The New York Herald Newspaper, February 2, 1861, Page 2

2 ——— NEW YORK HERALD, SATURDAY, FEBRUARY 2, 1661—TRIPLE SHEET. a ly age was ‘ ! nd at @ very carly , Jaced im & tagonism; it has shaken the it with excommunicat- | of misebief. They then proceeded to Dr. Cox’s prinviog oftice in NewROrYPOTe PY” g* ktber. Shortly | ing thunders; it has Tihs most pisterinvective, | No.3 Charlion street; Dut, Anticipating an attack, be aad after he was (wiihe Fre P< age he set up & paper | deluged the country with invented instances of Southern | packed <p ond sak Same niture, and removed which he called ihe stich‘ was road cauedy | barbarty, the consutiton aga “fugue with | With Bis family, into uho ‘Country on the ‘after: yy aclase wet ‘Ved readers at the North. After | beil,? ‘seattered its venom in every household of the | noon. The mob commenced the work of LO thie he reais ~ .efMont, and edited the Journal of | free States, until men, women ond children have become | breaking in the two lower windows; but they ‘iad soarce- ee can at ag early as 1828. In September, | imbued with its contaminating infection. Their dis- | ly effected an entrance before they were driven from the ‘1829, he rem: “et to Baltimore for the purpose of odiing courses have ali been tirades; their exordium, argument poe by the police officers and & detachment of , she Geni” oT iversad Emancipation, in company with | ond peroration have turned on epithets, slanders, inuen- were thenceforward kept at bay, but ag fur cast PBL ends While performing these duties a New- | dees, and Sontherners have been reviled as “tyraute,”? | as son street the Btreets were filled with an excited DY vreet merchant, named Francis Todd, fitted out a | “thieves,” “murderers,” “atrocious monsters,” ‘viol multitude, armed with paving stones, which they smote tors of the laws of nature, God and man,’ while thei Yad sMalit yesgel and filled it in Baltimore with slaves for tho Drieees market. ‘Mr. Garrison noticed this fact in is paper, and commented upon it in lerms $9 severe Dn Be iodd directed asait to be brought against him ‘ior libel. He was thereupon tried, convieted and thrown in jail for non-payment of the fue (one hundred dolars) and costs. After en incerceration of fifty days, he was released by the payment of his fine, by Mr. Arthur Tap- pan, of tis city, who, and his brother Lewis, before ‘and’ since that ‘time, have been chielly celebrated for their efferts in the cause of abolition. In 1831 he wrote a few paragraphs that bear ,out the idea we have ad vanceé—that there was then more real philaathropy in me South than at the North, I ismned proposals for the publication of the Liberator in Was?.nngton city, during my recent tour, for the purpose of a He says:— xolting ib us of the people ou thosubject of slavery. Brory phee dv ave fresh evidences of the fact that tion mn public sentiment was to be effected in ularly in New England, than at the tmore bitter, epposition more active clentles#, prejudice aore stubborn an¢ , thon among the slaveowners them. rnin every hazard to litt up the standard on in the eyes of the nation, within sight of and in the birthplace of liberty, T amin will not re- ii not equivocate, 1 F rat a single Twill be heard. The apathy of the peo- trata cing’ to muke every atatae Hft from its pedestal, and %e bisten .ne resurrection of the dead, From this time it may be said that the anti-slavery @auge took its place among the moral enterprises of the day. It assumed adefinite shape, and commenced that sysiem of warfare which has since been umromittingly vi ‘ainst the South. wage ee ing thie year—1890—Mr. Tappan, Rev. S. 8. Jocolye and others projected the establishment of q seminary of Jearnin, ‘ew Haven for the benefit of cols students; ‘but, oyposition manifesting itself, it was abandoned. ‘The tirst regularly organized convention of colored men ever assembled in the United States for a similar purpose also held a meeting this year, and, aided and abetted by the Tuppans, Jocelyns and other agitators of the period, attempted to d ways and means for bettering their eondiion and thet of theirrace. They reasoned that all distinctive differences made among men on account of theiroripin-was wicked, unrighteous and cruel, and so- Jemply protested against every unjust measure and policy in the Guntry’having for its object the proscription of the colored people, whether State, national, municipal religions. In faet, white men and black tarted in the race logether, comsorting like brothe:s and sisters in their aime and projects to accor phish the work of abolition, About this time publications began to be scattered through the South, whose direet. tendency was to stir up insurrection among the slaves. ‘The Zeerator tound its way mysteriously into the hands of the negroes, and individwals under the garb of religion were discovered in private consultation with the slaves. Snddenly, in Au 1861, the whole Unien an nouncement of an outbreak among the slaves of Sout ampton county, Va.; and now commences the his tory of a career of violence and bloodshed that haz marked every fooistep of the abolition movement. THE NAT TURNER © TRRECTION. The leader of this outbreak was a slave named Nat Turner, and from him its name has been derived. Im. polled by the belief that he was divinely called to be the delivarer of his oppressed countrymen, he sneceeded in xing the. impression upon the minds of two or three others, his felow flaves. Turner could real and write, and these acquirements gave him an influence over his associates. He was pcssessed, h ever, of little information, and is represented to hay eowardly, cruel, and as he mfessedy eredulous.”’ It is a mat riety “that secret nts of abolition had corrupted and betrayed him. wever that may be, Nat declared that ‘he was advic ed” only W read to the slaves that “Jesus came not to bring peace, but asword!’? Such a tree produced fitting Sruits. About midnight on the Subbath of the 21st of August, 2831, Turner, with his confederates, burst into his master’s house and murdered every one of the white inmates, ‘They were armed with knives and axes, and, im order to strike terror into the whites, most shockingly maugled ‘the bodies of their victims. Neither helpless i female loveliness were spared. They then by death compelled all the slaves t join them who would not do it voluntarily, and, exciting themselves to fury by ardent spirits, they’ proceeded to the next plantation. The happy family were reposing in the sound and quiet slumbers which precede the break of day, as the shouts ef the raving insurgents fell upon their It was the ring in their Low: peed individual was spared to carry the which dashed the — infaut Jeft. its brains upon the hearth. ‘The head of the youthful maiden was in one part of the room and ber mangled body was in another. Here again the num Der of insurgents were increased by these who volun tarily joined them, and by others who did it through eompuigion. Stimulating their passions still more by in toxication, and arming themselves with such guns as they coukd obtain, seme on horseback and others on foot, they rushed along to the next plantation ‘The vegan to dawn, and the shrieks of th or the sword and the axe of the negro w heard at a distance, and thus the alarm was soon spr from plantation to plantation, carrying inconceivable terror Ao every heart. The whites suppused it was a plot deeply taid and widely spread, and that the day had come for in- @iscriminate mossacre. One gentleman who heard the appalling tidings hurried to a neighboring plantation, ant arrived there just in time to hear the dying shrieks of the family, and triumphant shouts of the negroes. He hastened in terror to his own home, but the uegroes were ‘there before him, and his wife and daughter had already fallen victims to their fury. Thus the infuriated slaves went on from plantation té plantation, gathering gth at every step, and leaving not a liviug white seed the day, until late in the nd, rapidly of Some time to 201 Every family It is impos stances of ent slaves be- cousequeatly ehension. IL is said that most ¢ Kenge to kind end indulgent masters, Late in the afternoon a small party of whites, well armed, collected at a plantation for defence. rge mmbers, and, emboldened by suc “3, ‘they at first drov The op, thirsting and shouting wit fury as the whi wily retreated, appar { to be butchered, with thes and child | this awful moment ar ent of troops | which turned the tide of victory and dispersed the slaves. Exhausted with the horrible labors of the day, the in surgents retired to the woods and inarshes to pass the | night. “Early the next morning they commenced thetr work again. But the fst tation they attackec Dr. Blount—they were driven from by the slaves, who | rabied around their mot 1 lives in h ¥ lected in eutficieut f The fugitives were ties, Dut every the » whites were tf in a cave hig bloody ex. | and suffered the extreme oO ¢ ok ia ' the theatre of the state of alarm to which this outbreak impossible. Whole 8 we A, | th froe wegroce and slaves un Bation; armed bodies of mon were held in constant readi mess for eny emergency which might arise; every slave gave rise is every plaptation wa: who had participated in the insurrection wus either shot or burg, ond for months the entire South remained in a | fever of excitenent | All this time th bolition joupnsts of the North wore | « their ba ® Jujube over the event. ‘They circulated through the South then much more freely than at pro. | sent, and the following extract was read from one of thr by a gentieman to bis terrifies family, in the preson of the gentleman from whom the above particulars were derived: — The news from the South is glorious. General Nat ia a Denefactor of bis race. The Southampton massacre is an wuspicious era for the African. The blood of the men, women children sbed by the sword and the axe in the band of the negro is just return for the drops which bave followe 1 the master's last, Another extract of similur rhetorie from the record of | that day is from a speech by the “Keverend” Mr. Bay. ley, then of she Mane, — It in time that the ice was broken—time that the blacks con. red they have the enme right to regain pheir liberties, and even the present property of their owners, a8 the Heorews Rad in derpoiling the heathen round about them, The blacks Nd also know that it ix their duty to destroy, if no other means offer conveniently, the monstrous incubuses and ty Fanta yelept planiers, and 1, for one, would gladly lend'a band to | 1m in One common grave! The country ibe all the better for ridding the world of suche test ot ‘vam pyres. Whether the abolitioniste of tho presont time have modified the ideas they promulgated then we shall sce hereafter from a few among the ten thousand specimens | that might be aduuced. ‘The effect of these tirades upon the South cannot be well conceived, Pubile opinion, just then opening to a free discussion of the question,drew back and shut iteelf in itscactie, | of ‘slagery were bound tighter, the rivets | © strongly fastened, and a reactionary movo- menced that has never yet terminated. Vigi- lance ussociations were formed throughout the Sout and rewards we ered for the ion, prosec' tion and conviction of any white person who might bo detected \s. distributing or circulating @ newspaper call- ea Literatur, « pamphiet called “Walker's Pam. oS ud al other publications of seditious ten- | ‘THE NEW RNGLAND ANTI-SLAVERY socrETY—IA32. In the year .1832, January 90, the New England or Marsachu tts Anti-Slavery Society went into opera- | tion, but wit limited means. From this society have | The slaves | | white wou homes have,been designated as ‘the abodes of iniquity,” and their land ‘sone vast brotbel.”” More abolition papers sprang into existence. The New York Evangelist, then ceuducted by the Rey. Samuel Griswold, espoused the cause, Through the influence of the ‘appans millions of anti-slavery tracts were cireulated monthly and semt by mail to all portions of the country, and especially to clergymen. These publications were likewise geattered through the Youth, their direct tendency being to stir up the slaves to further insurrection. Reeruits of all agos and profes- sions Low fd forward, and the eause numbered amongst its adherents many of the theologians and pro- fessional men of the period. . THE NEW YORK CITY ANTI-BLAVERY socieTy—-1833. On the 2d of October, 1893, a New Yerk City Anti-Slavery Society was organized, though not without seme demon strations Of opposition, In fact, a large majority of the most respectable citizens were opposed to the enterprise, and they accordingly determined, if pessible, to cresh the dangerous project in the bud, The meeting wa Vert'sed to be held in Clinton Hall, but during» the course of the day the public feeling was excited by the posting through the eity of a large placard, ef which the follow- ing is acopy>— Deeeeeececorocesereconeseresreccccteess ereneceieess) 3 NOTICE. TO ALL PERSONS PROM TUR SOUTH All persons interested in the subject of ® meeting called by J. Leavitt, W. Green, Jr., W.ioodell, J. & Rankin and Lewis Tappan, AT CLINTON HALL, TINS EVENING, AT 7 O°CLOCE, Are requested to attend at the same heur and place. fi MANY SOUTHEI New York, Oct. 2, 1838, Qeceececnee wee neseeeeeeeen teen Lene Dect Ee ee tbebee Pett Southerners, however, had nothing to do with the 3 3 3 3 Saranarannnee. meeting. At an early hour people began to assemble © in crowds in front of Clinton Hall, uit the trustees or some others had qlored the premises. The throng, however, till increased, and it soon beeame evident trom the execrations mutually in- dulged in by the people that the authors ot the projected meeting were acting with discreet valor in staying away. William Lloyd Garrison, who hed then just retarned from England, where he had been engaged in fomenting excite- ment against this country, traducing its peopie and insti. tutiops, and whe was expected to take part in the pro. ceedings of the mecting, was an especial obfect of popa Jar abhorrence and disgust, and it is said thet many grave andgrespectable citizens would have gladly assenved to his }lecoration in a coat of tar and featkers. Notwith standing the notificationof “No meeting,” Clinton Hull was opene? and crowded to suffocation, Speeches were delivered by @ number of citizens and a series of resolu tions, prepared by Mr. ¥. A. Tallmadge, were adopted, deprecating apy interference in the question of slavery, and expressing a determination to resist every attempt on the part of the abolitionists to effect their object. It appeare, however, that the purposes for which meeting wat originally called wore indirectly attained. Finding it much easier to raise a popular whirlwind thin to ride securely upon it, they prudently and privatel, changed their place of meeting to Chatham street chapel. he New York City Anti-Slavery Society was duly org , having for its object the “total and immedi- ate abolition of slavery in the UnitedStates.”” Its tirst ofticers were: — President—Arthur Tappan, Vice President—Win, Green, Jr. john Rankin, — % ig Seeretary-—Ehizur Wright, Jr. Secretary—Itev. Chas. W. Dennison. Joshua Leavitt, Isaac T. Hopper, Abraham M. D., Lewis Tappan, William Goodell. The proceedings of the night appear to have terminated in a broad farce, for after the breaking up of the citizens’ meeting the crowd proceeded to Chatham streot chapel to see what was going on ‘there. They found the doors open and the lights burning, but the meeting had sud- dely dispersed. The digntiied philosophere,nndble to “stand fire,” bad retreated “bag and baggage,” through the back windows. To have the frolic out, 2 black man was put upon the stage, a series of humorous resolutions were passed, geod natured speeches on the burlesque or- dor were made, and, instead of the angry frowns with which the evening was commenced, the whole affair ter- tminated amid the broad gring of a ‘numerous multitude. Precisely one week after the above occurrence another meeting of the citizens was held, over which the Mayor of the city presided, Among the orators was Hon. Theo- core Frelinghuysen, then United States Senator from New Jersey, aiterwards.a candidate for Vice President of the United’ States on the ticket with Henry Clay, and he direetly charged the abolitionists with “seeking to dissolve the Union;’ dectared that nine- tenths of the horrors of slavery were imaginary, and that “the crusade of abolition was merely the poetry of phi- Her lanthropy.”” Chancellor’ Walworth was likewise in. at- | tebeduee, and denounced their efforts ae unconstitutional, ; ano the invividuals instigating them as “reckless incen- diaries. THE AMERICAN ANTI-SLAVERY ‘GOCIETY—1833, On the 4th, Sth and 6th of December, 183%, a} Philadelphia, when, pursuant to previous notice, sixty lelegates from ten States assembled, vizi—Maine, New Hampshire, Vermont, Massachusett hode Island, Con- necticut, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania and Ohio. Beriah Green, President of Oneida Institute, was chosen President, and Lewis Tappan and John G. Whittier sceretariee, The resolutions were prepared in committee by ‘» | William Lloyd Garrison. This convention organized the American Anti-Slavery Society, of which Arthur | Toppan was chosen President; Elizar Wright, Jr., Secre- | tary of Demestic Correspondence; William L. tury ot the Foreign Correspondence; A. L. and William Green, Jr., Treasurer. amittee was located in New York city, t of the society's operations, which were now provectited with vigor. The Emancipator became the organ of the society. Tracts, pamphlets and books were ‘hed and circulated; a large number of agents were -d in diflerent’ guises to promote the work it the country, North and South; State, county J anti-slavery societies were organized through- out the free States; funds were coliected; the New Eng land AntiSlavery Society became | the Magsachu- setts State Society, and the whole infernal machinery of Agitation Was put in thorough worRing order. ‘Among the earliest principles adopted by the abolition ccjeties was the follow ing:— “Immediate and unconditional emancipation is emi- nently prudent, safe and beneficial to all parties con- cerned. “No compensation is due pating his slaves; a | ceesity for such c it is of iteelf A pecuniary bevefit, not ouly w the slave, but to the master.’ So perfect wae thie vystem of operations that in 1836 the society nus.bered two hundred and fifty cuxilwries in thirteen States. In eighteen months aile;wards it bad inereased to one thousand and eix. in ope week alone $6400 were raised in Boston and $20,000 in the city of New York. To such an extent was the abolition ¢, that many prominent individuals bad their dinner service, plates, cups, saucers, & lished with tigures of saves in cho ins; with the negro’s complaint in poetry, and other emblems of the same character, calculated to keep up the inflammation. Similar prints, or pictorial (Wustrations of the natural equality before God of all men, without distinction of color, avd vetting forth the happy fruiteof a universal acknowledgment of this truth by the exhibition of a nan 1h HO equivocal relaiions toa black man, rewluted in the South, The infection also broke atop Northern pocket handkerehiefs imade for Sonthorn children, candy wrappers, fans and anti slavery seals ll being male to represent the prevail | ing Wea. The renotion laws were parsed forbidding oF olrou lator the Routh. shortiy took place, on the ern States, Mobs broke all abolition prints that could be ound, and | ote niahment of ANY persons | found tampering with the siave population. Nor was | this reaction cont fue Southern section of the | country, it was largely developed in the North. Churches soon began to be the theatres wf dis. | cursious on the subject, and a conservative spirit Sprang into life among all the principal re. | ligtour sect#, On thin point, however, we shall treat | in another place. Mercheut# began to’ suffer in their Dorinese, manufacturers Cound their wares of no avail for the Southern tarket, cu, in short, a strong spirit of opposition to the reveiutionary doctri of the aboli- tionixte was manifested throughout the Northern States, THE FIRST ABOLITION RIOT IN NEW YORK—1834, This exe.ted feeling soon culminated in an outbreak, On the Sth of July, 1884, the New York Sacred Music Society attempted to assemble, as was their wont, in Chatham street chapel, for the purpose of practising sacred harmony. They found the place, howevor, tilled | with an audience of whites and blacks who had gathered to listen to an abolition address, and who obstinately re- fased to remove. But this was notall, The anger of the negroes was uroused in consequence of the request to remove, and they struck several of the gentlemen with loaded canes and other implements, knocking some down and severely injuring others, The alarm was raised, crowds assembled, a fight ensued in the church, the con: regation were expelied and the building waa closed. As ir. Lewin Tappan was returning to his houso, the mob, supposing him to have been instrumental in ‘producing the disorder, followed him home and threw stones at his On the 9th three more ricts occurred. The crowd proceeded to the Bowory theatre, touk | possession of the house and put an to ‘Motamora’’ ‘without waiting the tragic conclusion to which it was eprung the An erican Anti. lavery Society and all ite nu. merous auxiliaries, It wus tho iret organized boty that attacked slavery on the principle of its inherent sinful | rene, and enforced the cousequent daty of “immediate | emancipation.’ All the events of a historical character | which bh ve marked the annals of the Inst thirty yours | may be traced virectly to the agitation which thie | society first ret on foot in this country. Men have | “Af | Sih ‘tined by the author, A great number then procooded tothe house of Lewis Tappan, in Rowe street, broke open the door, smashed tho windows and threw the furniture tuto the atreet. A bonfire was lighted, and bods ding made the flames. Fuel was added to the excitement by publications in the Mmancipator, over the ture of Wir Wright, Jr., in which intimations were thrown out covertly inviting to@ forcible resistauce to the laws which authorize the recapture of runaway slaves. Pla- in were poeted through the streets in great numbers, iteppenred as if the demon of disorder had taken Pon the bh of th L the 10th the crowd And male their way to Dr, Cox's church. assembiod then on the oor- tional Anti-Slavery Convention was ‘held in the city of together, crying “altogether.” A fence was torn down and converted into clubs, and a barricade of carts was ‘built across the street to impede the horsemen; but after # while order was gradually restored and the tumult sub- sided for the night, On the llth it broke ont again, when an attack was made on the store of Arthur Tappan, in Pearl sireet. ‘The rioters were driven away, however, by the police, without further damage than the smashing of a few win- dows. A second attack was likewise on Dr, Cox's chureb, aud also on the church of Rey. Mr. Ludlow, ip Spring street. The latter was almost completely sacked, nearty the entire interior being torn up and carried into the street to erect barricades against the horse and in- fratry which had assembled at various rendezvous at an early hour, in compliance with the proclamation of we Mayor. ‘Ihe excitement continued to perenne. ‘The bells were rung, and the Seventh (then the¥7th) regiment, under Col. Stevens, charged upon the rioters, driving them from their position and clearing Spring street. The crowd next procceded to the residence of Rev. Mr. Lud- low, whoee family had retired, and after breaking the windows and doors left the ground. Later in the night an immense riot occurred im the neighborhood of the Five Peints, St. Phillip’s Episcopal church (colored) in Centre street, was nearly torn down, while sever: houses occupied by negroes in the vicinity were entirely demolished. Several days elapaed before quiet was effectually re- stored. All the military of the city during this time were wider arms. Similar outbreaks also occurred at Nor- wich, Con.; Newark, N. J., and other places where the ne- gros, under the effect of abolition teachings, grown bold and im yodeet were compelled to leave town. %m Norwich the’ mob entered a church during the ‘delivery of an abolition sermon, the parson fromthe pulpit, walked bim into the open air to the tune of the * Rogue's March,” drummed him outof ‘the place, and threatened if he ever made his appearance in the place again they would give him ‘a coat of tar and feathers.” Similar'ecenes were enacted in Philadelphia, where a large hall was burned, and other public and private build: ‘ings in which the negroes and abolitionisis were in the habit of meeting were either injured or demolished. NEGRO CONSYIRACY IN MISSISSIPPI. On the 28th of June, 1836, it was discovered that the negroes of Livingston, in Madison county, Miss., under the fad of a band of white men, contemplated a general rising. A committee of safety was instantly organized, and two of the white ringleaders were arrested, trie€, and, after a confession, forthwith banged. By this con- fession it appeared that the plan was conceived by the notorious Jobn A. Murrel, a well known Mississippi plrate at that time, snd that it embraced the destruction of the entire population and liberation of the slaves in the South generally, For two years the disaffection had thus b y vith’ few exceptions, adherents existed o pi min the county. Arms and ammuni tion had been scereted for ‘the purpose, and everything ready for a general outbreak. The confess velved numerous white men and biack, many of were arrested and snffereé for their diaboli¢a! designs, Among these was one Rue! Blake, of Connecticut. The summary proceeding adopted, however, had the desired effect, and in a few months tranquillity was restored to the unsettled and excited district. AN BRA OF EXCITEM ‘The year 1835 was one of the most exciting eras of agi- tation in the early history of anti-slavery. The vents of the preceding few months had aroused the entire country to arealizing sense of the dangerous tendency of the abolitionists and the rapid progress of their cause. In Congress the subject had again begun to be agitated throngh petitions presented by various individuale and hodies in the free States, praying the interference of the government in the abolition of slavery, and in society at large a more decided sentiment was ovidently being form- ed pro and con. than had previously been manifested. In the South incendiary publications were circulated to such an alarming extent that the press and people of that section rose en masse to put down the growing evil. To add to this feeling, an insurrection took place among. some of the slaves in Mississippi. This, however, was promptly quelled, and the instigators, who were agents of some of the Northern abolition goeleties, were hung. Following this outbreak, at a public meeting held in the town of Missiesippi, it ‘Was unanimously resolved that any ‘‘individual who dared to circulate incendiary tracts or publications, likely to excite ‘the slaves to rebellion, Was justly worthy, in the sight of God and man, of im: mediate death.” And at a similar meeting in Williams- burg, Va., no less a personage than General John Tyler, afterwards President of the United States, endorsed a resolution to the effect that the cireulation of these in- cendiary documents waean act of a treasonable character, and that when offenders were detected in the fact con: dign punisbment ought and would be inflicted upon them without resort to any other tribunal. In this state of alarm the gallows and stake soon found victims, and within a period of @ few months no less than a dezen individuals, white and black, who were found umong the glaves, inciting them to insurrection, received the just award of their crime. Efforte were also made at this time by several Southern communitics to get seme of the prominent abolitionists in their power, so that an example might be made of those who were tuo cowardly to appear in the fleld of thi ies of missionary labor themselves. Among So. of five thousand doliars was offered by ure of Georgia for the apprehen- sion of cither of ton persons named in a resoli- ticn, citizens of New York and Massachusetts, and “ one George Thompson, a subject of Great Britain.” An offer of ten thousand dollars was likewise made for the arrest v. A. A. Pbelps, a clergyman of this eity; and fifty nd dollars was olfered to any one who would de- their hands the famous Arthur Tappan, or Le underland, a well known Methodist minister, the clergymen added their voice to the general ick that rose from the Southern heart; and , 1825, a few days after the forcing of the Yost Oitice, aud the destruction of the abolition publica tions there found, by acrowd in Charleston, S. C., a public mecting was held for completing measures of protection, the clergy ofall denominations attended in a body to tend their sanction to the proceedings. About this time one of the Methodiet preachers of South Carolina ad- dressed the following novel letter to Rev. Le Roy Sun derland, editor of Zion's Watchman in this city:— If you wish to educate the slaves, T will tell you how to raise the maney, without editing Watchmev. You and eld Arthur Tappan come out to the South this winter, and they will raive one butared thousand dollars for you, ‘New Orleans liself would be pledged for It. Desising no further acquaintance with you, 1am, &e., 3.0, POSTELL. Laws of the most stringent character were passed by nearly all the Southern States to prevent the further dis. Femination among the Southern people of abolition doc- trines, end an appeal was made to the Legislatures of the North to do the same thing, Indeed, the entire policy of that section as regards the previous license allowed to Degrocs wan 80 as to render it if not impossible, for any future influence of an insurrectionary character to be exerted upon them. Public meetings were also held, at which resolutions were passed declaratory of the ‘determination to put down at all hazarcs these repeated attempte on the part of abelitionists to deluge their families and firesides in blood. In many of the principal citics a list of all per- sone arriving and departing was kept, that it might be known who were ond were not to be regarded with sus- icion. Pine effect upan the North not less marked, and this prompt action on the part of their Southern brethren found thousands of eyrmpathizers. Indigoation was al moet univerral. The press teemed with articles upon the subject, und among the majority of the order loving journals of the day it was generally agreed that if the madmen who were scaticring Orebrands, arrows and death could not be persuaded or rebuked to silence, no other alternative was allowed to the slave holding States to protect themecives, except by the system of pass. ports, examinations and punishments, which to some ‘extent they had adopted, and in which they were justified. ‘The people, too, were smarting under the insults that were poured out upoa the nation by Daniel O'Connell (whose speeches delivered this year we quoted above) and the English emissaries and agents who were in the country lending their aesistance to the prevailing mis chief. Among these individuals was the famous George ihompeon, an agent and orator of the British Anti-Slavery Society. Such was the excitement graduced by hie op- probrious language towards the South, that in inany Places where he appeared he was greeted with demon. Stratious of anything but a complimentary character, At Lynn, Mass., he was assaulted by femaies with rotte : eggs and stones and driven off the ground; and at New Bedford, in the language of the poot, “But when to speak the man essayed, Gods! what a noise the fiddles made.”’ He wat emphatically “sung down.” At Boston the matter was still more serious. It having been announced that Garrison and Thompeon would speak be fore a female gas slavery meeting, the following banabill was circu- thous liver THOMPEQN THE ANOLITIONIAT. That famous foreign ndrel, Ti inafiernoon atthe Literator office, No. ent is a fair opportunity for the friends of the Union to “snake Thompson out!" It will be a contest between. tie Fo cidzens to rewar orig og rr ‘ore dar the Union, be vi jt, ‘riends ot It is needicss to say that Thompson did not appear Garrison did, however, or,rather he was found ensconced martyr like, under @ pilé of shavings io « carpenter hop. A rope was then fastened around hie nevk and he yas gently lowered out of « winiow to the ground. A val exclaunation from the assembled crowd, Don't | burt him," indicated the gentleness of the mob, and, pale | and convulsed, he wax thus led to tho Mayor's office in the City Hall. ‘Afterwarda he was conducted to jail, and, as he sank oxhaueted into his place, he made the re- mark, “ Never was mén 80 rejoiced to got into jail be- fore.’ The rabble, which, by the by, was of a per. fectly genteel character, soon after dispersed, their ob- ject having been cfected, and the next morning Garrison ‘was liberated from confinement. In Utien and Roches. | ter, N. ¥.; Worcester, Maes; Cannan, N. H., and at va- rious places in the New kagland tater, the abolitionists met with similar treatment, Their asse om were either disturded or broken up, and they found it ed a large amovwt of dotormivation to resiet the mation which thelr fanaticism had aroused against them. Mecting# were also held in every pertion of the North, at which influential citizens attended to denounce the golicy of the abolitionist | as subversive of the Union and gonstitution, gud to ox. prese their lg for the South. Several of the post. masters of the North, participating in this reactionary rentiment, ov their own responsibility, even refused to allow the incendiary documepts Ww ett through the bol tionists, Low. maiie. Such was the activity of the ever, that in the month of August alove over 175,000 copies of their publications wero circulated eongh the ner of Laight aud Varick streets, which With stones, breaking the windows and V4 vo] doing » variety United States; and their preeses, under the direct. of the Tappape and Garrinop & {)., wore empoyod vight 232 > in 1 4 day 1o foment the excitement, tt #as said that these indie fasts bad then planned an lnsurreostonar, move- the and they were compelled to nessing the diabolic effect of their designs. Though somewhat modifled by the reatri¢tions with which public opinion had surrounded the abolitionists, | this state of irs continued through the year 1996, The subject of excluding from the mails the Whole series of publications came under the cons'“,ration of government, and the proposition of the president, An- drew Jackson, regarding the propricts, of passing a law for this purpoge, being acted upor, jn’ Congress, resulted in a bill rendering it unlawful fr any deputy postinaster to celiver to any person ay pamphlet, newspaper, hand- bill or pictorial representation, touching the subject of slavery, where, by the Jaws of the State, Territory or district their cireulxiion was prohibited. ‘This nealthy measure was defeated, however, on the final vote. THE RIOT AT ALTON, ILL., AND DEATH OF REY. E. P. LOVEJOY. The principal anti-slavery event of the year 1837 was riot at Alton, Ill. For a long time the community of that town had been agitated by the crazy efforts of the abo- litionists, and finally, on an attempt being made to resus- citate the Alton Olearcer, « newspaper previously edited by the Rey. B. P. Lovejoy (brother of Owen Love- joy, the present member of Congress from Llinois), a journal which in his hands had become con spicuous for the violence of its denineiations against the South and its institutions, a terrible riot emsued, It kad been announced for several days that « printing press was hourly expected. to arrive, in- tended for the purpose above el ‘This gave rise to an intense excitement, and to open threats that its laud. ing would be resisted if necessary by force of arma. It was | however, and placed in a ware house, under the protection of a guard of twenty or thirty gentlemen who had volunteered for the purpose. Almost immediately there were indications of an attack. ‘The press was demanded by uhe mob, who insisted that they would not be satisfled with anything less than its destruction, The party in the building determined it should not be given up, and during the angry altercation which ensued & shot was fired from one of the windows which mortally wounded a man named Lyman Bishop. ‘The crowd then wit! w, but with the death of Bishop the excitement irc: .cd’ to such an extent that they shortly after appeared !n numbers, armed with guns and weapons of aiferent kinds, more than ever in- tent upon carrying out their original purpose. A rush ‘was made upon the warehouse with the cries of ‘fire the house,” “burn them out,” &. The firing soon became fearful. The building was surrounded and the inmates threatened with extermination and death in the most frightful form imaginable. Fire was applied and all means of escape by flight were cut off. ‘The scene now became appalling. About the time the fire was communicated to the building Rev. FE, P. Lovejoy received four balls in the bi near the door of the warehouse, and fell a c0 Several persons engaged in the attack were also sev ed. The contest raged for more than an hour, when the party in the house intimated that they would abandon the premises and the press, if eel to pass out unmolested. ‘This was granted, and they made their escape, though several shots were tired iu the act. large number of persons then rushed into the building, threw the press upon the wharf, where it was broken in pieces and thrown into the river. The fire was then extinguished, and without further attempts at violence the mob dispersed. No further indications of disorder were manifested. For a long time this outbreak served as a check upon the aggressive policy of the abolitionists, and, though not thoroughly cowed, both principals and agents found that the agitation of the subject was like the handling of a sword whose double edges cut in both directious. After this event, with the exception of the burning of a hall in 1838, in which they held their meetings, in Philadelphia, the country for a number of years became comparatively quiet, and the agitators took good care not to give ocea- sion for further public demonstrations. THE THIRD EPOCH. “GAGS”? AND CONGRESSIONAL PETI- TIONS. embraced between the years 1835 tho third epoch in THE ERA OF The decade and 1545 may be termed the history of this movement. In that period the grand experiment of the abolitionists was most effectually tried. They had felt the public pulse, developed their power and resources, had the benefit of experience, and ascertained to what ex tent the public mind could be prejudiced by the course of agitation which they had pursued. It was in fact an era of lessons, as well to the country as to themselves. From @ mere handful the original organization had grown to be a power within itself—a power at the ballot box—a power for right or wrong, for good or mischief, too self’ reliant and too strong to be disregarded. Neither legisla- tive enactments, nor riots, nor personal chastisement, nor pubiie opinion, had been able to restrain ite rapid ad- vances towards the consummation of its hopes. It lost ground nowhere, and in every non-slaveholding State its friends and funds were greatly multiplied. As an indica- tion of its extraordinary growth, the number of auti- slavery societies in the United States in the year 1838 may be safely estimated at two thousand, with at least two hundred thousand persous enrolled ss members, These, however, were not all entitled to thé suifrages of the party. They were the children and wives of faow tics who learned their lessons of abviition ia the Bible classes, Sunday and gecular schools, and from their par: ents and husbands. The sentiment was intruded indeed in all the relations of life—social, financial and domestic, and even in the affairs of love, Cupid himself was made subservient to ite ascendency. The belles of th would bardiy lock upon a suitor who was not as woll a worthipper at the shrine of their political passion, os of their beauty, and no youngster’s domestic destiay was atall certain of fruition who was not sound upon what was then regarded a8 the soul saving question of abolition jem, ‘ibe youths of 1840 have become the men of 1840, and in the enormous increase of the republican party we see the result of the early intluences thus setat work For the first time in its history, the organization be to be regarded as a political element jn the land worthy of a courtship by those who desired ite miluence und support. Candidates for office began to be catechived, and such men ag William H. Seward, Levi Lincoln, Wil Ham L. Marcy and others found time to give lengthy re plies to the authors of this new inquisRion, setting day forth their views. In local politics it was the moral and political test by which men were measures, and it lay at the foundation of all the subsequent State ‘action of the latures upon the subject of anti-slavery In both branches of Congress, also, the quession of abolition for the first time cecupied a large Share of the deliberations, and was discussed under every possible aspect. From 1S8%1, wheu John Quincy Acams presented fifteen petilions in a single bunch, fcr the abolition of slavery ix the District of Columbia, got up and circulated by auti slavery gocietioe poured inte both branches of the national Legiabature in a steady stream. They also called for a prohibition of what was termed an “internal slave trade’ between the States, avowing at the same time that their ultimate ob ject was to abolish slavery, not ovly in the District, but throughout the Uniou. Tt was, indeed, the only m which the fanatics could agitate the question in Congress, aud was a partof the scheme by which they expectod to accomplish their purposes.’ Under the intluence of the Northern Legis: feelings excited Ly Mere causes, the Southern Senators and members delerrd almost to a mer 41, the sow ern States could net remaim in the Lp. * thout hay their domestic pence continually di-curbed by the eys tematic attempts of the abotitiouists to prodace disaatie faction and revolt among the slaves and incite their Wild passions to vengeance, the great law of self preservation would compel them to separate frou the North. ‘This persistent demand of the abolitioniste, through petitious, continued from session to session un Ul, becoming & nuisance twas made to prevent au their farther reception. The effort wae, ceesful, avd resulted in what was ¢ gags’ —these gags being simply aru That ali petitions, memorials Hons relating in aly wey or to ae of tlavery shall, without ferred, be laid on the table ever shall be bad thereon, This wax respectively passed in 1896, 1887 and 1838, and in 1840 it Was incorporated juto the standing rules of the House— being thenceforward known as the “Twenty- wit—yeas, 128; nays, 78. The excitement produced in the House on the occasion several votes was intense, and speeches were pon the question by the most distinguished men of for a timo, suc. led the “era of of the House esolutions and propesi extent to the question ther being printed or re Wino further action what actous effort of Mr. Slate, of Vermont, to make the tation of abolition pe'itions the ground of agitation ph againet the inst) ation of slavery iu the South. Mr. Rhett, of -oah Carolina, warved him of uflammatory barangues, aad nd ac bh States, » conmequences of sich Jus refusal to desist from tom was the signal for a gone. val disorder and uproar, 6 next morning «resolution imilar to that above quote. was adopted by a vote of 135 yeas to 60 nays—the full t so fleen. “'Thia,” kaye Thomas H. Benton, “was one of the most important votes ever delivered in the flouge,”” Upon ite ame de. pended the quiet of the Ho seon, one hand, and on the other the ret uation of the scenes of the day before— wg up all deliberation and all notional legisiation. ‘Thus were stiGed, and ‘> future, for a few years at least, prevented in the Ho: se the inflammatory debates on these disturbing petitions, Tt was the great seesion of their presentation, being offered by hundreds and signed by bundrede of | oveande of persons—many of them wormed, Who forgot vir sex and their duties to mingle in tho inflammatory work; and some of them clergy men, who forgot the Ptrite among thore who ©! and protracted efforts by then champion of the « House, the restriction up moved in }ecetmber, 1866 the acts of ha stateem a fesolmtion that the fo: tntion of the United 8 ral States of the Lnion rs after the 4h the United States no he that day every ehild born in co Jupiadiction, rball be bor: a With the ion henceforth ney C niskion of peace to stir up be brethren. After ohn Quincy Adame, who was ajitlonists’ on the floor of the the right of petition was re. ya vote of 108 to 80, Amon, 1 1899 was the presentation \ ing amendments to the coat). should be propowed to the seve. ‘yin 182, there aba be ibrongh n ve United Biaies, ihelr tarritony 160. Ferritory ef Florida, there shalt oa Ino tein Unton any State the tution of which wolerate Within the same the nee of sinvery. From ond after (be 4) 0p, 1248, cheng abpit be neither nie EN slave trade the seat of government of the } ry. 1t was so far anti-slay as Vaited slates . Miscourl Compromise and oppose "ener, (be TeBeab ‘this of course received no favor either | slavery into new territory, As events n- -<cuet North or , and was ny hy Die. iteces connentnn ae-enee tae bea ET re @ petition ing a dissolut eCaDe coucentr” reat question ibe eth ape the ever offers” 10 the ered by 8 ‘Se Parhon,t theses oS erpment—Ww a ‘ition WA submitted to | anti-sla pecdime” 7: ee ae in so doing bad y fx¢d ip tie Northern mind. Adams <ilercd the deepest indignity te the House and ap {6 the people of the United States, and that, for thus per mitting through his instrumentality a wound to be aimed, at the constitution and existence of his country the ed expulsion from the national council and the 8” epost censure, It concluded, ‘this they hereby “o for the maintenance of their own purity and “ignity; for the rest they turn him over to big own Conscience and the indignation of all true Ameritan citizens.”’ ‘The resolution was discussed for several day’ Mr. Adana and hig anti-slavery propagandism were handled without gloves; but finally the whole subject was laid upon the table, THE ANNEXATION OF TEXAS. Another source of discussion, both in and out of Con- gress, about this time was the Texas question, As far ‘back as 1829 the annexation of Texas was agitated in the Southern and Western States, being urged on the ground of the strength and extension it would give to the slave- hoMling interest. This fact at once enlisted opposition from the entire anti-slavery sentiment of the North. In this British abolitionism took part, and every effort was made on the other side of the water to increase the sec- tional jealousy already known to be existing. The Eng- lish press, Parliament and statesmen all treated the pro- posed acquisition a8 one in which they felt called upon to interfere. The famous ‘Texan plot,” which was matured at the “World’s Anti Slavery Convention” held tn London in 1840, was one of the results, The part to be performed by the British government embraced a double object. The large territory claimed by Texas was kuown to contain most of the remaining cotton land of North America, A virtual control of these lands would, therefore, be invaluable to British com- merce. ‘he’ country was but thinly settled, and the number of slaves was small evough to render eman- cipation of easy attainment. Thus if, by a timely interposition of her influence and diplomacy, Great Britain could establish a rival cotton producing country at our very qgor, and prevent the growth elavery there, she wouff partially prevent a growing de- pendence on the slave products of the United States, and ‘at the same time set up a barrier to the further exten- sion of Southern civilization in that direction, There was but one obstacle in the way. Texas preferred an- nexation to the United States; and, notwithstanding British assistance, believed to have been proffered to Santa Anna in 1842, when he resolved tosend an invading army into the territory for the Durpose of declaring emancipation and other objects; notwithstanding the re- solutions of Northern Legislatures and acrimonious de- bates in Congress; notwithstanding every eifort home und foreign to prevent annexation, through the patriotic efforts of General Jackson, President Tyler, Mr. Calhoun and other statesmen, on ‘the 16th of December, 1845, Texas was admitted into the Union. ‘Though thus defeated in their immediate designs, one point was gained by the friends of anti-slavery. The succeeded in obtaining a position in Congress whic! evabled them to agitate the whole Union. From that time their power began to increase, until the infection has diseased the great mass of the people of the North, who, whatever may be their opinion of the original’ abolition party, which still keeps up its distinctive organization, never fail when it comes to acting to co-operate in carrying out their measures, THE BEGINNING OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY—THE LIBERTY PARTY. ‘The year 1840 waa marked by two important events, namely, the formation of a distinct political party of abo- pos in which Iitionists, and a division in the two leading anti-slavery societies of the country. The Liberty Party arose from the fact that after a protracted experiment the candi- datee of the old parties could not to any extent, however questioned or pledged, be depended upon to do the work which the abolitionists demanded of them. Such an or- ganization was advocated by Mr. Garrison as early as 1884; but it was not until the annual meeting of the New York Anti-Slavery Society at Utica, in SAptember, 1838) that aseries of resolutions or platform was adopted, setting forth the principles of political action, and solemn- Jy pledging those who adopted then to vote for no candi- dates who wore not fully pledged to anti-slavery mea- sures. In July, 1839, a National Anti-Slavery Convention was held at Albany, and the mode of political action agaivst elavery, including the question of a distinct me ty, was fully discussed, but without coming to any defl- nite decision by vote farther than to refer the question of | march from Corpus Christi and take up his pos independent nominations to the judgment of abolitionists in their different Jocalities. ‘The Movroe county conven- tion for nominations at Rochester, N. Y., September, ‘1889, adopted a series of resolutions and an address pre- pared by Myron Holly, which have been regarded as lay- ing the real corner stone of the liberty party. He may | Resaca dela Paima. therefore be regarded, more than any other man, as its | terminated are matters of general history. Peace was ab founder. In January, 1840, a New York State Anti-Slavery Con- vention Was Held ii Genesee county, The travelling at that season of the year was bad, and delegates were in attendance from ouly six States.’ Among these were My- ron Holly and Gerrit 2 this Convention a call was issued fora National Ccuvention, aad accordingly, April 1, 1840, it assembled at Albauy,-Alvan Stuart pre eiditg.’ After a fall discussion the ‘liberty party was or. gauived, and James G. Birney and Thouias Earle were nominated for President and Vice President of the United States. At the Dresidential election inthe autumn of ar the entire vote of the liberty party amounted In 1844 the liberty candidates, James G. Bir- 1 ‘thomas Morris, received 62,00 votes. These, however, were but a small part of the professed aboll- tionists of the United States, the great majority voting e hominces of the old parties—tlarrisou, Van Buren, Clay. ne other event of the year 1840 to which we have luded was the division im the Massachusetts Anti-Slavery ty in Bostoo, and a division in the American Anti- ry Society ‘of New-Yor more or less ideutitied with each other. With- out going into the ect it may be briefly stated that the principal cause in both tustances was a difference of opinion on theological questions as applied to politics and reformatory measures, and especially theo- logical jealouries, ‘The mest rabid among the abolitionists have been infidels, or little less, from the start, and have absorbed € tics, in whatever shape it bi Tr question resulting in the been “Woman's Rights,” or, in sat position females ought so uleegy i the society. As carly as 1835 the hermaphro- dites were in the habit of delivering publ scattering publications through the land; but their wag. g10g tongues finally became such a nuisance that several clergymen published a pastoral letter in 1837 srenaiy ensuring al such unwomanly interference. The result war, ae been stated, great excitement and a subse- other words, quent s paration of the respective opponents. Shortly after this division we find the American Anti- Slavery Society, at one of 18 annual meetings, raising the fag of “No Union with Slavehoiders,”’ demanding a dis- solution of the Union, and denouncing the federal cons:i- tution a8 pro-siavery agree covenant with death and an ent with hell. eeume the history of the progress of the party, in 1836 a State Convention of abolitionists was at Port Byron, New York, at which an address was nted embodying the views of a number of indivi. duals who, while they were abolitionists at heart, were pot rabid or ultra enough to be prepared to act with the Liberty party. ‘This was printed, circulated, and gaiued adherents, sud npot ils basis, in 1847, a conveution ue. weedon, New York, when Gerrit smith Ebha Burritt and were nominated for j’resident and Vice President ef the United states; but the latter declining, the name of Charles C. Foote wards substituted. This party was known by of the Liberty League. Subsequently ite prin- ame merged into the Builulo plat or Smith was then again proposed fe for the Presidency; but the eure: » itt the Convention required the nomination of a differ- Accordivgly, Hon. John P. Hale, of New Hamyehite—an © independent democrat,” a8 be tormed himsei!—and ‘lon. Levester King, of Obio, were nomi- nated. This, nowever, was only temporary; and another conyention was called, and held at Buflalo, Angust 9, 1548, cc posed of “the opponents to slavery extension irrespective of parties,” and including, of course, all these committed to the one idea of abolition. It was ope of the ost remarkable political meetings on record, for it was tue beginning of the political drama which bas since resulted in a dissolution of the | Union. multitudes, from all parts of the non-rlaveholding States, of all political parties, came together, and seemed to be melted into one by their common Zeal «gaingt the aggressions of slavery. ‘Though they looked ouiy to the restraint of slavery within tl bounds which they claimed our fathers had erected for its protection, still the opposition sprang from the strong anti slavery sentiment already pervading the country. It was the sprioging up of the green blade and the forming of the ear from the wany years sowing of the abolitionists. ‘The nomination of Martin Van Buren and Charles Francis Adame, of Massachusetts, was mace with great unanimity thusingm, though ‘by a body comporod of original ciements of the most extreme cortrariety. Mersrs. Halo and King, a8 was expected, withdrew their names. The old liberty party was absorbed in the new organization, whose platiortn was broad enough (o satis(y any reasun- able abolitionist. Mase meotings wore hela in evory village to hoar the new word, and within a few months an ope ise» as communicated to the great mase of the Northern mud which hae constituted the basis of its action ever since. The number of votes cast for these candidates in 1848 was 201,263. ‘The platform was substantialty aa follows mye the | lo propose no interference by Congress with slave Okina The timite of any State; that the foderal poi ment bas no constitutional power over lie, liberty or property without due legal process; that Conggess has uo more power to inuke a rlave than to make @ k more power to establivh slavery than to est monarchy; that Congress ought (o prohibit slavery tho Territories; that the iesue of the slay cepted—no more slave States and uo slave y more compromises; aid iually, the estab ishinent free government in California apd New Mexico. Tn 15f2 this same George W. Julian. Tho is ac- ‘ofa ty nominated Jotm P. Hale and number of votes thom cast wos 166,825. The platform was much the same ne that which preceded it four years before, though more progressito and revolutionary in seve- ral of its ideas, ono of ita clauses being ‘that slavery is @ sin against God and @ crime against tun, which no human enactment nor can make right, and that Christianity, bumanity an alke demand it# abolition.” Another clause rhe Republican Couvention assembled at Philadelphia, June 18, 1856, when Jobu C. Fremont and Win. L. Daytomt ‘were nominated for President and Vice President of tha United States, aud in the following November received 1,341, votes. “The election for 1860 bas ouly recently terminated ip the elevation to the head of the federal gover ment of Abr Lincola and Hannibal iu by a purely lavery vote of 1,865,840, Tha events which preceded it are too fresh to require repetition: but, for the frat time in the history of our confederacy, we look upon the spectacle of a seas Uonal party; defiant, unyielding and ree sorry whose principles aim a blow direct at the annihilation one of the institutions of the South, in the full flush of victory, singing peans of glory over its success, with @ Union dissolving around it, while another portion of the country ig agitated to its very centre in preparations for self protection aguipst the usurpationa which, from press and pulpit, and floor of Congreas, have been so boldly threatened. Whether as abolition, liberty, free soil or re= publican, the party has always shown the cloven hoof, aud the best efforts of its more considerate friends have never: been able to cover the deformity. Into the masses . bas instilled the most unrelenting hatred to slavery, wr’ all other ideas, feelings and passions have for te been swallowed up in this one overwhelming sentime . It has dissolved the Union, though formed and mented in the blood of our fathers, rather than it sho: tolerate an institution which is older than the U1 as shed the blood of innocent white men while “ n the discharge of their sworn duty, and mac a id nd orphans rather than return an escaped servant to his master and obey the constitution of the country. Such is the spirit which controls this party, by what- ever name it be known. Its leaders, claiming to stand by principle, hug to their bosom the most damning political heresies. Pretending ia obey God and reverence the Bible, some of them are the most unblushing infidels, who boldly proclaim that tha Sacred Word is not worth the paper upon which it is printed, unless it denounce slavery and applaud aboli- tionism, and would teach that the constitution of our country is the consummation of every iniquity. Some of them again claim to be followers of Jesus, but convert their sacred desks into political rostrums, from whicia are fulminated the falsest denunciations that a diseased mind can conjure into existence. Claiming to be teach- ers of religion and peace, they prove the authenticity of their holy commission by exhortations to eivil war, col~ lections of Sharpe's rifles, and playing the clown among, the falling ruins of the republic, NEGRO CONSPIRACY IN LOUSIANA. The year 1841 was marked by another attempt at ins surrection. On the 22d of July, during a hot night, seves ral negroes were overheard conversing in their quarters on a plantation, near New Orleans, respecting au insur rection in which they intended to join. An investigation was made the next day, and resulted in tracing out @ widely extended organization the slaves of tha neighborhicod, having a general rising in view. Thig early discovery of the plot of course prevented its cons sumtation, and the execution and punishment of the ia~ stiga ors soon quelled every design of an outbreak. Jn 1845 we fiud Cassius M. Clay mobbed in Lexington Ky., and his paper, the &/ue American, stopped, the presses, type, &., being packed up and forwarded to Cine cinnati, for advocating the incendiary doctrines of tha abolitionists, and thereby producing an excitement. mong the slaves, and arousing apprehensions in tha Sanity Jest they should rise in rebellion against ng whites, THE MEXICAN WAR, We havo already brought our chronological history down to the year 1845, when Texas was admitted as @ State. It was during the progress of annexation that the government of Mexico served a formal notica ay. | mente— the causes iu each case | gotiated between them, aud to the use by on the United States that annexation would be viewed in the light of a declaration of war, This notice, however, was of little avail, and before the close of the year 1845 Oongrer had consummated the act. The war broke out i+ April, 1846, the second year of Mr, Polk’s administratio and on the 11th of May the President issued his procla- mation to that effect. A large portion of the weetern dos main of Texas, as now described, was disputed territory, oceupied by Mexicans and under Mexican rule at the time of and after annexation. General Taylor was ordered ta jon om the Rio Grande, opposite Matamoras, thus traversing the disputed territory from its eastern to its western border. The Mexican army, on the opposite side of theriver, immediately commenced hostilities, and soo after followed the battles of Palo Alto an@ How the war was continued and last dictated to Mexico on the 30th of May, 1848, and re- sulted in a surrender by her of a large belt of her north- ern territories, extending from the Rio Grande to the Pa- cific, inclading California, though at that time its im- mense wealth and great importance were not fully ap= preciated. In Congress and 1 the people of tha North the war was not popular, It was said to be @ fcheme for the*acquirement of more slave territor, ond this fac} of Iteelt exited contention throughout the THE WILMQT PROVISO, . On the 12th of August, 1846, a Dill being under consides ration in the Committee of the Whole, making further provision for the expenses attending the inter= course between the United States and Mexico, Mr. David Wilmot, of Pennsylvania, moved the following ainend Provided, that as an express and fundamental conditi the acquisition of territory from the republic of Mexic. the United States, by virtue of any ‘treaty. whish may be'ne- the Executive of the moneys herein appropriated, neither slavery nor involunta: servitude shail ever exist in buy part of said territory, exept Tor erime, whereof the par:y sliall iret be duly convicted. This amendment was adopted by a vote of yeas 77, nays 68, The bill was not voted on in the Senate, that body adjourning sine die before it reached that stage. On the 8th of February, tae Three Million bill being under consideration, a similar amendment was offered in the House, and on the 15th was adopted by a vote of The Senate having passed a simtfar bill, which cante be(ore the House oS the 31 of March, 1847, Mr. Wilmot moved to amend the sime by adding his provigo thereto; but it was rejected bya vote of yeas 97, nays 102, The Senate bill, without the amendment of Mr. Wilmot, then beoame alaw. This ce- lebrated proviso has boon offered by different Senators and representatives to various bills since. Its popular ‘use, in fact, since that time, constitutes a great che cr in the political history ot the«ountry. Fora long tine it bas aa in the ears of the public, and it will ney: > cease until the question of slavery ceases to be a politiear question in the organization of new Territories and new States. Tn 1848 Connecticut. which had never passed a law com- pletely abolishing slavery, and which then contained some cightor ten slaves, through her Legislature enacted ite total abolivon forever, compelling the masters of the few shoves existing ¢ port them for life: ‘The escape of Save«from the South hms beenone of the prin 1s of abolition ever since the idea i940. Men and women have been found North ai uth wie, either from philanth motives: er coder the pecuniary inducements of abolit societies, have iu their escape. Among these New England arms '’ and school masters have played an , and Reveral were from time to time arrested. One Delia Webster suilered for such an interference with other people's affairs by an incarceration in the penitentiary at Lexrgton, Ky., in 1845, for two Jeare. Auother, Rov. Chi:les Torrey, for similar offences. ‘Was sentenced! to six yoars in the Maryland Dut died before the expiration of the sentence Many other instauces of a similar nature might cited: but these are cnough to indicate the extent which fanaticism ¢ its followera, sal The year 184° was cha: acterized by the usual yew which the anti-slavery svcieties industriously endeavor te distill into the community. Fred. Douglass, Kdmuna Quincy, Francis Jackson, Abby Kelly, Garrison, Phillips Pillsbury, Luey Stone, Theodore Parker, and a retinue « Digger orators, escaped slaves and othere, regularly held their mectings and indulged in their customary rhodo- moutades, At the New Lngland Convention, which us- sembled during this year,» series of one handred cou- ventions for the purpose of agitating the question of dis- solution of the Union was commenced in usotts, and fonds were raised for the purpose. Some of these meetings were broken up by indignant mobs, bat tRey were mainly allowed to go on, and accumulated disciples. THE FOURTH EPocu, THE COMPROMISE MEASURES OF 1850. The next importan’ move upon the political chess- board with reference to slavory preceded the adoption of the celebrated measures familiarly known by the: above title, or as the “Omnibus bill of 1860." The evente which led to this measure may bo briefly stated thus:— Ever since 1848 a storm had been lowering in the poli- tical horizon of the country on the slavery question, hreatening to disslve the Union, which necessarily burst over Congress in legislating for the new Territories Tought into the Union by the reault of the Mexican war. Probably no subject bas been presented since the adop- tion of the federal constitution involving questions of such deep and vital importance to the inhabitants of the different States of the confederacy ag that in recerenee to- the territory thus acquired. Not only was the sentiment avowed of the existence of danger to the Union, but im Various quartere was heard an open and undisywised de- claration of @ necessity and desire for its dissolution. Gen, Taylor was elected, « new administration came into- power, and being somewhat identified with the Northorn ti-slavery elements, as opposed to the democratic party, & tremendous agitation was at once created, and tho = question of slavery was thrown again.Jnto the er- Thirtieth Congress tind ajc ’ \ efloct that the Pug tive Slave law of 1860, being repugnant to the prineiples of Christianity end the principles of the ‘common law, had vo binding force upon the American No. the republican party of 1856 was merely an eni ment or extengion of the old free roll organization of preceding cight years. It was modified, it is true, by Inany of the evente of the time, but its foundation wae Jaid upon iwely the game prince that had been enuneiated during the previous twelve years. It wag emphatically m Northern party, extending only hore and there by rome straggling ovtports over the nye bounds. to thelr future government and destiny Uuikorme haa gone forward without avking leave, trmea a State gov- ernment, prohibiting slavery, and put itemuchinery in operation. “Utah was governed by a igh: amt arbitrary spiritual tiem an New Mexico war under military rule, ordered frota the reat of federal powor at Waahiag- fon, In addition to thir it was discovered thet Mexico abolished slayory, and consequently hat the ier li of all the countrins eolud %, Mexico to the United states oxcluded slavery. The iImot proviso had ben carriod in the Houxo, bat faved. in the Senate, and waited only for the admis#ion of Gali~