The New York Herald Newspaper, February 18, 1861, Page 2

2 ARRIVAL OF THE AFRICA. - THREE DAYS LATER FROM EUROPE. Sudden Departure of Gari- baldi from Caprera. Important Austrian Amnesty in Favor of Hungarian Refagees. THE SCHLESWIG-HOLSTEIN QUESTION. NAPOLEON'S POLICY IN ITALY. The American Crisis and the Cotton Fright. Curious Phase of the Patterson- Bonaparte Case. PARIS FASHIONS. Our Londos, Paris and Berlin Correspondence, Kes Kee ‘The steamship Africa, Captain Shannon, from Liverpool ‘at about eleven o'clock on the morning of the 2d instant, ‘and from Queenstown on the evening of the 2d, arrived here yesterday morning. ‘The London Morning Chronicle of February 2 says the merchants of Manchester, threatened with a difficulty in the supply of cotton from America, are determined to take measures to obtain from the free labor of India what has hitherto been drawn from the ‘involuntary sor- vitude”’ of South Carolina and her sister secession States. Thus a vast field of enterprise opens out for ludia, which hhas lovg been foreseen, as the delusions on which “the domestic institutions” of the United States were based wero certain oue day to effect the double object of the redowption of India and the destruction of slavery. ‘The London News of Feb. 2, speaking of the secession movement, and the probability of its being recognized iu Engiand, says that no British functionary is autho- rized to recognise a new government in any State before it is decided in the country itself whether the severance from the federal government is actual and complete. ‘The secession movement will be looked on without inter- vention, as is the case with Italy, though there can be no doubt the preponderance of sympathy will be on the side of Liberty. A public meeting was held at Birmingham, on the 1st imst., to consider "the propiiety of forming a Birmingham auxiliary of the African Atd Society. The Mayor presided, and the attendance inciided Lord Alfred Churchill and Lord Calthorpe (who attended on behalf of the society), Mr. Richard Spooner, M. P., and a number of the leading merchants of the town. Lord Alfred Churchill, ina speech Of great length, explained the objects of the scciety and its connection with the supply of cotton. At present there are from forty to fifty thousond colored persons in Canada, most of whom have escaped from slavery in the United States. ‘The climate of Canada was unsuited to their constitutions, and last year a convention was held at Chatham, in Canada, when a deputation was appointed lo visit Africa with the view of ascertaining whether there was any locality to awhich the negroes might emigrate, and form a great negro nationality. The Igbors -of that deputation had been crowned with success. ‘They had entered into a con: wention with the King and chicfa of Adbeokuta, by which até settlers in that district woul! enjoy full liberty and certain privilexs. The district was favorable to the cultivation ‘Of the cotton plant, the growth of which had rapidly ex- tended of late years, and the object of the society was to euadic the colored population of Canada to emigrate to their fatherland, by advancing them sum3 of money, by way of loan, to pay the expense. In addition to the favorable character of the climate for the cultiva- tioa of cotton, labor was cheap, the average wages of a faborer being only 43sd. per day. The society hoped, by encouraging the formation of a settlement in that dis- trict, to extend the growth of cotton, and thus make this country independent of the’United States for the supply of the caw material, It was also anticipated that the beneiicia! iufluence of such a population would have con- siderable weight in suppressing the slave trade. Lord Caithorpe also spoke in favor of the soclety; and resolu- tious were afterwards pasted constituting a Birmingham avxiliary of the African Aid Society, appointing a com- mities, &e. The London Standard of the 2d inst. eays:— Manchester has been roused into activity by the revo- tution in the United States. Her vasi machinery is threatened with suspension from a deficient supply of cotton, and as some five millions of our people are di- rectly or indirectly dependent on the manufacture, the mensced calamity assumes national proportions, for if Lancashire declines al! England must suffer. The London Zimes states that subscriptions are afloat for a testimonial to Mr. Cobden, ostensibly in recogni- tlon of his services in regard to the French treaty, but, in reality, beowuse the money is wanted—the previous gifts of his admirers having been lost in American rail- way securitics, Tue Loudon Star describes the article in the Londoa- ‘Dimes as to Mr. Cobden as downright fiction. A despatch from Berne states that the United States government has announced to the federal council that it charges itself with the protection of Swiss in Japan. ‘The semi-official Donau Zeitung gives a denial to the news published by some Belgian journals, that France bad declared that sho would consider any aid given to Austria by German federal troops in a war with Piedmont 88 a violation of the principle of non intervention. ‘The following note appears in the official part of the Beigian Moniteur:— In order to facilitate international relations the Belgian Government has decided that the verification of passports hall be suppressed from Fi Jess foreigners shail continue to be sub- Ject to the formality of passports € they require to stay in Belgium. The vise remains obligatory for travellers beionging to countries in which gur country are subject to this formality. The exceptions established in favor of the Neyherlanders and the inhabitants of the adjoining nen departments and of Heenish Prussia are main- Robert Fraser North, of te firm of Nickoll & North, tallow brokers, &c., London had absconded, after having obtained, by fraudulent means, warrants for the delivery of tallow valued at £10,009. The firm was subsequently declaced bankrupt, but Mr. Nickoll is ia no way impli- cated in his partner's m.sdeeds, ‘Queoa Victoria woul’ arrive in London on the 4th, pre paratory to the openirg of Parliament on the following day, Her Majesty would dgliver her speech in person. Another adjourned gener! meeting of the shareholders fn tho Galway line of steamers bad beon heid in London, but it was merely proforma, It was announced that im- portant negotiations were in progress, and it was there fore desirable to still further adjourn the meeting, which was agreed to, ‘The Glasgow arrived at Queenstown at two o'clock on the morning of the 1st instant, and Liverpool on the 2d. ° ‘The Nora Scotian reached Liverpool early on the morn Ang of the 1st. ‘The ship Mary Carson, from Charleston for Liverpool, ‘with cotton, was burned at sea about 000 iniles east of the Banks of Nowfoundland. All hands were saved by the Henry Bingham, arrived at Liverpool from Savannah. ‘The ship Black Monster, of and from Baltimore for Rio Janeiro, was abandoned at sea on the lst of January, (Crew saved and landed at Queenstown by the S. E, Petti- grow, from Mobile, ‘The ship David Brown, as before reported, bound from Ban Francisco to Liverpool, sprang aleak and foundered om the Oth of January, in latitude 23 North, longitude 40 West. She left San Francisco October 11, and after being eighty-four days at soa whe sprang aleak and be- gan to Oil very rapidly. Three pumps were set to work, but they were unable to keep tao water down, and in tree hours she had twelve foot of water in her bold, Everything was dono to lighten her, upwards of 3,000 bags Of grain being thrown overboard; but it was of no avail: and at length It boing discovered that sho was rapidly sinking, two boats were lowered, and the passengers and orew left the unfortunate verse. They had uot left the ship many minutes before ehe sunk. Vor a period of four days and nights they remained together, sulforing the greatest privations from cold and hunger (having had to throw overbonrd the few clothos and provisions they man- aged to get from the ship), when the two boats parted company. One boat, containing the frst mate (Mr. Erly), Mr. Howard, Mr, Musgrave, and Mr, Stinson (passen. @ers), and sixteon of the crow, was picked up by the bark Sea Wave, from Pernambuco, which landed thom at Liverpool. The other boat, containing the captain (Ber ry), Mrs. Forster and two children, Mrs. Murray aod NEW YORK HERALD, MONDAY, FEBRUARY 18, 1861. ~~ . child, Mrs. Knight and child, Mrs. Goulding and two chil- dren (passengers), tho second mato aud (he romaindor af the crow, is still missing. Captain Berry was maiking for the noarest West India islands. The bark Victor Emauuel had beea wrecked on the Isle of Wight, and ftcon out of uinetoea baads oa beard perished. Our London Correspondence, Lonpow, Feb, 2, 1861, ing in Europe—Warlike Movements of the Great Pow. <The Halian Elections —The American Orisis in Eng- and—The New India Cotton Company, de., de., de. General Expectation is commander-in chief of aifairs in Europe, We have all got to be kept oa tho tenter hooks of uncertainty about the same time that you hayo—till the {des of March. The expectant month of March is goivg to perform miracles on both sides of the Atluntic. What your new President is going to do is to us here a matter of very profound uncertainty; but in Europe there is every indication of a sanguinary war; Russia is moving aad concentrating large bodies of troopsi Austria is providing great floets and armies, aud Garibald. has not yet shown any change of purpose towards Venetia, It is now very certain that the Hapsburgs will not give up their only hold on Italian gol, at least without a tre mendous struggle. The elections in North Italy have shown very large majorities in favor of the government aud Count Cavour, This shows the confidence of the Piedmontese in the great stateaman of the country, and is an indication that Garibaldi must wait the move of public opinion before he attempts to tead his legions iuto the areua of the dreaded Quadrilateral. Here in Engiand we are waiting for Parliament to meet, and forming speculations as to the future. Partios are not. going to be quite so evenly balanced as they were last year. Tho conservatives have gained several members by the scattering elections, and the liberals have a settled conviction that they were swindled out of their share of the legislation in tho last session. It Lord Palmerston retains the support of Miluer Gibson, Mr, Gladstone and Lord Joha Russell, and of their agues, the liberals, he must do something to a anes of the defunct paper duties repeal bill, That matter, with all the aid of the Timez, will not be permit. tod to reat as it is, and my Lord Valtnerston may as well make up his mind to it at once The most active outdoor business now carried on is fearful accidents on railways. There uever was kaown such a Sucecesion of these calamities, and they do net seem to c-ase with the very cold weather. Two days ago, ow the London and Southwestern line, Dr. Baly, tho physi cian extraordinary to the Queen, was killed instaatly. Siduey Smith said no notice would be taken of railway accidents by the government until a peer or a bishop was killed. Perhaps the terribie death of a member of ber Majesty's houschold—or oue near to hor-—wili have some good effect. ‘The paj re still discussing secession in the States, so much as formerly, seem ail at cea respecting the aspect of ailairs at the South, They don’t know whether to applaud the North or the South, ‘the buik of the sympathy is with the North, but the cot- ton Statce have a direct hold on the pulsating heart—the on machinery—of Old Eng: land that eaunot be sever ‘he commercial item of ation and launching of the porated ander the interest this week is the India Cotton Company,” limited liability act. The capital is to be a quarter of a million sterling, with power to increase. There is evi- dently to be a herculean ellort to increase the production of cotton in her Majesty's dominions, particularly in Fat India and Australia. Whether that coms accomplished to any extent by a joint stock company, to me appears doubiful. ‘There are no very distinguished names on the directory, but they have “one of the Gurneys—of the house of Overend, Guruey & Co , of Lombard streot—as a trustee. 5 Oar Paris Correspondence Panis, Fob. 1, 1861. The Bonaparte Patterson Case—Restrictions of the Press— ‘A Change in the Emperor's Policy—Sentiment of the Paris Presc—Burial of M. Causvidiere—Agairs in Haly—The American Crisis, fc., dc. Our lively metropolis is seldom without some cause of excitement. The trial of Bonaparte (Patterson) vs. Bona- parte was in process even as I was in the act of writing my last, and al! Paris was in ecstacies with its now play- thing. A speech of four hours’ duration from M. Berryer, whose seventy winters have neither dimmed the bright- ness of his far famed eloquence nor dulled the lucidity of his legal vision, was a matter of far more importance than the somewhat fade haravgues of the great academi- cians, Lacordaire and Guizot. An inch of reality is worth an acre of sham; and a peep iato the interior of tho imperial family, with some fine forensic tilting, brought out from their hiding piaces the deuizens of all parties. Legitimists and Orleanists have not exhibited such a front for years. They may be said to have packed “the court, so strong was their muster. Evory allusion fallivg from the mouth of M. Berryer that could by any poesibility be converted into an insinuation against the reigning dynasty was eagerly scized, and the officers of ‘the tribunal were more than once half tempted to clear the court of strangers. M. Berryer was never happier in his best days, His sonorous voice rang through the judgment hall like a bell, while, without let or hindrance, he enumerated in their order the salient points of his client's case, Public sympathy was, and is still, all ou the side of the Amort- can Bonaparte. But the verdict, it is clearly seem, muss inevitably be against him, M. Allon was no uniting opponent to Berryer, and the irapression he mwde by produ- cing the remonstrauce of M. Pichon, the Freuch Consul at Baltimore, to the Pattersons, in regard to the law which prevented any native of France under twenty-five from marrying without the consent of his parent, add by demonstrating its effect on the tather of Miss Patterson, who then broke off the match, was irresistible; aud when, afterwards, the learned advocate read that ex. tract from Mr. Patterson’s iast will and testament, where he brands his daughter with wilful disobedience to his commands, every one felt that the American Bonaparte would be nonsuited. Still, though Miss Patterson stands confessedly in the position of a woman who perilled all on a mighty stroke, knowing that she did so, 90 ua- popular with all parties is Jerome Napoleon, the King of Sardinia’s son-in-law, that few are to be found who do not sincerely regret the success which evidently attends him. Old Jerome Bonaparte, too, was so universally re- garded as a selfish, narrow-minded man, conteated to batten on any one or auything, at the sacrifice of any principle, 80 long as he might have all to himself, that many would bave rejoiced to have seen him dishonored even in his graye. The legal decision will be given ina few days. But M. de Persigny, our liberal Minister of the Interior, whose advent to power was to inaugurate a new era of tolerance to the press, has suddenly flung aside his distal and seized his club. The Courrier de Dimanche—a weekly paper—always well informed, and taking the advanced guard of the liberal journals, came out with a long article of three or four columns in its last number, which the Minister has determined to put his heel upon. Not only does the journal itself receive M. de Gersigny’s maiden warning, but the writer, who is designated as a fo- reigner, and therefore doubly guilty of lese majeste io criticising the principles of the government, is ordered to be conducted to the frontier, far ‘from the pure atmosphere of (a Velle France and the ecoue of his presumptuous treason. M. de Persigny thus breaks ground by a shot right and left. Many are disposed to think that the Minister of the Inte. rior bas become alarmed at the prospect of the criticisms with which the daily journals will be rife whea the op- portunity is afforded of discussing the parliamentary de- bates, and has thus determined to give the world timely warning. The article in question was heavily written, ‘and if left alone would certainly never have beon read by half the number that will now do so, As for the jour- nal itself, such a fillip is likely to be ita best advertise- ment. ‘The Senate sat on Tuesday, whou M. Troplong presented the report of the committee appointed to examine the senatus consultum lately presented regarting the debates of the Senate and Legislative bodies. This report was, in fact, an address, in which the constitution, as drawn up ps the Emperor after the coup d'etat, was eloquently and elaborately reviewed. It pointed out that the same imo. tive for parliamentary ‘‘jousts’’ which existed formerly would a0 longer be present—that of parties stroggling for the ministry—which w: be irremoveable, except by the initiative of the Emperor, With regard to tue ublication of debates, t is to be no room for abuso, the report will be made under the surveillance of the its of the two chambers, and any jouraat pub- ishing the same must pudiish the whole debate rolating to a particular question or suiject, or none at all, Under special circumstances the single ch of a member ony Aw reported, but it must be Gone 00 in its entirety. re must be no suppressions, no garbling. Supplements rendered necessary by these reports are to be relieved from stampe and extra postage. ‘At the instance of five members in either house uniting ina desire to suppress the publication of a debate, it is to be suppressed. The Constitutionnel, directly after the delivery of M. Troplong’s most able address, broke out into eestacies; and as Ww its peroration, it opines that the sublimity of eloquence could go no farther, No doubt you will tranaier the address in extenss to your own columns, and therefore it is not necessary for me to give any extracts. But J am confirmed in the first view 1 formed of it, by the comments of all parties, that ite object is rather to ourtail ths give full effeet to the Imperint Georee of the 24th of November, It only proves what bas more than onee been shown, that Napoleon has really more confidence in the miltion than his ministers and general enioviage. These men know into what clover they yeen introduced flea by very ques Hiouadie persousl werit, aud they dread any move that shall endangor their places, their the oy eh they tre daubed + gua Jour that, according to M. Trep- tong, ‘vothin 4 i. absolutely changed respecting press. doubtful hothor the debates under uoh "restrictions mi be of any advantage, and as to making a summary, such may only cape Journal, under existing restrictions, ‘fhe Sede, on. this. subject w > On. sul » has the following —‘‘ We believe that M. Troplong has done an eyil service to the pmeut in thus seeming to doubt its strength, snd in rejecting & publicity that could be only useful to tt. The more we read thia report the more distinctly do we see in itsome one who is more imperial than the and who mounts guard over imperial institutions zeal overmuch, ‘The complete publicity of the leg debates, the report direct of the journals, would «itord no menace to these {ustitutions. “Napoleon III. thougut s0 whea he publisned his decree, Wo regret. that M. Tropiong was notof the same opinion. We still believe ‘that when the Senate to the discussion of this re- port it will be better advised; that it will return to the thought of the 24th November; that it wil! place no im- pediment to the way of discussion; and that it w.il rather indicate by examples, if net by a positive rule, to what extent these discussions may be carriea.” The death and burial one of the members of the provisional government of 1848, M. Caursitiere, went off quictly enough. Ia fact, that little episode in French aifairs “is fast falling into oblivion, and greater actors on the scene than Caussidiere will soon cease to be remembered. Garnier Pages, Arago and other metn- bers attended the funeral, and a cortege of some 2,000 persons beside. The police were on the alert, but there ‘was not the remotest indication of any excitement. Caus- sidiere was an enthusiast, and there is nothing to show inst his honesty. The times wera out of joint, aud the system he adopted aa Prefect of Police is not to be Judged after the manner of those we live in. It is. su‘fi- cient to say that while he seemed to give way to the dis- orderly masses he to restrain them within bounds. He was driven from France with, Ledru Rollin, in June, 1849, and remained in Engiand till within a day ortwo of his death. He returned to France only, ia fact, to lay his bones there. ‘The news from Italy is very various, The Moniteur of this morning heads its bulletin with these words:—‘It is not only at Gaeta that the struggle exists in italy; a private despatch from Rome, received to-day, mentions An engagement of a very serious character wluch took place the 28th of January between the Piedmoutese and Neapolitans. Two t Piedmontese attacked the Neapolitans at Canco with artillery and cavalry. The Piedmontese bad 250 men put hors ve combat. The im- mediate result 1s not explained. The despatch only adds that both the Piedmontese and the Nea politans evacuated the Pontifical wrritory.”” The various reports about a flag of truce being sent out from Gaeta ure not confirme!. Francis Il. las addressed a Stirring proclamation to the inhabitants o° the Abruzzi; and though General le Sonnay, the Piediwutese leader, has obtained some suceasses Over the Abruzziaus, they do not appear to be of wach a character as ty prevent the insurrection increasing. he Italian elections turn out much more than was avticipated. The Mazzinian party ia sti orfully represented. MM. Ratazzi, Depretis, Caproola, Teach, Popol and Monticolli wili’ not be absent from the Turin Parliament; but at Genoa, in the Mamhes and in Umbria the Cavour candidates lave beea teturaed, Garibaldi, in spite of himself, is elected for Naples ‘The fellowing from the Sentinella Brisceana gives rious Epecimen of the straits to whic Austrii 8 di “An order of the day proibits the ccmn chi from allowing the Italian T 1m garrison to quit the fortress. They aro boun form the service like others, but the sontinels disposed: a Hungarian is placed uted at the ed posts: at the distance of fifty paces is a Bohewan, who has orders to fire on his companion incase he at! tempts to desert; at fifty paces 5 au Italian chosseur, who has a similar order, s0 that the three are responsible for each other.”” Mr. Cobden is stifhere on his way f has impressed the Emperor with the bei ivg mania, as be calls it, Las reached in England its culmi- nating point, and that from the- present period the party of economy ‘will assert its preeminence. The Moniteur of this morning devotes a whole column to the subject, not without some misgivings as to the influence Mr. to per- Bright is likely to assert on the subject. For my own part, baving heard in private Mr. Cobden’s reasons for what he believes, I have no faith in them. England wilt submit to any amount of taxation for years to come rather than run the chance of being bullied by Franco. All that the party of economy are likely to effect is a tho- rough overhauling of the Admiralty, whose administra- tion richly deserves a complete clean out. French society is incessantly occupied with the Ameri- can difficulty. ‘Tts eifect on England in regard to cotton 1g a matter of lively speculation, and many believe that thoy see im it the beginning of the end of England’sana- nufacturing predommance, The moderation of Mr. Bu- chanan is pronounced to be a simpic repetition of the blunder of Louis Philippe in 1848. The Porte remains very obstinate about a further Freuch occupation of Syria, und is supposed to be secretly supported by England. The Emperor is to open the le: gislative body in person ou Monday next in the Salle des Etats, at the Louvre. Madame Castiglione, ia her twenty-third year, is dying of cancer at Passy, The Empresa Eugenie is thus avenged, for there is no doubt of the Emperor's truancy in that quarter, Her loyeliuess was really extraordinary. Our Berlin Correspondence, Brrusy, Jan. 0, 1361, The War Feeling 1 £7ussia~ Denmark and the Duchiee— Policy af Prussia—The Italian Question—T7 he King's Spoech—The Next United States Minisivr to Berlin, de. , ec. For the last few days the bellicose ardor of the Prus- sian government appears to have been on the decrease, and there are some hopes that the storm will blow over. The bold front shown by the Danes and their active nayai pre- parations may have contributed towards producing this pa- cific mood, seconded, as they are, by the representations of Lord John Russell, who is indefatigable in his endea- vors to effect a compromise between the contending par- ties; but it is a question whether the ostentatious profes. sions of non-intervention volunteered by Louis Napoleon bave not bad a more sedative influence on the Prus- gian statesmen than any other consideration, Peo ple are 60 accustomed to give the French iimperor credit for secret designs diametrically epposed to the policy announced by him in public, that the frienily communications made by M. de Thouvenel to Count Pour tales, and his disclaimer of all-intention to interfere in a purely German quarret, seem to have rather alarmed than reassured the dipiomatist to whom they were ad- dressed, and the reports that arrive from various quar- ters of the vast armaments that are stealthily but steadily progressing in France tay have aroused a sus picion thathe was merely seeking to lull Prassia into a faise sense of eecurity, aad induce her to take some rash step, from which he would not be slow Lo profit. To this should be added, that the expecjations of making political capital out of the Schleswig-Holstein busi- ness have proved futile. The German nation is not so easily caught by fine words as it was in 1848; since then the governments haye beea laboring assiduously though involuntarily, to promote the political education of their subjects, and have taught them that it is advisable to mind their own affairs before atteuding to other peo- ple’s. Thoy are not’ indifferent to the sutferings of their brethren under the yoke of Denmark; but while despot: ism in the form of the Federal Diet reigns paramount at Frankfort on-the Maine, while German Dukes of Modena, like the Elector of Hease, are allowed to tread under foot the constitutions they have sworn to ma‘ntain, and while Prussia herself is still deeply tainted with the corruptions of the Manteuttel régime, they must feel that it would be rather inflicting an injury than conferring abeneiit upon . the inhabitants of Schleswig-Holstein to bring them into closer contact with a confederacy composed of such ele- meats. Whena national Parliament is substituted for the Federal Diet and the principles of '48 for those of Metternich aud Manteuffel, the union with Germany will be a boon worth striving for; at present, pn oy the rule of Denmark for that of the Bund’ would be jumping out of the frying pan into the fre. Ifa modification of the external policy of Prussia should actually take place, it will be accompanied by some ministerial changes, among which the resignation of M. de Schieinitz would be the most significant. The Prince of Hohenzollern, too, is seriously il}: it is whisper- ed that he an attack of the same disease whicn aillicted the lato King, and that absolute repose will be indispensable for his recovery. But although he occupies the high position of President of the Council, his retirement would be of ind- nitely leas im than that of the foreign Minister, especially if, as it i rumored, tho latter should be suc ceeded by M. Averawald. M.'do Schleinitz, though not exactly a friend of Austria, has always shown a certain hankering after her alliance, and evinced a conservative horror of the revolutionary ‘proceedings in Italy, which exhaled itself in peevish notee and still more Tapotent protests. M. Averawold, on the contrary, thinks « rege- erated and united italy might possibly be a valuable ally to Prussia, and if he has not sufficient energy to imi tate the conduct of Count Cayour, 1am not sure ‘that he does not secretly admire it. At any rate he would in- fuse more cordiality into the diplomatic intercourse with Sardinia, which, under Schieinitz, has been limited to the coldest interchange of mutual courtesies, aud might not even haye kept up a decont appearance of civility if the Prusdian Envoy at Turin, Count Brassior die St. Simoa, who is personally well disposed to the cause of Italy, had not endeavored to convey the morose inten- tions of his superior in the most severe and conciliatory manner they admitted of, Perhaps the reception given to Genoral Ta Marmora, who arrived at Berlin the other day to congratulate William 1. on his accession to the throne, may be regarded as a symptom of an improvement in the reiations between the two Courts. An ambassador charged with such a@ mission could not be received otherwise than politel, but it was noticed that at the audience he bad of the King on the 28th inst. be was treated with more than usual distinction, and that bis Maesty, though not much in the habit of paying compliments, atdressed some flat tering remarke to him on his military achiegements. {t has been stated that, besides his ostensible errand, tho Gene; al is entrusted with communications or overtures to this government on the subject of Venetia; but this is a mistake; things haye not got quite so far as that yet ia fact, the dogma of the line of the Mincio being neces- sary for the safety of Germany is more religiously be- Teved fn in some of the most nthuential circlos here than ft is at Vienna, and I have heard persons who are quite son- sible in every other respect assert very sorious\y that if Avatrin should consent to abandon it, Prussia must in torfere ri + armis to preveut the sacriiice from eing com eum mated committee of the Second Chamber w up an auawer to the royal speech cluded their deiiverations, which ar Vineke, the head of the Hberal party, and hia leas ad- vanced ‘The chiof stumbling blook was a pa- | sapere eared hee tan in teen one eee italy, sy mpathizing with the Italiaas io their struggle for the liberty and inde; of their country, and eschew- ig all complicity with Austrian sy a3 contrary to the real intereevs of Prussia. This, of course, was strenuously opposed by the moderados, and the paragraph was ey sees © @ majority of one, in consequence of | which Vineke, who is c.airman of the cominitteo, has re- fused to have anything more to do with thoaddress, and requested them to choose another reporter, The debate in the chamber will not come off before Friday, when we ~~ jook forward to a very animated iscuasion, The address presented to the King by the House of Lords | is a very aifferent sort of document, and perfectly in keeping with the well known tendencies ef the dis- tinguished body from which it cmanates, It dwells with the utmost emphasis on the eminent virtues and merits of the deceased sovereign, extols his sys- tem of government to the skies, discourses very eloquently on revolution, and de- clares that the nobles will sucritice their lives and property to support the #hroue against the eternal enemies of iaw and order; bat does not say & word about the reforms contemplated by goverament, aud which afford the noble lords ap opportunity, not, ia- deed, of sacrificing thetr lives and property, but at least of sootributing a sma!l modicum to the necessities of the State in the shape of a tax upon their landed estates, ‘Ibe ‘ing does not appear to have been much edified with their fulsome of loyalty, partisularly as any great penetration to understand it did pot require that their eulogies on his brother's goverument were intended as a overt reproach to him having introduced a more liberal system; and inhis reply to their magniloquent effusious he told them pretty that he require not words but deeds, and would bayp to display their loyalty by assisting him in carrying out the measures announced in his speech, which they had prudently ig- nored. The nobles were quite taken aback by this re- Joinder, and sullen discontent pre’ im tho camp of the reactionists, where the King is looked upoa as little better than a leveller and a republican; for im the eyes of these gentry an attack upon the sanctity of their breeches’ pockets is the unpardonable sin that ad- mits of no expiation. They are constantly lamenting the decline of chivalry, the spread of egowsm, and the ex- clusive attention paid to “material interests;'’ but no sooner are ir own ‘material interests’ threatened than they raise a logubrious howl, and talk of robbery and spoliation. ‘The German papers say that Mr. Gustavus Koernor, a native of Frankfort, will be a ted United States Minister at Berlin by the new ident, Mr. Koerner was concerned in an attempt to overturn the Fedoral Diet in 1532, on the failure of which he fled to America, and settled at Beileviile, Hiinois, where he commenced the practice of, the law, was electoa a membor of the Legistature, and afterwards became Licutenant Governor. Originally & zealous democrat, he subsequently joined the ranks of the republicans, and by his influence among his countrymen, who are so humerous iv the Western States, contributed not a little to the triumphant majorities obtained by Mr. Lincoin in Mitnois, fudiana, Wisconsin, &¢. His services have been rewarded by the post of Ambassador to the Court of Berlin, aud the pro. seribed oxite will thus return to bis vative land in the responsible character of @ high diplomatic functiouary. ‘So at least it is aflirmed in a lotter received from Betle- ville by a connection of Mr. Koerner, You will know better than I can tell you whother there is any truth im the report. EUROPEAN OPINIONS ON THE AMERICAN UNION, Speeches of Messrs. Buxton and Bright on Our National Troubles and the Cotton Supply, &c., &c. VIEWS OF BRITISH STATESMEN. ME. BUXTON, M. P., ON OUR NATIONAL TROUBLES AND THE COTTON SUPPLY. On the 20th January Mr. G. Buxton, member for Maid- stone, addrescod a crowded meting in the Working men's Institute upon the disruption of the United States and its probable effect upon the supply of cotton to England. ur. Buxton, who was warmly received, observed that twas somewhat remarkable that we should at the same mo- ment be woking af tro movements in twa ailing conntrice— om in Maly, the junction for the first time since the Roman empire of the vawious Stated into one _king- dim—the other in North America, the falling aouador of | these which had been to Lng joiner togeier, “The latter event was wi ij ome of the saddest, ome of the most mortifying, that had ever occurral in our time, We | might haye hoped that across the Atlantic, where treedon bad a fair field and no favor, where a new and vigorous society had pushed itself for- ward withsuch amazing rapidity, where the old grievances of Europe were still unknown, where there were no am. Ditious neighbors to threaten the horrors of war—we might haye hoped to see that people rising from height to height in the greatness of power and showing to the world what boundiess blessings freedom ané peace could shower upon mankind. But 1/ was mortifying to find that in Less than 100 years from their first declarationof inte. pendence these fair prospects were 30 darkly clouded that already the mighty fabric was rent asunder, and that possibly war might break jorth—war of the most dreadful kind civil war among lnethren. One fatal crime had wrought all this evil—the stain of one sin bad been enough to cloud ail the greatness and glory of the United States, and to withhold them from setting a noble example to the worid—ihe curse of en- slaving | their brother men had been — strong enough to ruin all their greatness. But for slavery they might have remained great and independent beyoud aay empire in the world. ¥r. Buxten, after denouncing slavery in strong terms, proceeded to remark upon the supply of cotton, He said they were wot at all likely to have the whale snyply of cotton from the slave ‘States irought to a sudden termination. the worst came fo the worst, hey might still, in all , expect to ob- tain at least one-third or one-half their present supply. Now, in ordinary years they obtained fully one-fourth of their supply from’elsewhere. Supposing they obtained only one additioval fourth from North America, instead of the three-fourths they now obtained—etill, even in that extreme they would@have half their ordinary sup- ply. (Hear, hear.) But, beyond this, experience had shown that whenever the" crop in the United States fell short the small rise of price Uhat t ‘ook place at once cre- ated an. immense iuflux from other countries. Only thite aycar ago Jndia sent us half as much ss tl United States sent us. (Hear and cheers.) If the falling off from the United States were stil greater there seemed little doubt that India could fend avery much larger supply even than that which she furnished two years ago. Egypt, Brazil, North Afri- ca, West Africa, and many other quarters of the globe would also furnish their quota, and, from all he could learn, it seemed clear that the deficiency at the very worst would not amount to more than a quarter of our usual supply; (Bear, Wear.) ‘That, no doubt, would be a serious ovil, but the calamity would not be a crushing one. The general prosperity of the country would re. main untouched, and “ater & year or two enormous re- sources would be opened in diferent parts of the world. (Cheers.) A’ an illustration be might mention that a few years ago a lady of his acquaintance sent out £50 to a missionary in West Africa, with the request that he would spend it in promoting the growth of cotton. This trifling beginning soon produced ‘80 fair a prospect that Mr. Clegg, ono of the great cotton millowners of Manchester, aud two or three other gentle- men, took the subject up warmly, and already the trade from Abbeokouta, in West Africa, had become a very considerable ono.’ (Cheers.) There had now been sent out some hundreds ‘of cotton gins, which had been pur- chased by the native egroes, who had learned to clean their own cotton, Four of the chiefs had or- dered out from England and bad themselves paid for hydraulic presses to press the cotton for exportation; and, i fact, there could be no question that, unicss the slave trade should interfere, in a few years the quantity of cot- ton exported from that part of Africa would be of great magnitude, and he need not observe how much it would be stimulated by even a small enhancement of the price of American cotton. (Henr.) He felt no dowd him- Self that in the long run the prosperity of the world would be largely increased by any event that would hinder the produc tion ei cotton in the United States, and thus stimuiate its pro- duction by free labor in other portions of the globe. (Cheers.) In conclusion he wished to express a hope that the facts dry as they were, which he had laid before them woul make them rejoice more than ever in the thought that England had cleared herself of the great crime, the great folly, and the great misfortune of hol men and women in bondage, aud he bt the survey he had taken of the results of that crime Ww the United States must tend to impress upon them more deeply than ever the truth of the maxim that in the life of nations, as well aa of indi- vidual men, “wrong never comes right.” (Loud cheers.) At the close a vote of thanks was unanimously passed to Mr. Buxton for the address which he had delivered. SPEECH OF MR. BRIGHT AT BIRMINGHAM ON THE AMERICAN CONYEDERACY. Messrs. Scholetield and Bright, the members for Bir- mingham, met their constituents on the evening of Janu- ary 29 at the Town Hall, which was densely crowded in every part. The Mayor, Arthur Ryland, Fsq., presided. 3 it, on was received with loud applause. The honorable geatleman said:—The year ie called a year of great prosperity, and in Lancashire (I speak of the yoar which bas passed) i! has been a year Linus prosperity; and during that period heavy burdens have been borne en realy in pps aoe oo But a a y clouds particul in the west, which promise a great char Of circummtances, and I blicte that cvory dhmantful. mam anrtous as to the future, and me from mouth to mouth how long will the Chancellor of the Exchequer be able to raise teventy mil- lions per annum on the industry of the bog 4 (Cheers. ) lam about to make a complaint against the governing class of this country, and that is, that it is guilty of a ‘wasteful expenditure of the public resources, and that it must necessarily lose the confidence of the le if the wasteful course bo persisted in, I sald the governing classes. What is the meaning of the word to govern’ What do you expect of that which is calle govern- ment? If we were omigrants settling in a new coun- try, and undertook to form a mmament aa colo- nists baye often done, what is it we expect from that organizatione but this, that we should establiah some central power which should keep the peace in ternally amongst ourselves, which should dispense justice, and when occasion arose take means that were necessary for our defence, That is about the whole object of government—of an honest government—in any country. But do we govern ourselves? In tals country there is a government in every place; there is a magistrate, and there is a constable, In every borough there is your chief magistrate, there are your aldermon and councillors, there is a corporation managing your police, and taking care of the peace and of the aifairs of the town. In your counties you have, for the most part, a police establishment under the control of the magis. strates of the county. Peace, therefore, is provided for, and it is provided for at the expense of looul rates. But, in this country, as many of you know, the local rates for one purpose or another connected with government and the public convenience amount to seventeen or eighteen millions sterling a year. With regard to the dispensation of justice, that is not an enormous matter in any country if there be an honest disposition to do it promptiy, cheaply and impartially. But if governmeat in this country is so much transacted ia parishes, aud in boroughs, aad in counties, what .s r tke central yerument ty doi—what is lett for » Corzowail at this moment is deeply the question is hen ask for governmentjtakes £71,000,000 this very year for the purpose of carrying on difairs, which hardly can comprehend, and whic, if we examine them, we should believe for the most part were: entirely le , bear. Tshall ask you to go back with mea few years to see what grievous mist we have been making with re gard to this question of expenditure. I am as auxious as my henorabie friend that no man or no body of men ina hostile attitude should land oa these shores. (Cheers.) I would have our island to be net ia poetry only great, in truth a land of the free and inviolate; but as there are foge of our own bousebold ina political and a national point of view, Ishali take the liberty of poiating some of them out before 1 have done. Go back to the time about when Birmiogham became po- leally ftmout—the year 3. ‘The expend ure government country, including the cost in the collectiou of the revenue, amouuted in that year to the sum of £53,000,000 sterling, of which then, as cow, in all our whole.expenditure, twenty eight millions bad to be set aside for the debt incu: in ad forefathers had (Hear, those vile intermoddlings which our un- dortaken in the aflairs of continental Europe. If, then, we aeduct twenty-eight millions from the fifty-three mii- lions, the act expenditure of the government ia the armanents and 80 forth of this country in that year was twenty-five millions. I shouid like you to keep that sum ag minds. Four years afterwards, im the year 1634, that expenditure of £63,000,000 had fallen to £49,000.000-—four millions ‘leas than in 1830—and it remained £49,000,000 for three years—the years 1804, 1885 and 1836. Recollect at that moment, ‘although you had a Parliament constituted as {t is now spoerenily, yet it had only just been so constituted. ‘There had been no political agitation; there waa great Ly ond feeling; there bad been a great popular cry for ‘Peace, retrenchment and reform.” You got a partial reform, and you got some retrenchment, and so long as the popular voice was so raised, so long you found that the ¢: iture was reduced and kept down to somy- thing like a moderate amount. iets, hear.) Why there is no cow in the world ye Sen eat verned people where this vast expenditure is incurred. We have not many examples of a self governed people. We have one in Burepe, the lic of | tzerland: and we have one in America, the republic of the United States, They are with- out doult the most cheaply of ciiized and Christian countries. They are those of which we have mere pertioular details than of any others that are to le found upon the face of earth. Now you recolect that a few years after the Reform bill political feeling subsided, and the tory party became much more powerful in the House of Commons, and eleven years after that they were able to got ric of the ifveral ‘party altogether from oflice and take office themselves, At that time the expenses began to creep up, and whenever you took your eyes oif it, the expondi- ture begun to rise, and in 1839, 1840 and 1541, the expen- diture had risen again to £53,000,600, the sum which it attained previons to the Reform’ act. It £H5 (00,000, it remained at that amount, or thereabouts, unt:] 1558, with the exception of the two years 1848 and 1849, when, us you will recollect, there were revoltitions all over the Continent of Europe, and government, you know, always likes the opportunity of anything that is goxgon upon the Continent to ask you to pay more tuxos, (Laughter.) Now, then, we come to that fatal year 1854, when in the spring of that year the Russian war—I was going to use the ordinary phrase “broke out,” people have a habit of faneying that wars are so natucal and imevitabie, that they talk of them just as they talk of the scarlatina or the smallpox—(laughter)-— the cfolera broke out—the Russian wat broke out. (ite newed jaugbter.) But the Russian war wos much worse than any of the other things, aud might have been easily groiges, tn that year, in 1464, the ‘expenditure went up fo £65,000,000; in'1855 it went up to 288,500,000; and in 1856, which was the year the war closed, it fell to £76,600,000, During those three years there was an ex- penditure of £60,000,000 more than the taxation of tho country, which was made up mairly, I presume, by loans contracted by the government. Now, look at the effect of that enormous taxation. It is like a man taking a big house, haying a great number of servants, aud setting up a carriage, when really he has not got the where withal to do it continuously and honestly; but he finds it extremely difficult to come down to the original expen- diture. Brecytogy thinks he is rich, and treats bim as evch, and he bas not the humility and firmness to bring his expenditure to its original and due” ions. In 1357, altbough the war was at an end, expenditure Still remained at £68 .000,000; in 1858 it was £64,600,000; in 1889 it was £69.€00,C00; and this year, including the sums voted for the Chinese war, I telieve tt will Ue about £76,000,000. 1 tlaink there can be nobody here, however much he may differ from me on any question, who will say that it is not desirable and the citizens of this country, we your representatives, 8! disc reat question to-night.—(Cheers ) Travel fr and’s End to Berwick; travel from Yarmouth io the Fast to St. David's Head or Curnarvonshire in the West, going, all over this fair land of England and Wales, see- ng how beautifully on the whole this land is culti vated, how many laborers are engaged in its culture—I don’t know the exact ‘number; but there may be some- thing about a milhon—and what are those laborers ob- tainibg per week or per year of wages, taking into ac- count the periodical sickness and inability to work, tho state of the weather and other circumstances, I ie. lieve the average wages of the agricultural laborers of England and Wales will not amount to more per head (han £25 per an- num, or Ws. per week. If that be 30, the whole annual wages Of this million labcrers employed in the cultivation of the whole soil of England and Wales, is not more than £25,000,- 000 per annum. ‘This year our parliamentary votes are more than £15,000 000—being, th "¢, more than three times the whole expenaiture in labor and in thecultivation of the land: and if yuu choose to add Scolland and Ireland, and reckon them al about a half what you reckon for England. you will find that the cast of the whole of the labor employed in the culti- vation of the soil in Great in and in the course of @ year does not amount to more than ome half of the taxes which your rulers have the conscience to ask, and yu hare the incredible to pay. (Cheers.) I want to ask you is it credible that this can be'necessary? (Cheers, No, 00.) a people a sensible and Tational people—forever tolerate it? Would it exist for a single year if every member of the House of Commons Was responsible to a really free constituency? (No.) You would be just as careful about the public expendi- ture as you are about other matters; and your members sitting in that House would look to what is necessary for the public service, @md would, to the greatest possible extent, lighten the burdens upon those whom they were sent there to represent. (Cheers.) If the: vulture of Loe acaba to bear this burden, it could not be borne. Tt is the towns, the trade, the wotures, your vast seats of population and industry, the consumers of your exciseable and customs bu articles, they are the people who pay this vast taxation, and it isto them alone | believe we can look for any remedy for these ex- travagances, (Cheers) But take another illustration, perhaps not less striking. Some of you have down in Lancashire. You know in that county there is carried on the most stupendous manufacturing industry which the world has ever seen—the manufacture of cotton. It is so great a manufacture, it sustains so many people, it creates so much wealth, it pays 30 much taxes, gives so much power to Egland, that it may be said in fact to bear up the very pillars thereof, and whenever that industry is shaken—and whenever it is menaced, as some men think now it is menaced, it strikes a feeling of alarm, if not terror, to the mind of every thoughful man t tthe three king- doms. (Hear,heas.) Well, but if you will take this fact, that the produce of cotton of the United States, whether it be divided into two parts equally, and that one half comes to this country, two millions of bales or more ina year, and the other half goes to otber coun. tries in the world, conceive that half the labor of all the negroes in America engaged in the production of cotton, ail the shipping that brings the cotton—the two millions bales to this the results of all the mills that are Wuilt in the United Kingdom for the spinning and manufacturing of cotton, all the warehouses, all the ma- chinery. all the capital employed, all the wages patd, all the coale thas are got aad burved fo Vales steam for that beupen: dons steam porter, all the almaet uncountable oost of Of every Ivind used in this gigantic manufacture, it every pear at his moment of is asoishong much’ do. you think per. annum? —£70 000,000 ete yarn, manufadw + iy dyed, printed, leached, or whaterer shape tte Brought te the euslomer tn the carious markets in the world. Well, then, that governing class, your rulers, with the most docile in the world, the most industrious, and mcst church and chapel going 'peo- pie, ree will undertake to say the most orderly ople in Europe—(bear, bear);—with such a people as his living on two islanas with no neighbors except on the other side of a great fors twenty miles wide, at the narrowest point, your government every year, such hat been its past policy, such FF ee policy, and such will be its future policy, such ile waste, that i dewnirs every year miore—this year certainly, last year certainly —than the whole produce of the mort gigentic industry that the world has ever seen, “(Cheers.) CIVIL WAR IN AMERICA DESTRUCTIVE TO BRITISH INTERESTS, ‘rom the Lonvion !’ost, Jan. 20.) The prevent secession movement in the once United States appears destined to reevll in the establishment of three sepa rate and éndgendent comfederations, composed reipretively of the Gulf, the jer and the Northern Stave. The distribu- tion of territorial power which is avout to take place is a matter which deeply and intimately concerns the people of this country. lend has no desire to witness the national degradation of her greatest ccmmercial rival. ‘4 any portion of the United States should be exposed to e horrors of civil war and servile insurrection, the cot tom trade would be paraly? terror within’ would tell and te “sword abroad and ih equally disastrous effects in Taneashire as in South Carolina. We believe that the revolutionary party in the South, whose temporary success is solely attributable to the weak and hesitating policy of the President, have not counted either the cost or the probable consequences of civil war. They may congratulate themselves upon the acquisition of sovereign independence, and upon the subyersion of all authority which heretofore bel to the federal government. The canon shots whieh were fired at and drevo back the Star of the West may hayean effoct which the Souta in its moment of triumph never anticipsted, The Legislature of New York, for instance, has placed both men and money at the disposal of the President, Now, if the siave States from Texas to Georgia should all pronounce in fayor of separation, and obtain pos- session of every military post naval arse. nal, as they have done at Baton Rouge aud Pensecola, the North has only to blockade the inaurgeat . Ports to destroy and ruin the cotton trate, No one can imagine that mon of the frame race would voluntarily carry dhe calamities of civil war into the bosom of their common country. Bat maritime operations are not less effectual than t which are conducted wpon lant. If the Legislatures of New York, Maine and other free States are desirous of repressing rebellion, they have only to cmt criisora to blockade every; port which belongeto the tn. wrqent The Americans, i will be remembered. ¢ subscribe to that article of the Treaty of Part that privatecring “is and remains abolish teers which New York woud ayuip te the question vy intervepting and rose to | cotton ship satling out But wo see no evidence adegh ine cavomnans: of civil war, manifested ligerent rights cn the ing, But, if the North is earnest in its Wnion, maritime war must come, to talk of (ree trade with Evgland, when no Southern can put to sea capture, Manchester wilh things, notwithstanding or Natal. Hngland, considerations, has a self and proopertiy of the United States. ard’s late L eaunot be mistaken. not attempt to conciliate and rather directed his eflorts to the Matus quo amongst the border States which ho may be favorale to future compromise. that the Northern and border States will ¢* back the South to the Union. This object can only be a by a new confederation based upon ter Y be agrecable fo every section of i ping poy wna that the p the domain of diplomacy and. com, be put down, and if the ead of te Peed Cy sed vigor and determination the question of secesssic might bave been nipped @ the bud. But if there are tot three separate and mdepeudent the nati nal power of the American republic would be certaiuly d stroyed. : South, with slavery and the slave trade, wow ¢ weak and insecure; the border States, with slavery os <omestic instintion, would command litte authority and + pect; and the North, freed from the curse of slavery, woul. “y its wealth an? prosperity, become dominant vpon the Nor American continent. Bud each of these confederations wou ave hostile tariffs, standing armies, and mutual jealoune vd thus show that republican institutions, notwithstandu he laudaticns of Mr. Bright, are in reatity as little tikely secure freedom, cheapo, awl peace as ayers Gor ments ef Europe it is curious to that wht cessfully salving through the United Stotes, @ eqlle of British North America are clamorous for ov federatwm. At the present time British North Ameri ‘possesses a population equal innamber to the ion « the thirteen colonies which achieved their when George IIL, was king. We hope thatthe Colonial oj will listen to the wishes of British North America. England, 'y @ wite and cc neiliatory policy, may command the balane of power upon the American continegt, and prove th: monarchical ivetitutions, with responsible self.gr ment, afford the best guarantee of rational libert independence. We co not anticipate that the Nor ‘States will freternize and unite with Canada, but peat our belief that British North America, if left. out its oun destiny, will ramayryget become the dom: Power om the continent. Thus it will le proved that wh monarchical watitutions are brought face lo fice with 7 pr ican insittulions, the latter is ulierly unable io bear ure fry and pressure of a politiead crisis or of revolutionary force. French Policy in Italy. (From the Journal des Debats, Feb. 1.} The maoifesto published by the Emperor ou opera, the campaign of 1859, said, “Italy must be (ree from th Alps to the Adriatic.”” ‘This programme could not ba e- tirely carried out. The Emperor himself, at St. Clov expressed his regret on that account, and admitted ths many generous Lopes had been disappointed. Yet is wa uot in vain that the purost blood of France flowed on th battle elds of Marigaan, Magenta and Solferino. If the we did not free italy irom the Alps to the Adriatic, it never theless efected a great resull—greater, perhaps, than wa velicved. France restored to Italy seif-consciousness ae freedom of movement; it burst the bonds that held he captive, and bade ber rise and walk. Such is the way i which the programme of 1869 has been carried out fu ‘ther ban is thought. If the war has not liberated th whole of Italy ina direct way, it has put her into a coo dition for liberating herself, aud in the month of March 1800, the Emperor could ray in his mossago, “Italy is o the eve ot freely constituting herself.’* ‘The programine of Vilisfranca was quite different. 1 was a project of Iialian confederatfon, of which the Pop was tohave tho honorary Presidency, and into whic! Venetia was to enter. This project at that period migh appear specious enough. In the opinion of many pos italian unity was a chimera; the Italians were still enjoy ing that ancient reputation, according to which thay sa only fit for devouring one another, and in virtue of thet history they were not deemed capable of anything bu forming a collection of petty nationalities, each of whict required a foreign: aay Italy has preferred being one great nation; she has triumphed over her reputation her history, forgotten her old divisions, sacrificed ever her dearest historical tradigons, and the particular na tionalities have preferred abdicating freely into th: hands of an Italian King refaining a nominal mde pendence, which made them the prey of every foreigy iuterveution. Since that time, it is the unity which has become reality, and it ia the federation that has become r chimera. his federation we believed an impossibility when it was proposed; it is eufficiont to say what we think of it now. Yesterday it had reason against it; to day it bas against it both reasoa and events. An Italian confederation would be at onco contrary to tbe interests of Italy and those of France. A confedera tion to which Aui would have free entrance througt the means of Venetia uncer the hybrid form of an Aus tro-Italian State, and in which it would be sure, througt its alliaxces, of baying the miderance, would create for Italy a state of things ten times worse than she wa in before the war. For if, before the war, Austria wat Paramount at nearly ali the Italian courts, that was no! nm - through fami!yaliiances or in virtue of those trea. ties of 1815, which France was obliged to submit to, but also through private treaties or secret ones, to which Fu rope bad given no legal sanction. Ina federation.sanc tioned by treaties, by public European right, she woul have been, she would be, the fatally preponderant power of Itely. She would enter it not only with her owt strength and fortgesser, but also with the powers whict the prfsces, her allies, hor vassals, her satollites, almost ber subjects, would hasten to place in her hands. & that Piedmont, which before the war was alone but free would be after the victory annexed to an Austrian and swamped in a foreign majority. The same reasons that are valid for I France. In the present state of things, oreign Power, wishes to meddle wit France bas the rightof opposing it, or at all events aking her own guarantees against this intervention; b if Austria, an Italian Power, were to cause such or suc olicy to prevail in an’ assembly recognized». Europe and France hereelf, where would b. France’s right? Where would be her remedy And such ~ would be all that Piedmont and France would bave gained by herself with one vote a Germano Italian diet, and her a new Germanic confed presidency of the Holy Fat cy of his apostolic Majesty. It is only needful to put tha question to oblain its solution. If, then, this project of confederation was thought of elsewhere, it id not be France that would have to be charged with its realization, but Austria. And, in fact, we quietly see plans set forth, the tendeacy of whiok would be nothing lees than to make Austria aa instru- ment of geuerai restoration in Italy. ‘The plan is simple. It is still agreed upon that the Italians will be sure to ruin themselves by thoir owa faults. They have done nothing yet that way it is true, but the idea is deeply rooted in many minds, from which it cam never be extirpated. On this hypothesis, Austria being provoked, returt s with ail her forces into Italy ; she take care pot touch Lombardy, which she has ceded to Franc: and which is preserved by the treaty of Zurich. But she goes beyond; she re establishes the Grand Dukes at Florence, the authority of the Holy See in the Roman ing Fraacis II. at Naples; then, at the close there is Drought ‘up oo the green table of a covgress the t of confederation. And during that timo what is France doing? France is collecting herself; as Russia sald, France mounts guard for Lombardy, which is a pledge for the cession of Nie and Savoy, and quietly regards Austria manipulating the rest of Italy. First of all, there is in this bypotheais am error as to fact. The cession of Nice and Savoy to France ‘was not a compensation for the cession of Lombardy te Picdmont, It was not by reason of the annoxation of Lombardy, but of that of Central It to Peidmont, that the Fmperor demanded a re- ment of the equilibrium of tho frontiers, The Emperor said in hie meseage last year on the Ist of March:—In the presenoe of this transformation of Northern Italy, which gives to & powerful State all the passes of the Alps, it was duty, for the safety of ‘our frontiers, to demand the Preach slopes of the mountains,”’ and, in ‘the explanations ex- changed on this head between the Laie od of France and England, M. Thouvenel said to Lord Cowley, ‘it waa ‘ible that France aud Sardinia had contemplated be- e the w the ence of certain eventualitics, the cession of Savoy and Nice to France, but that those lities had not occurred ‘at the conclusion of the | peace.” He added that enlarged alone @ member of an Italian confederation, powerful enough to make France uneas) then evers thirg had ¢ aspec lana her seif encouraged annexation of Central It to Sardinia, this annexation compelled France to rect her frontiers. If, then, people wieh to talk about pledge; guarantee, indemnity, it i# not as compensation for Lombardy, but a6 8 Corollary to the annexation of Tuscany and (1 may a, yy dow a and Savoy al = nig ~ jucing a grand qu gener to miserable proportions. To imagine that Tresce going to jet \ustria do ali she likes in Italy, on the simple concition of respecting Lombardy, is the samo thing as to aay that France waged the war of 1859 for the Platonic satisfaction of gratifying Sardinia with a new province. Whot! Fraace has cairied on war, that great war, caused the death of thonsands of men and shed her beet biood, hae epent hundreds of millions, alarmod Europe, = jured up the spectre of coalitions, merely for the sake plucking the leaf of the artichoke for the house of Savoy. No—ihere were other results, other ideas, other principles at the bottom of that war, aiveady said ft, that war was @ revolution pot only in Italy's condition, but also ia Rarope's. Its object was, so ought to be its result, to withdraw [ialy from tho exclusive domination of Avetria, In Toseany, at Parma, ’ » Rome, Naples, everywhere except at Turin, Austria was all owerful, and reigned by hor vassals, Re and he war of 1969 was made to Nberate Italy; it was for these reasons of general policy, and not even for the eceondary reasous of rectifying the frontiers, that France made the Italian campaign. ‘The equilibrium of Europa, that equilibrium eo much talked of, was yitiated by the exclusive preponderance of Austria in Italy; the late war restored the balance, and in thissense it was @ measure of order. In delivering the Peninsula from foreign domina tion France did not wish to substitute another um its place. She does not wish Italy to remain an Austrian province, but she does not demand that Italy should become a French province, Let Haly be Ttalion, that i all we require, But the work which France has inavgurated and ftaly co mplishiog vuder ber protection, this work would be de. stroyed if Austria wore permitted to realizo herself the Programme of \illafranca. For the confederation could not be now established unless by the intervention of Aus- tria. It is not France who will go and #eck the Grand ules st \ loupe for replacing them on their thrones; (t France who will send an army of ocoupation inte | as, f re-establish there a form of government end a legislation that have for ever fallen; it is aot France | who will conduct back the King Francis II, to Naples The coofederation would tow be merely an Austrian | jected aganst France, aud waich would | too stronger y than suo was bet States, and of brilliant campa' restoration wake Avatrla