUNT OF INTEREST PAYABLE ON THE FIVE: TWENTY BONDS. ‘The following is a list of the outstanding five-twenty bonds upon which interest is to bo paid on Monday: — Of this amount there were issued previous to May 1, 1863, $64,396,308, upon'which the whole six months, inve- rest isdue. Upon the balance the interest is paid only from the date of subscription to the loan. The subscrip- tion having been heaviest during the last montb, it is estimated that the amount of interest to be paid on tho bonds issued since May 1 wili equal about three months’ interest on the whole amount. This added to the six months’ intereset upon the bonds issued previous to May 1 wil! make about six million dollars of gold to be paid on Monday. DEPARTURE OF MR. SEWARD FOR AUBURN, Secretary Seward started this afternoon for Auburn, New York, accompanied by Dr. Verdi, his family physi- cian, to attend Colonel Seward, who is ill with typhoid fever. NEW YORK TROOPS GOING HOME TO VOTE. During the last twenty-four hours, from sixteen to eighteen thousand voters have been provided with tickets for middie and western New York by Mr. Norton, the agent here for the Northern Central Ratiroad. Over throo thousand furloughs are being granted daily for men to visit their homes and participate in the election. At tho suggestion of numerous medical officers attached, to the hegpitals in this city a large namber of sick and wounded soldiers bave been aad are being furloughed for nshort time, In order that they may be sent to their homes in Pennsylvania, New Jersey, New York, Michi- gan and other States TOE NEW ASSISTANT PROVOST MARSITAL OF NEW General Hayes bas been relieved feom the court mar- tinl, of which he has for some timo beam prosident, and ordered to New York, whore be will perform the datics of Assistant Provost Marshal Genoral, superintendent of volutiteer recruiting service and chief mustering and dis- bursing officer for the first ten districts of New York, The court has adjourned until the 9th proximo. RESTONATION OF AN OFFICE HOLDER. Colonel W. T. Dennis, Agent of the State of Indiana, has resigned the position of Examiner in the Patent Office. RELIEVED PROM DUTY. Lieutenant Fitch, pass olieer at headquarters, Depart. ment of Washington, has been relieved by Major Willard , ad in order to enable him to report to the Retiring Boafdy his bealth rendering it inexpedient for him to remait | longer in active service. THE PATENT OFFiCS. During the past year the increase of the business of the Patent Umce has more than compensated for the fal’Dg off'at the time of the secession of the Southern Sales, and enabled the office to pay all its expenses without a0y further appropriation. This increase is derived chiefly from patents for labor saving machines, particularly agricultu- ral implements , the inventions of which have been stimt lated by the detraction of field iabor by the war. It 16 estimated that these inventions alone have made up for ‘the loss of manual labor, and enabled our agriculturalisis to secure the ‘crop, Numbers of patents have becD issued for inventions occasioned by recent discove- ries. About four hundred are rogistered solly for lamps to burn coal oil, which are now reduced to such perfection that a light equal to that trom the most ‘approved gas burner cam be had at the cost of one cont per hour. The front gallery of the Patent Office ts to be converted into a national gullery for the exhibition of tho trophies of the Union armies during the war—all of whict’ are to be collected here. DESERTERS SENT TO THE ARMY. One hundred and forty deserters were sent to the Army of the Potomac this morning. POST OFFICE STATIONBRY OONTBAOT. ‘The contract for supplying stationery to the Post Oifco Department for tho ensuing year has been awarded (0 Philp & Solomons, of this city. THE ORANGE AND ALEXANDRIA RAILROAD. ‘The Aloxancria Journal says that the trains on the Orange and Alexandria Railroad now make regular trip? to Catlott’s Station, some thirteen miles beyond Manas sas. ‘The road will be put in complete repair as tar out as the army has advancod in course of four or five days more, So much for the story which stated that it would take months to repair the road. ARRIVAL OF REFUGRES. It ie ascertained from Colonel Wells, the Provost Marsha) General of the defences south of the Potomac, that large numbers of refugees, principally British subjects, aro daily coming into our lines from the South; alse deserters from the rebel army, as well as others flying from tho rebel conscription. RECOVERED GRAIN. Twelve hundred bushels of government grain have been recovered during the last few days, in Maryland, whero ithad been sold by dishonest employes of the Quarter- master’s Department. APPOINTMENTS. Springer Harbourgh, of Pennsylvania, and T. J. Carter, of Illinois, have been appointed as the two government Directors of the Pacific Railroad Company, as provided by law. William H, Grover bas been appointed United States Attorney for the Eastern district of Missouri, in place of William W. Edwards, removed. Captain Letts has been appointed a special agent of tho ‘Treasury Department and assigned to duty in this city. THE FORT CRAWFORD MILITARY TRACT TO BE BOLD. ‘The Surveyor General of Wisconsin has entered into a contract for the survey of the Fort Crawford Military tract, at Prairie du Chien, which is to be sub-divided into blocks and lots, and gold at auction, under the direction of the Commissioner of the General Land office. DEAD LETTERS. The dead letter office is tumbored up with quantities of letters addressed to departments in this city upon which postage has not been paid. It Is estimated at the Trea Bury Vepartment that much business of serious import. ‘aoco to individuals has sufforcd from their oversight io mailing letters to the department without prepayment of postage. REBEL DESERTERS COMING IN. A large number of deserters have recently arrived at Alexandria from the rebel army, and, taking the oath of allegiance, setticd down as peaceable citizens, Among them aro severalofficers. The secessionists of the city are bitterly arrayed agatnst them, and treat them much more acornfully than they do our own men. Our Washington Correspondence. Wasninaton, Oct. 28, 1663. Influence of European Policy upon American Affairs— Departure of Prince Napoleon for England—His Mission There—Danger for this Country of an Offensive and De- Tensive Alliance Between England and Prance—Sensa- tion Created in France by the Virit of the Russian Plect in Dew York—The Intentions of France Respecting the Sou'h- ern Confederacy, dc. The approaching departure of Prince Napoleon for Eogland—where he goes, it is asserted, on a secret mie- sion from bis imperial cousin—excites a great deal of atten- tion, and has given rise tn political circles to many sug- gestions and comments, which woula be too long for me to reproduce here. The general impression, however, is that his visit has been determined by the necessity of drawing still closer the political ties which bind the policy of England to that ot France, and to pave tho way for an offengive and defensive treaty of alliance against Russia, which would come in force next spring, a8 s00n as the joint diplomatio notes or representations which will be addressed to the latter Power before the opening of hostilities will be in position to be supported by the eflicient argument of one hundred thousand bayonets and an iron-clad fleet. If the Prince does not succeed in inducing Earl Russell to sigan such a treaty, if the noole Lord declines to share ‘once more the chances of a battle field with France, it is ‘supposed that tho influence he enjoys with some members Of the Parliament will caase serious embarrasements to ‘the present Cabinet, alroady weakened by the timid atti- tude it has assumed in tho Polish question, and compel is perhaps to resign. If the combinations of French policy in favor of Poland are successful, and lead, as is generally expected, to an Anglo-French alliance, offensive and defensive, the proba- bility is that it will react upon Amorican affairs. Eng- land will then be brought to share the sympathies and the views the French government entertains for the South, the recognition of which is considered by Louis Napoleon as indispensable to the maintenance of the in- togrity of the Mexican empire, if not to the peace of the world, menaced by the hostile attitude of the American people, and by their disposition to enter toto an alliances with Russia, ‘This last danger, which European statesmen see looming up on the far distant shore of the New World, has created ascertain sensation in tne counsels of the French empire. ‘The hostile and significant interpretation given by im- prudent politicians and newspaper editors to the demon- strations made in honor of the naval representatives of Russia here has been looked upon as an indirect menaco by the Cabinets of England and France. You may rest assured that new political combinations calculated to counteract their effect will grow out of this event be- fore long. I am got even sure that the suggestive toast of Mr. Seward to Prince Gortechakoff, and the allusion made by Admiral Lisovski to the burning of Moscow, have not or will not be received im Pariaas the symptoms of a Policy profounddly hostile to the aims and views now entertained by the Emperor of the French. At ai events, it ts not when three great European Powers, in their desire to free what they consider an unjustly oppressed people, are contemplating the possibility of a war with its oppressors, that any prospec. tive alliance, or any token of sympathies for Russia, may ‘be looked upon with indifferonee, or coldly sovepted by ‘the aforesaid Powers, For the present, however, there is no indieation that France will act alone and singlebanded in the settiement of the Polish question, and still less that she will inter- fore in our affairs. Notwithstanding the opinions of her ighest and most influential statesmen, that the North will never achieve the conquest of the South, or it to live quietly under the same rule—notwithatand ing Ber want of tobacco and cotton, and her desire of giving stability to Mexican institutions by removing tho only obstacio in the way—an object which could be easily reached by creating on this conti- Bent an equilibrium of power—I have the formal ‘assurance that sho will not interfere in our affairs, Tho «| only case in which she might be led to depart from her pledge of neutrality would be if the South, through « Series of victories, was fully demonstrating to the world ite capacity (or self-government and for the maintenance of its independence. Until then the French government, unless backed by England, will keop {te bands off and adhere strictly to je former piedges—with this understanding, however, that any outward circumstances, gach as an alliance of the Northern States with Russia, or any aggressive domon- strations, might lead to the ‘adoption of = different policy. _ £00 LATE FOR CLASSIFTOATIO: TWELFTH WARD 18 and enthu: meeting, veracy of for Senator and Assembly, with the Anpnew Sonmipt, Becretary. ¥