The New York Herald Newspaper, February 2, 1861, Page 6

6 NEW YORK HERALD. JAMES GORDON BENNETT, DITOR AND PROPRIETOR. OFFLON N. W. CORNER OF FULTON AND NASSAU STS. | —— | "8 GARD! Broadway.—Drvx Vigtias Ganpes— La Duan bs Mabaton—ine Drok Avanoxae ‘WINTER G. j, Broadway, Bond street.— A Mew War 20 Be, USS Deere araunn AnD Pe. TwuCMtO. "8 THEATRE, No. 6% im | LAURA KEENB' ‘RE, No. Brondway— Ly—Vamunry—Hare THEATRE FRANCAIS, 685 Broadway.—Las Caworins Da vs Bane RNUM'S AMERICAN MUSEUM, Broadwa, ayand Brent wins aNp TaRs—Tux Lapr or St. reores— ositins, &C. YANTS' MINSTRELS, Mechanios’ Hall, 472, Broad- war Dominsquis, Sonos, Dawcss, 40.—Masaow Bau HOOLEY & CAMPBELL'S MINSTRELS, Niblo’s Saloon, way.—Ermiorian Songs, Dances, BoRixsquas, &0.— (RD CALIFORNLANS. é R NEW BOWERY THEATRE, Bowery.—New Yor« As Ir y BuaKe. CANTERBURY MUSIC HALL, 663 Broadway.—Tiaut Bore, Sones, Dances, Buruxsaves, £0, MELODEOS, No. 689 Broadway.—Sones, Dances, Bua- Bmsques, 40. WASHINGTON HALL, Rahway.—Bupworra anp Cawe- BELL's—V 0ov's MinsTR¥Ls—BuRLEsQue ON RaRxy. “TRIPLE SHEET. New York, Saturday, February 2%, 1861, The News, There are reports from Charleston in circulation that the military authorities there have completed their prep: ations for an attack upon Fort Sumter, and only await the order to open the batteries. It is also reported that Gov. Pickens has directed Col. Hayne to demand of the President the uncon- ditional surrender of the fort, and in case of non- compliance that the attack will be ordered. Col. Hayne had not presented any communication to the President up to eight o'clock last evening. He has, however, it is stated, received his fnstruc- tions, and will no doubt attempt to open negotia- tions with the President without delay. Lieutenant Jewett, of the navy, has arrived in Washington from Pensacola. He states that he ‘was arrested by the authorities of Florida, who held him in custody until he gave his parole of honor that he would never take up arms against the State of Florida. The facts in the case have been communicated to the Navy Department. In the Senate yesterday Mr. Ten Eyck, of New Jersey, presented the joint resolutions of the Legislature of his State in favor of the Crittenden adjustment, advising a Convention of the States, and appointing Commissioners to meet the other Btates, and instructing the Senators and repre- Bentatives of New Jersey to act in accordance with the resolutions. He said the resolutions commanded his respect, but were not to control his action. He would not be shackled in any way. A resolution for the appointment of a committee to join with the committee of the House to pro- vide for the counting of the votes for President and Vice President was laid over. The Indian Ap- propriation bil! was taken up, severalamendments were offered, and the subject was postponed till to-day. The Diplomatic and the Executive and Judicial Appropriation bills were passed. The Tariff bill was reported by the Select Committee and was made the special order for Wednesday. ‘The President's Message was taken up, and Mr. Latham made a speech on the perils of the na- tion, After a short executive session the Senate adjourned. Tn the House the question as to whether the representative from Kansas is legally entitled to his seat was discussed, but no action was taken on the subject. Mr. Sherman, from the Committee on Ways and Means, introduced a bill which, he paid, was demanded by the condition of the finances, and might as well be passed now. It authorizes the President, before the Ist of July next, to borrow $25,000,000, or so much thereof as in his opinion the exigeney of the public service may require, the sum to meet the current demands and redeem the Treasury notes. A bill to establish a police force in the District was reported. Mr. Kellogg, of Illinois, introduced resolutions pro- posing amendments to the constitution. The pro- positions are substantially those embodied in the Crittenden adjustment. The Chiriqui amendment + | gins, NEW YORK HERALD, SATURDAY, FEBRUARY 2, 186L.—TRIPLE SHEET. being Caledonian 291, Thistle 229. The game was played in seven “rinks,” making fifty-six players. A goodly number of spectators were present. The skating pond was well attended during the day, but was cleared of visiters at six P.M. The Valley Forge steam fire engine No, | 46 arrived at the pond at about nine o'clock for the purpose of flooding the ice, but when our re- porter left they had not succeeded in drawing wa- ter, for want of sufficient suction hose. The official returns of visiters yesterday was:—Pe: 47,000; equestrians, 75; wheel vehicles, 1,750; sleighs, 45. The slavers Kate and Weathergage were con- demned yesterday by Judge Betts in the United States District Court. A motion was made yesterday in the Supreme Court, before Judge Barnard, for an order to ex- amine de bene esse John 8. Rarey, the horse tamer, in a suit instituted against him by Denton Offutt, on the allegation that Rarey was about to leave the State. The Judge reserved his decision. The cotton market was dull yesterday at 12\<c. for middling uplands, with sales reported of 1,200 a 1,500 bales, part in transit. In allusion to certain cotton loca- tions at the South in yesterday’s issue, we spoke of Louisiana Red river cotton. This is both a sugar and cotton Growing State. The cultivation of sugar at 6c. por Ib. is considered about equal to cotton at 10c. per Ib.; but as the latter now selis at an average of 12c. a 13c., it shows that cotton, at present rates, is more profitable than sugar, As the bulk of the sugar crop is produced from annual replanting, ard not from perennial rattoons, as in Guba, it is easy to change a sugar estate into one of cot- ton, The same steam engines will drive cotton and canes reserved for replanting can be sold to those continuing the sugar culture. It is equal- ly practicable, when necessary, to change back from cot- ton to sugar, Some planters divide their crops between the two. A plantation of five hundred acres, supplied with labor and proper tools and machinery suflicient to cultivate it, as high up on tho Mississippi river as West Baton Rouge, 120 miles above New Orleans, is valued at from $100,000 to $125,000, the land, with improvements, being estimated at about $100 per acre, or $60,000. The flour market yesterday was without change of momént in prices, while sales were made to a fair extent. Wheat and corn were without change of moment in prices, and business moderate. Pork was quict. Sugars were dull, With sales in lots of 330 hhds. For amonthly statement of stock of sugars, rice, tobaoco, &c., we refer to another column. Coffeo was unchanged. Freight engagoments were fair and rates quite steady, while immediate and available room was searce. Mr. Seward, Mr. Charles F. Adams and Mr. Senator Mason on the Crisis—Is It Peace or War? Mr. Seward, as the appointed oracle for Mr. Lincoln’s administration, has been again illu- minating the Senate with his confidence in the Union, and his hopes of our happy release, by some means, in some way, and at some time hereafter, from our present revolutionary diffi- culties. If, in his first Senatorial exposition in his new character, he abounded in “glittering generalities,” and in vague, shadowy and dis- tant glimmerings of a compromise, in his second effort he still more closely adheres to the diplomatic rule of Talleyrand, that words are not intended to convey, but to conceal ideas. The suggestive text of Mr. Seward on this last occasion was the monster petition from the city of New York, bearing thirty-eight thousand signatures in favor of the Crittenden or border State compromise propositions; but beyond some explanations of the length of the memorial, and of the character of the signers, and theip political influence, all that he had to say upon the subject was, substantially, that the time has not yet arrived for compromising. He graciously introduced his petitioners to the Senate, complimented them for their patriot- ism, and blandly bowed them out again, They represented the commercial interest, a great interest, entitled to respect; but the agricultu- ral, manufacturing and mining interests were also entitled to consideration; so that he could not yet decide to be governed by the wishes of the commercial interest. In other words, our rural districts are stronger than the city of New York. In a very carefully guarded and roundabout way, Mr. Seward next declares that the de- mands of the Southern conservatives for a Union saving compromise before the inaugura- to the Deficiency bill was discussed in committee, after which the debate on the report of the Crisis tion of Mr. Lincoln are inadmissible, because | they are unseasonable. After the expiration of Committee was resumed, and Mr. Hamilton, of | ‘he ninety days of this session of Congress, of ‘Texas, delivered a decidedly anti-seceasion speech. | The New York Democratic State Convention re- | assembled at Albany yesterday. The resolutions | of the Convention set forth that inthe present | Slarming crisis of the nation some compromise is necessary to allay the impending storm; they fa- vor the calling of a Convention to amend the constitution of the United States, and arge, substantially, the Crittenden propositions. Strong Union and compro: speeches were made by delegates. The seceding Tammany dele- mates, after holding their separate Convention at the Delavan, finally, on the invitation of the regu- lar Convention, returned and tock their seats with the other delegates. A report of the proceedings will be found in another column. In the State Senate yesterday, Mr. Ma hierre introduced a bill providing for the repay ment to the national government of New York's share of the moneys deposited to the credit of the different States by the act of Congress of June 28, which sixty have already passed away, Mr. Seward thinks “there will be time enough for the restoration af all that has been lost, and for the re-establishment of all that is in dan- ger.” Horace Greeley comes more directly to the point when he says that before the repub- lican party shall stoop to compromises with traitors, we intend to try the experiment whether we have a government or not. But in due time, says Mr. Seward, after the inaugura- tion of Mr. Lincoln, by speaking, by voting, by lending money to the government, and, if necessary, by fighting, the friends of the Union will restore it. To be sure, since the admis- sion of Kansas the question of Southern slave- ry in the Territories has ceased to be a prac- tical question, for from the remaining Territo- ries slavery stands forever excluded by the laws of nature ; but still the republican party cannot think of concessions to slavery now as the price for the permission to them to assume 1886, New York's share of this depostt was over four million and a half. Three or four bills were Introduced in reference to railroads in this city; also, a bill relative to the public health of the Me fropolitan Police district. Further than this the Benate's proceedings were not of particular in terest. In the Assembly some commotion was ransed by the reccipt of a message from the Gover nor, covering messages from the Governors df some of the seceded States, returning therewith the bel- ligerent resolutions recently emanating from the Albany Solons. The report relation to sending Commis-ioners to the Washing ton Conference of Monday next was adopted, 72 to 99. The names of the Commissioners we gave yooterday morning: Assistant Postmaster Horatio King has been Appointed by the President Postmaster General, Judge Roosevelt, the present United States District Attorney for this city, has resigned his Office, the resignation to take effect on the 4th of March next. The steamship Arabia. arrived at this port last evening, and the United Kingdom was intercepted Off Cape Race on Wednesday morning. By these wonsels we have European advices to the 20th wlt., two doy» later than the accounts previously received. The newa is important, The financial pressure in London had increased in intensity. Securities of all descriptions had de- clined, and much anxiety prevailed, At Liverpool cotton was in active demand, with large rales, while breadstuffs had undergone no | material change. | f the Committee in | the reins of the general government. These are not the words, but such, we apprehend, is the true meaning, of Mr. Sew- ard’s last conciliatory speech. Mr. Senator Mason, of Virginia, lost not a moment in punc- turing this beautiful bubble. He asks what | does the Senator from New York propose? | Anything in the way of a compromise? No. | Anything acqniescing in the propositions of the ; memorial presented? No. His votes and his declarations, over and over again in committee, have been uniform and consistent against those propositions. But upon what resolution has he voted affirmatively? Upon the resolution of Mr. Senator Clark, that the constitution needs no amendment, but that the true remedy for the evils of the day lies in obedience to the consti- tution and in the enforcement of the laws. But pushed to the ultimatum of war, Mr. Seward explained that be would only resort to war to restore the Union, after the failure of a consti- tutional national convention as the last resort of peace. His course then would be war, and in war, “to stand by the Union, to stand or perish with it.” Such, then, at this late day of this important session of Congress, all important in the matter of a Union-saving compromise—such is the The Arabia brings nearly one million and a} quarter in specie. | It is reported that a commission from South Ca rolina had reached Paris, and bad an interyiew with the Minister for Foreign Affairs. ‘The withdrawal of the French fleet from before Gaeta is announced. ‘The ice in the Central Park was yesterday in a wery soft condition, both for curling and skating, and the drive ina still worse one for sleighing. With regard to the first, the match between the Caledonian and Thistle clubs resulted ina victory policy of Mr. Seward—maasterly inactivity for the present, a compromise hereafter, or, failing | in that, the maintenance of the Union by force of arms. On the same day on which this unsatisfactory speech of Mr. Seward was de- ivered in the Senate, Mr. Charles Francis Adams, son of ex-President John Quincy Adams--the same Charles who ran for Vice President on the Buffalo free soil ticket with Martin Van Buren in 1848—made, all things considered, a remarkably conservative Union speech in the House. He docs not stand in- the way of a compromise, He is convinced of | this necessity, and is ready to support the Mis- eouri line proposition, if limited to our present Territories. He will not go further; but this is something. Better than this, however, should all attempts at concillation fail to re- claim the seceded States, ho is disposed to let them go in peace, for he believes that their dreams of a successful Southern confederacy will prove a painful delusion. Between Mr. Seward and Mr. Adams, as the organs of the republican party in Congress, what is the prospect for the Uniont Gloomy. What is the prospect for peace? Very gloomy. Mr. Adams speaks only for himself. Mr. Seward speaks for the incoming administra- tion, and by authority. The border State Union Convention will meet at Washington on Monday. It will doubtless, in a modified form, adopt the Crittenden plan of adjustment. It will be submitted to Congress, and that will be the last of it. Then the border slave States, if they do not secede, will make strong their alliance, offensive and defensive, with the seceded States, and this will be the condition of things presented to the new administration on the 4th of March. What, then, will be the policy of Mr. Lincoln? Coercion, we have every reagon to believe, unless this Union Con- vention at Washington, in view of this disas- trous policy, shall use all its powers in behalf of a peaceable separation of the Union, to save us, at least, from a sweeping civil war. The Next Congress—An Appeal to the Peupic Unavoidable. The leaders of the republican party find themselves in a peculiarly perplexing posi- tion. They are opposing with all their might the meeting of Commissioners to consid- er the Virginia resolutions, and they are de- termined to resist the Bigler proposition to submit the whole question to the people. In both of Mr. Seward’s speeches he has clearly indicated that the policy of the new adminis- tration is the strict party policy, and that tho republican leaders believo that the secession- ists will exhaust themselves in time. Mr. Seward adheres to his former position, that after one, two or three years shall have elapsed the Southern storm will blow over. Then will be the proper time for a Constitutional Con- vention of all the States; but if all else fails, and “this Union by force of arms is to stand or fall, he will advise his people to stand or perish with it’—that is, to fight for it to the death. The republican leaders, Mr. Seward included, have no confidence in the masses of their par- ty. They fear that if the question of compro- mise should be put direotly to the people of the North they would vote in the affirmative, when the republican party would be broken into half a dozen cliques, and finally perish of strangulation at the hands of its own friends. They will therefore take the risk of losing the border States rather than run the chance of destroying their party organization. If the matter could be left to the people, it would be very soon settled; but the politicians are bound to keep it in their own hands, on the principle of rule or ruin. So there is nothing to be hoped for from the republicans. They go in for the inauguration of Lincoln and the spoils first, and adjustment afterwards, if ad- justment is practicable. It is probable that nothing practical will result from the efforts now being made to bring about a settlement and that all or nearly all the border States will withdraw from the Union on or about the 4th of March. When Mr. Lincoln takes office he will be compelled to call an extra session of Congress, to assemble at the earliest possible moment. As will beseen by the tables we have given elsewhere, fourteen States—namely: Ala- bama, California, Connecticut, Georgia, Ken- tucky, Kansas, Louisiana, Maryland, New Hampshire, North Carolina, Mississippi, Rhode Island, Tennessee, Texas and Virginia—have still to elect repre sentatives to the next Congress. Of course the seceding States will disregard the Pre- sident’s proclamation altogether; but we shall obtain from New England, California, and, we trust, from the border States, an expression of the public sentiment, which may go far towards bringing about a peaceable settlement of ex- isting difficulties. The New England States choose in March, and elsewhere special Congressional elec- tions will be ordered. It is claimed that there has been a great change in the opinions of the New England people since the elec- tion of Lincoln, and it is very evident, from the frantic appeals of Hon. Massa Gree- ley, in the Tribune, that the concessionists are rapidly gaining strength. No pains should be spared in building up this conciliatory senti- ment in the republican party. That organiza- tion is clearly responsible for the troubles which now menace the nation, and the remedy must come, if it comes at all, from the repub- lican ranks. The question is, whether the fe- deral Union, the prosperity of the United States, the interests of civilization, progress and free government, are of less importance than the preservation of the republican party. Mr. Seward and his friends seem to think so, but we disagree with them entirely. Let the matter go to the people, and we will be willing to abide by their verdict. Revowwtion Not Rior.—Mr. Seward, in the course of his speech upon the Now York mon- ster petition, rather underrated the depth and strength of the secession movement. The Sena- tor assumed the ground of the radical repub- licans, and treated the secessionists as'a mob, to be hereafter dispersed by the reading of the riot act or the firing of a few volleys of mus- ketry. One would suppose from reading this speech that the movement in the South is of no more account than an Astor place riot. Such is not the fact. If the movement in the South isa riot—and that depends entirely upon the future—it is the most important one in the his- tory of the world. Itisa@ riot in which eight millions of people are engaged—free, proud, courageous people, with arms in their hands, No reading of riot acts, no appeal to the supre- macy of the federal law, will disperse those riet- ers. Then, if Mr. Seward intends to fight them, the question will arise, where are his troops to come from ? and the still more important ono, if the rioters are subdued, how can they be kept in submission except by the raising and main- taining of a large standing army, a measure alike repugnant to the people of all sections? It is the error of the republican leaders, and a very grave one, that they entirely misunder- stand the motives and acts of the leading seces- | sionista, and unless the eyes of all parties are opened to the truth, adjustment, without a long and exhausting civil war, will be altogether for the former, with 62 shots ahead, the totalscore credulous of the necessity of present action in | impossible, ‘The Rise and Progress of Abolitionism. The anti-slavery propagandism which com- menced simultaneously in England and in the Congress of the United States some forty years ago, and was organized here by societies and newspapers ten years later, has ever since been a fertile source of local disturbance and riots, of family feuds and national discord, of the most disgraceful scenes in the halls of Congress, to say nothing of the public time being wasted for weeks and months together, the minds of the people engrossed by the pernicious agitation, the proper objects of legislation neglected, and the general interests of the country injured and mismanaged. Now that the fanaticism has reached its culminating point by driving six States out of the Union, to be followed, perhaps, by the secession of six more, if not the whole of the elaveholding communities, and it may be by the horrors of civil war, it is instructive to trace the rise and progress of the agitation, and mark from what small be- ginnings and by what slow degrees it has attained its present formidable position, sapping and mining beneath the walls of the constitution, till a breach has been effected at last, and the enemy has gained possession of the citadel, which he threatens soon to make a heap of ruins. : In another part of this day’s paper the reader will find an interesting historical sketch of this political movement, which had its inception in the Puritanism of Massachusetts, and spread thence to the Northern States through the in- strumentality of the Boston Liberator, of the New York Journal of Commerce, established by the Tappans as the original anti-slavery organ in this State, and of various other kindred jour- nals and publications, down to “Uncle Tom’s Cabin” and the Republican Gospel according to Helper. It found active and efficient emissa: ries in women of morbid imagination and ques- tionable morals. But its most powerful auxili- ary was the free soil element in the demooratic party of this State, led by Martin Van Buren With these allies and agencies it marched on- ward, “conquering and to conquer,” till, from the demoralization and deeomposition of the corrupt party lately in power, it gained the as- cendancy for the first time in the Presidential election of last fall, and, unless a bloody con- flict prevents, will make its triumphal entry into the federal capital on the 4th of March. Under various forms and names its character and spirit have been ever the same. Whether it was the anti-slavery society, the abolition party pure and simple, the liberty party, the free soil party with its Wilmot Proviso and Buffalo platform, or, last of all, the re- publican party, with its “irrepressible conflict” and its Chicago resolutions, its essential feature wag still undying hostility to negro slavery, and the confident expectation of its “ultimate extinction.” And such are the words of the President elect, and such the hope of the party on whose shoulders he is borne into power. To accomplish it the republican leaders avow their willingness to wade through rivers of khlood. And Mr. Seward himself, in his last speech, looks forward to civil war as the final resort of the party rather than aban- don their platform. But by a strange abuse of language and confusion of ideas, they claim to be Union men and in favor of the constitution, while the reckless, honest and bold represen- tatives of the party, such as Garrison and Phil- lips—the men who originated it‘and know what it means—pronounce the constitution “an agreement with death and a covenant with hell.” The republican journals and orators, in- cluding Mr. Adams, whose speech we published yesterday, pretend that exclusion of slavery from the Territories was the policy of the fathers of the republic, and that it is for this, therefore, they are contending, even to civil war. Let us go back to the time of the fathers and see. In 1798, when the Mississippi Territory was formed, the organizing act did not prohibit slavery in the Territories. Mr. Thatcher, of Massachusetts, proposed to insert a restriction against it. Mr. Rutledge, of South Carolina, hoped such an absurd motion as this would be withdrawn. Mr. Otis, of Massachu- setts, hoped it would not be withdrawn, that the world might see by the votes of Northern men how little disposed they felt to interfere with the Soutbern States in their rights of pro- perty. The question was taken, and only twelve persons voted for the proposition of Mr.-Thatcher. Now, the men of ’87 were the men of 98; and it is plain, therefore, that ex- clusion of slavery from the Territories was not the policy of the founders of the government. Are the leaders of the republican party wiser than they? In °)8 the freesoilers and abolition- ists could only muster twelve men in the House of Representatives, The anti-slavery crusades, both in England and here, have hitherto produced results the very opposite of thosé which have been anti- cipated by the agitators, The treaties against the slave trade have resulted in death to thou- sands of Africans, and horrible cruelty to all the living cargoes of the slavers, which would not be the caze had there been no treaties and no laws to prevent the traffic. Im spite of the treaties and laws, the slave trade is still vigorously carried on by our Northern ships, And as far as it has been prevented, what is really effected? Merely to keep slaves in the worst kind of slavery in Africa, and to leave them savage cannibals and idolators, instead of civilizing and Christianizing them by the mild servitude of Christian masters in America. And what has been the result of Northern agita- tion against domestic slavery at the South? It has only tended to etrengthen the slave institution at the South in proportion as it has excited against it the public mind of the North. It is certain that the Cavaliers of Virginia and Ken- tucky would have long since abolished slavery but for the interfereace of the Northern Round- heads. Thirty years ago the institution was retained in those States by only a majority of one or two votes. How very different is the case to-day. Two other causes have wrought a revolution in the public opinion of the bor. der slave States on the subject of slavery—first the discovery of the cotton gin by Yankeo in gonuity, which has rendered this Southern plant an immense source of national wealth, and only negro bondsmen are adapted to its cultivation; secondly, the researches of modern scholars in the natural history of man, which have shown conclusively that the negro never had a civili- zation, and that he is utterly incapable of im- provement, except in the condition of a bond servant.to a Christian master: a relation which, fortunately, the stimulated production of cot- ton renders profitable to both parties, to the country and to the world at large. And now what is the conclusion of the whole matter? Either peaceful separation of the ee slaveholding from the non-slaveholding States of the American confederacy, and the perma- nency of slavery; or civil war and forcible Separation, resulting equally in the permanen- cy of the institution, or the rendition of all their rights to the Southern States, including the protection and perpetuation of slavery, in- volving the complete destruction of the anti- slavery party: these are the net proceeds of the fanatical crusades of the last forty years. Present and Fature Complexion of Par- tes at the South and at the North. The revolution has broken up all the old parties, and the new ones are in a state of transition, divided ang subdivided, but tending by the progress of secession to merge at last into one consolidated party at the South and into two parties at the North. The population at the South is divided at present into four parties, 1. There is a party in favor of absolute secession and a separate confederacy, at all hazards and under all circumstances, no mat- ter what concessions the North may make. Now, this party in favor of secession per se was but a small fraction of the whole people—far smaller than the abolitionists, pure and simple, at the Nerth. The leaders of the republican party played so effectually into their hands that they have now a vast majority of the people of their States acting with them, but who would have left them in point of numbers a cor- poral’s guard, if justice had been speedily ren- dered to the South, and the compact of the con- stitution fully carried out in the letter and spirit of that solemn league and covenant. Nine-tenths of the Southern people were in favor of the Union, if they could only obtain the equal rights gyaranteed to them by the constitution, and they may be subdivided under the three following heads:— 2. There is a party in favor of secession hereatter and final separation if no guaran- tees are granted, and this party is vory influen- tial, comprising the planters and the wealth of the South. As a general rule it is safe to cal- culate that all who have anything to lose are against revolution; but if they find they will lose their all unless there is revolu- tion, then they are forced to become revelu- tionists. This party comprises a majority of the Legislature in Virginia and the other border States, who are now working hard for reconciliation and reconstruction. 3. There is a party in favor of temporary se- cession, with a view to a reconstruction of the government, which they hope to accomplish by taking a bold and decided stand, aud thus gaiming such support at the North as will com- pel the fanatics to yield, or result in the slough- ing off of the New England States and such Northwestern States as adhere to their views. They believe that the Southern States in con- vention, can agree to an ultimatum which will be accepted by a majority of the Northern States, if not finally by the whole, and thus the necessity of civil war may be averted, or even ofa separation of the States by Mason and Dixon’s line—an arrangement which, however peaceable now, would not be free from the danger of civil war hereafter. 4. There is a party in favor, not of secession now or hereafter, but of fighting in the Union— putting down the republican party by physical force—preventing the inauguration of Lincoln, and depending on such assistance in the North- ern States as will enable them to triumph in a bloody revolution. This party, to which Mr. Wise belongs, sympathize strongly with the absolute secessionists of the Yancey school. Such are the divisions by which the Southern people may be classified just now; but the time is at band when, if ample concessions are not granted, the South will be banded together as a unit, for weal or woe, ina separate confede- racy, and there will then be but one party from Maryland to Texas, and from South Carolina to Missouri. Let us now see what are the di visions of party at the North, and what they will be in the contingency of a Southern con- federacy of fifteen States. 1, There is a party in favor of no compro- mise and rigid coercion, even to civil war. Many of the clergy belong to this party, and we hope if there ever should be civil war they will be placed in the front of every battle. Happily that party is extremely small, and is daily growing less and leas. It comprises some red hot abolitionists and many of the republi- can leaders; but in point of numbers it stands hardly equal to the party of the extremists at the South. 2. There is a party in favor of no compromise and no coercion. This party consists mostly of visionary theorists and Quakers. Its policy is wholly impracticable, and igngres the signs of the times. 3. There is a large party in favor of the Crittenden programme, without addition—a measure which alone would not be sufficient, though it would go far to stay the progress of Southern revolution. 4. There is a considerable party in favor of giving the South all its rights except those in the common territory, which, however, is the most vital point with the South, and which it will not yield. 5. There isa very large party at the North who are in favor of giving the South full jus- tice, and of holding out the olive branch in stead of the sword. We would venture to af. firm, if the leaders of the republican party in Congress will permit a vote to be taken on the question by the people of the Northern States, at least three out of every five would turn out to belong to this conservative party. And hence it is that these leaders will not give the people a chance to declare for peace and Union, lest the vote should utterly annihilate the Chicago platform and the republican party. But if the slavery question is finally settled, there is an end to the party which was organized to overthrow it, and its members will enter into new combinations on othor issues. The active anti-slavery clement would thon be reduced to a handful of Garrisonian abolitionists, who, in order to carry on their agitation, must make direct war upon the constitution, What the result of their crusade would be it meeds no prophet to foretell. The country is so heartily sick of the question, and has seen so much of ite danger, that neither in this generation nor the next could it be possible for any human effort to raise it from the dead. But if it is not.sottled very soon it will continue the all- absorbing question of the country and of the time, involving civil war itself, and the divi- sions of Northern men which we enumerated will merge into two grand parties—those In favor of coercing the South and those opposed to coercion; and in the progress of events this may lead to civil war at the North and sueh <r es a tate of anarchy and confwion as was never witnessed in the New World. ————— The Policy of Louis Napoleon, ang the Political Barometer in pe. By the latest news from Europ we {earn that the French corps of occupation in Syria will be increased by a portion of th troops returning from China. In deflance ¢ the efforts of Great Britain, it is, therefore, hghly probable that the French forces will renaip until after March—the stipulated time for thir withdrawal. There ia the circumstance of Russia, through the official Gazette, approving not only the of the French military strength there, but the measures. We know that Louis Napoleon de- sires an alliance with Russia and an with that empire as regards the Orient, and it is quite within the probability that he may find the Czar a willing sharer in his views. They are both anxiously watching the “sick man,” in the hope of ad- ministering to the effects after his dissolution— and that cannot be far off. it | aroused the ire of the British journalists, and a crusade has accordingly commenced against him. There is every probability of the ques- tion becoming a serions subject of discord be- tween the governments of France and Eng- land; and the circumstance of the latter pur- suing a course diametrically opposite to’ that of the other in Italian affairs will tend very much to increase the ill feeling; so that, despite all that Louis Napoleon has done to secure the friendship of Great Britain and the benefits of treaties of commerce and increased facilities of intercourse which have resulted to her from his liberal policy, the two nations may yet be arrayed against each other in open hostility. We speak of this only as a possible contingen- cy. It may be that Louis Napoleon would look well before he undertook a leap in that direction. The attempt would be almost too hazardous for the prize. The ostensible object of the French expedition was accomplished by the punishment of the Druses and the fright of the Turks; and this done, its permanent occupation of Syria would only be a source of weakness sustained at a ruinous expense. Why, then, cannot Napoleon ILI. content himself with having established a precedent for interference in Turkish affairs, and having flattered French vanity by a dis- play of power? The probable result. of much delay in the withdrawal would be a demand on the Porte for remuneration, as France is not likely to continue a large outlay without a prospect of some return; and this demand would likely be quickly followed by a seizure of the local revenues. A more permanent arrange- ment might be found in a transfer of the rights of the French capitalists who have made ad- vances on Turkish sources of income, a direct result of which would be that French collec- tors of customs would be established at Smyrna and Beyrout. It would not be difficult after this for France to assume the entire sovereignty of Syria, while Russia, profiting by the exam- ple, would be working out a similar scheme in European Turkey. With respect to the Italian policy of Napo- leon, we learn by the Bohemian that a semi- official article was expected, declaring that should Piedmont make war on Austria she must expect no aid from France. This only sustains us in our knowledge that the Emperor is opposed to the unification of It-ly, because he rightly fears the monarchy would be too powerful to suit the interests and ambition of France. He wishes to preserve the balance of power, of which the great Powers are so tena- cious. It would be contrary to the idee Napo- lienne for Victor Emanuel to realize what he has pledged himself to. Napoleon would pro- pose that he should be King only of Piedmont, Lombardy, Venetia, Parma and Modena, and retire from Naples in order to make way for the restoration of Francis IL. and the Grand Duké of Tuscany, while the Pope, holding ‘the patrimony of St. Peter, should govern thé Lé- gations, the Marches aud Umbria by a Grand Vicar. Bat it will be more than Louis Napoleon is capable of to control the aspirations of enlight- ened Italians working together in the cause of their common liberty. There {4 more enthusiasm about them than even the French. They are capable of fighting with more prolonged and self-sustained ardor; and although Venetia may not be rescued from the tyrant grasp of Austria as soon as the partisans of Garibaldi were disposed to announee, the new Italian monarchy will remain and flourish, The Italians are full of genius—thé great cultiva- tors of the arts, science and literature. They are capable of achieving great things in the future, as they have already done in the past, when they were the glory of ancient history. The First Napoleon was by parentage an Ital- ian, and he only became French by the revolu- tion; so that it was by an Italian genius that France rose to her present pitch of power. The greatest safeguard of Austria lies in the [talian policy of the French Emperor; and it is therefore probable that there will be no attack upon the Quadrilateral in the ensuing spring. But the financial affairs of Austria are in such a desperate condition that the empire threatens its own destruction without the aid of a foreign enemy. Tae Presment Ecect Axp THe ALDERMEN.— Tn anticipation of Mr. Lincoln’s. coming inaa- guration visit to Washington, several of the re- publican Legislatures of thore capitals through which he is expected to pass have decided to receive him publicly, extend the hospitalities of the city to him, and so forth. This is all very right and natural. The New York Board of Aldermen also had the question before them at their last meeting of giving Mr. Lincoln a pub- lic reception; but they decided not to do so, through some fear that such a course might havo @ political complexion, and might look like an endorsement of the Chicago platform, which this city, and indeed the wholo country, repudiated by so large a vote on the 6th of November. The Board of Aldermen, wo think, however, without exactly Japanesing the President elect, might tender him such a recognition as would effect two objects, namely: paying respect to his office and at the same time enabling him to see and undersiand the state of feeling in this great commercial metropolis of the country, which represents in so large a degree the ma- terial and intellectual interests of the whole nation, a city whose power and importance his future premier, Mr. Seward, 80 judiciously al- Inded to In his late apeech. Really, the Alder-