The New York Herald Newspaper, January 11, 1861, Page 8

———- THE REVOLUTION. (CONTINUED FROM FIRST PAGE) 3890, s ken 48 & bambehell thrown into the secession eamp, tnasmuch as Mr. Trumbull is viewed as the Sena- tortal spokesman for Mr. Lincoin. - There is no diaguising the fact that the repub‘stans ‘will oppose the Crittenden propositic, because Usey con- sider it the embodiment of the late Breck*nriige plat. form, whieb it is the intention of certain politicians to ‘Meorporate into the constitution. They will consent t> ‘the restoration of the Missouri pla.igormn, pure and simple, Dui will not agree to extend the line. THE LATEST FROM THE CAPITAL. Wasurvoroy, Jan. 10, 1862. The following Gespevch has just been received here, from Charleso7n, eleve'a o'clock at night, too late to get ep anewer'as requir’. d:— Ys the Brocklym ordered to Charteston? If 80, you will hear to-mortow of @ scene of blood umparalioled m a civilised er~untry. If the President is ia caraest he ‘ean prevent ¥ by a despatch to the Governor, or Major anderson through him. It will end all compromises if ¥t goes on, ind the best blood of the land will make a gulf timetannot heal, Let sae hear from you at ovee. 1 js staéved in high secession circles that Major Ander- son will Sespatch one of his officers, Licutenamt Talbott, Ww thiscity, whe will be authorized to state officially all Me facts ip relation to the tring into the Star of the West, ‘the result of the interview “Potween Major Andersow and Gov. Pickens, and as near ‘as possible the exact start of ailairs at Charleston. ‘The government wii feel in honer bound to reinforce <apderson, if it :oeis Se destruction of Charleston, THIRTE-SILTH CONGRESS. BRCOND GRBPION. Warasreron, Jan. 10,1861. Prayer was <iered by Rev. Mr. Gurky. After the reading of the journal, Mr. Sxwasm,.(rep.) of N. Y., presented a memorial of ‘We citizens of New York city praying for the adoption ‘ef wise, just,equitable measures for the preservation of the Union. Laid on the table for the present. Mr. Scorer, (rep.) of Mass., presented a memorial of the Synod of the Presbyterian church, now helding at Alle- sbeny City, Pa., asking Congress that provisions be made for the eapress aoknowledgment of the being and autho- rity of a God, Secondly, for the acknowledg- ment of the authority of God and Christ. ‘Third, for the recognition of the firm obligation to obey God's lew. Fourth, that the principles of God's law are ekarly adverse to slavery. Referred to the Judiciary Committee. Mr. Ries, (opp.) of Min., | eg nt praying for the postponement of the ific Railroad bill, on the teey that it is injudicious to mereage the public debt. for the present, ; Mr. KENxxpy, (opp.) of Md., presented a memorial froanowetye thousned citisens of Baltimore, graying for means to restore peace and harmony. Tabled for the prosent. Mr. Hung, (rep) of N. H., presented the credentials of his eolicague, Daniel Clark, ‘as Senator fer six yeare after the fourth of March next. ’ Received and read. Mr.'Bicurx, (opp.) of Pa, presented a memorial of citizens of Philadelphia, asking for the pensioning of the survivors and of the chikdren and widows of soldiers of The ‘War of 1812. Aiso.a memorial of citizens of New orm ering, for to -adoption of measures for the States calling a Con- vention to amend the constitution. Tabled for the ent. Also a memorial of citizens of Philadelphia, praying for the adoption of the resolution of the Senator’ from Ken- duoky proposing umeudmeuts to the constitution. “Tabled present. Mr. SupELL Copp.) of Ia., called up his resolution of yesterday, relative to the appointment by the President ‘of a Secretary of War. Mr. Siuve1t said there has been a gross violation. The President of the United States has not acted right in ap- anting an officer to hold oflice only twelve or fourteen 6 without the fact being made kuown to the Senate, without its being submitted to their approbation: ‘The power was only intended to be exercised when the Senate was net in session. Mr. Baek said a great many difficulties surrounded this case. ‘Mr. Gren, (opp.) of Mo., would vote for the resolution ‘without censuring anybody. Mr. Sactswcry, (opp.) of Del., called for the ayes and oes, whieh were taken, as follows: é essrs.. Bayard, Brown, Chestnut, Douglas, Dur Hamlts, Hammond, Harlan, Johnion of Ark., Ma , Thompson, Toombs—14. essere. Fessenden, Collsmer, Foote, Foster, Dixon, t, Rive, Kennedy, Hunter, Clay, Pitz Davis, Mallory, jamin, Hemphill, Wigtall, Sebastian, Pow ell, Crittenden, Johnson, Nicholson, Green, Polk, Latham, Baker, Trigh—35. : Nays-—Messrs, Anthony, Bingham, . Doolittie, Grimes, Hale, King, Saulsbury, Sew: Biniwoos, Sumner, Trumbull, Wade, Wilkinson, Wilson—! SPRRCH OF MR, DAVIS ON THE CRISIS, Mr. Davis, (opp.) of Migs, said:—When I closed yee terday 1 intended to have wade seme argument upon the question of constitutional rights which have ded the country; but events, with a current rolling onward a it progresses, have borne me past the point when pow it is needful for me to speak on those ques- tions today. Therefore it ie my purpose to deal with events, Abstract arguments have become among the things that are pat. We have to deal now with facts Jn order that we may meet these facts and apply them to the present condition, it is well to inquire: What is the state of the country? The constitution provides that from time to time the President shall communicate ‘formation on the state of the country. The Message before us gives us very Little beyond that which the world—indeed, lew than reading men—knew before it was communicated. What, Senators, to-day, is the condition of the country? From every quarter comes the ‘wailing of patriotism, pleading for the preservation of the great inheritauce we derived from our fathers. Is there a Senator who does not daily receive letters ap- pealing to him to use his power to save the rich inherit ance which our fathers gave us? The stern face of man 3s seen now with tears trickling down his cheeks. And those who have bled for the ag of our country, and are walling to die for it, are powerless before the plea that a party bas laid down a platform, and come what will, Ubeogh roin stare us ip the face, consistency must be ad- bered toaud the government lost. In (his state of the case, then, we turn to ask, what is the character of the adminis ‘ation? What is the Executive Department doing” What assurance have we for the peace of the country’ We came back from (hat inquiry with the mournful conv ic- tion that feeble hands now hold the reins of State, that ¢rivellers are taken in as counsellors, not provided for by the constitution, and vacillation is the law, The policy of ‘the great government is changing with every changing rumor, Nay, more, it is changing with every causeless fear, In tits state of the case, after complications bad been introduced, alter we were brought to the verge of etvil war, after hothing had been done to preserve the peace of the land, then we are told at this last hour that the question is thrown to the door of Congress, and with you rests the responsibility Had the garrison at Gharleston been calied back thirty, or ten days ago, peace would have spread her pinions ‘over this land and calm negotiations been the order of the day, Why is it not recalled? No reasou has yet been offered, save Uhat the government is bound to preserve its pro- perty. As we look trom North to South, (rom Kast to West, we find few garrisons where troops are ke except (or special purposes. Not for the coercion of a State, not to threaten a State, but merely for the pur pose of discipline, | asked in this Senate weeks ago what causes: peril now at Fort Moultrie. Is it the weakness of the garrison? J apswered do, Had an orderly wergeaut represented the federal government then, had there been no troops aud no physical force to protect that fort, | wonkd have pledged my lite npon the issue that no question would Leve been made as to the seizure. Now we find, fot Only there but elsewhere, we tind move mente Of troops sill further to complicate this question and horribly to precipitate us upon the civil war. Hurried ‘on by this government, repo Ube congent of the governet. the affections of the pe Furtively sending troops io cceupy positic: thould Beize then, When was it that t had not the power to quell a moby fut find that, upder cover of night, troops are dein one position Lo ocenpy avother. Bort W. ing in lovely grandeur, ov 4 the Potora the ashes of the father of “is Country near by to prevent au artaed abip coming ap to atiack thie city-—Fort Washington is gar reeged by marines sent secretly from the barracks at Waxbington. Fort Me Hen +) yeadered sacred by our ational song, is garrisoned &) a detachmens ines semt from this place under cover of niglvt wiors, the responsbility ie thrown at the @oor of Coaxrese. Let us take 4 eo his last howe, te the pillars of eur Qenetey. ani t hold ther or wehed ia the fall ‘Then, iny Seems what if our duty’ Are we to gu on ‘areron, river: eposing AP TUnE hte ware Aro we to stand idly by and aliow au eleet of the sry te Are we to allow an unr u to tnake wary Are ny to make war? Are wart No, sit, Our and to Congress We @ allow u general of th we to allow a President to tal fathers wage dat yowor 0 Om alone nel owen mi . whole convtry sers, that we are dr(ling imo a wot be tween the Unde States and a single Yate. oes tt he come the Senate fit lietlers by r questions of riyist, and read pateb long since gove from the ei:thy meet events as they come, and mamfully and porrioi ally to strnggle with diticulties that now hear dows upon ue? But im the Mersage we aro told the thie dietriet fa iu danger. la dauger of what? From whom the da Sesh. thease am hare to-day whe dre, the deliberations of this bedy are to be \uterrupted by an ermed forge? le there « raun here who would wot prevor 0 fall, in the dignity of his stavion as the representative of a gicat peaceful country, rather than to be pro by anarmed band’ And’ yet the rumor ix—sud rompers comin t0 b@#O true that we beleve a Ort that tao con panies Of artillery are to be quaricred this clay to preserve pewe Aro we invaded? there ineurreetion’ Are there two Senators here who woul: not go forth: to put down any reviete that show» sell mm this Diet jet againet the government of the | nited States’ We who claim our rights under the covstity tion—we who 6.'#im that our rights are ceserved t» the States—we eork , er bY force and for no advantage which Jawe and the gover, Mem go not wive un. We have never appealed 1 war, We Dever pked for the army NEW YORK HERALD, FREDAY, JAN’yary ii, 1861. and the “avy to maintain our rights. On tho soil of Mise'ssipp} not the foot of a sokdier bas been iMpreeed since 1819, when, flying from the yellow fever, they sought ref\ thin the limits of our State, Ou th e’soi) of Misvissippi there breathes not a man who asks for any other poe ‘than that which the constitu tion gives, or than our own strong arms and the brave Learts of her sons can yield. Then, Senators, we are rapidly drifting into a position in which this is to become a government of.the army and navy, in which the au- thority of the United States is to be maintained—not by law, and not by constitutional agreements between States, but by physical force. And will you stand still and see this policy confirmed? Will you fold your hands, the degenerate descendants of those men who pro- Claimed the eternal fact that government rests on the congent of the governed, and that the people have a right to modify and change tie policy of govern- ment when it — to ages p By 2A ends for hg lished, an % - anchored, it 4 ‘sud by the Senator from New York (Mr. Seward) that this government could ined D: that a government of force was a despotism, It was a great truth, come (rom what quarter it may, Such was pot the goverbment instituted by our fathera, aud against it, so long as I live, with heart and with hand 1 will re- bel. This brings me toe passage in the Message where itsays: “1 bave not power to make war on avy State; but the right to use the military force of the government on the defensive, against apy assault on the property of the federal goverpment, is clear and undeniable.” Is tt go? here does he iv were so jewlous of a stan soereely would permit any Where did he the undeniable power ‘the forces of the United States in the maaner he pro- ? Mr. Davis then referred to the conduct of Wash- ‘m the insurreotaon in Pennsylvania, and claimed that Washington used the militia ef the adjoining States, and this was done.at the request of Governor Mitilia. But Taak again, what power has the President to use the army and navy, save with the consent ef the constitu- tion? Are weto have drumkead courts substituted for those which the constitution provides? Are we to ‘have & Sergeant step over the land instead of the civil magistrate? Not so, thought the elder Adams. And, in passing, I will pay to him the tribute what he de- serves, more than any other man in the history of this See government, the credit for the military which prevailed in his administration. Adams "reverted pages of history, back to the empire of ses and he drew from that foundation the very articles of war which exist to-day in this government. He said he selected them be- cause they had borne twonations to the pinnacle of glory. Then, Senators, we are brought to confront passing events. A little garrison in the barbor of Charleston occupy apost which, lam sorry to say, they gained by a 1 of ob- ligation between the parties concerned. Aud here T may do justice to one who has net the power on this floor to pol ge wales el friend here, And, let me Bay, (ais reanari does not apply to Major Anderson: is orders, committed an act of hostility. he dismantled Fort Moultrie and spiked the guns, he put South Carolina in the attitude ‘of an enemy to the United States, when he had not any just cause for apprehension. Vague rumors bad arisen’ that parties meant to take Fort Moultrie. But, sir, a soldier should be confronted by an overpowering force before he spiked his guns and burned the carriages. A soldier should be confronted by a public enemy before he destroys the property of the United States, lest it abould fall into the toms of suchanenemy. Was that fort built for such a urpose, or for the protection of Charleston harbor? Was it armed to make that protection good? If so, what right had any soldier to destroy that armament, lest it should fall into the hands of South Carolina? Some time since I presented resolutions on this subject, and | in- voked the attention of the Senate to that form of the ques- tion. whether a garrison should be kept within the limits of a State, agaifiBt the consent of that State. Clear was I then—I am now—in the opinion that no garrison should be kept within the State during a time of peace, if the State believed the presence of garrison was either offensive or dangerous. Our army is maintained for the common defence, to which every State contri- butes, and it isa jon of purpose for which these ‘forts were built, when a. ison is there with a view to threaten, intimidate, or cont State in any respect. Senator from Ohio (Mr. Wade) has said he did not intend to coerce a , Dut we the right to coerce individuals who comet ee laws. ie is @ State? Is it land, or houses, or taxab! Bropert Destroy a ple, and yet not make war on aS ot in iko akg war and desolation in favor of peace. Then it is admitt on every hand that we have no power to coerce a State. Lask ‘bat is the uso of a i within a Statey The Btate needs no defence. The answer of every candid mind must be no, and the answer of every patriotic press. must be, that peace requires that, under such cireum- stances, the garrison must be withdrawn. Let the Senate to-day pass these lutions, aud you have taken one long step towards e, and one Jong step toward the preservation of the Union of our fathers. The Message of December had all the character. istics of a dij ic paper, for diplomacy is eaid to ab hor # certainty as much a8 bature abhors @ vacuum, and it was not in the power of man to reach any conclusion or opinion from that Message. This was not what we had aright to claim from the Chief Magistrate. We had a right to have one policy or the other, and one policy or the other he should have taken. If he hat heen a fede. ralist, if he believed this to be a government of force, if he believed it to be a consolidated government and not 4 confederation of States, he should have said no State has a right to secede, and the federal government must empower me with physical force to subdue a State. Bat Wf pot, iv he was a State rights man, and a democrat, a8 for many years it has been my pleasure to acknowledge our Yenerated Chief Magistrate to be, then the other Jine of policy would have been right He should have said that the constitution gave no power (o coerce a State. The constitution gave the army for purposes of common defence, and for purposes of do- mestic tranquillity, but the constitution contem- plated the using of that army againt a State. A State, exercising the sovereign function of secession, is beyond the reach of the government, unless we woo her back with words of peace and fraternity. One policy or the , One opinion or the other, one application or toe ‘he should have bronght forward, aud to-day our country wonld haye stood better than it ‘does. And what is this present Message? Doos it benotit the case? Is there any solution offered bere? We are not informed as to the propositions offered by Soath Carolina, or how they terminated. We are loft drift- ing and lost, without a chart ora guide. The-e.is in our recent history an event which might have suggested a policy to be pursued. When a foreign moment, having no citizenship in the United States, declaring war against it and making war "pon it—when the inhabitants of a Territory, in open rebellion and disgraced by institn- tious offensive to the common law of every State—when they held this attitude of rebellion—when we had the power to use the troops of the government—we first sent commissioners of peace to woo them back to duty. But when South Caroliva, a sovereign State, resumes the grant she had delegated to the general goverument— when South Corolina stands in an attitude which threa tens, within a short period, to involve the country in civil war, unless the policy of the federal government is changed, no suggestion is made to us. This govern ment might send Commissioners there. No sugges tion is made that we should be better informed, or that we should have any policy of peace here, But we are told that the army aud navy of the United States are in the power of the President. Then, my friends, shall we stand stil! and allow events to drift us on fatally? Are we to do nothing to restore peace? Shall we not, in addition to the propositions 1 have already made, withdraw the forees which complicate the question, and send Commissioners there in order that we inay learn what the community desires—what this community will do to put the two uations on friendly relations. 1 will not weary the Senate by going over the argument of coercion which my friend from Obio (Mr. Pugh) has so exhaust ed. But let me say that, among all the painful reflections which crowd upen me by day and by night, none have weighed more heavily than the reool. lection that our separation separites the ties which bind us to the Northern people, with whom we are glad to recognixe the Senator. Now let us return one moment to consider what would have been the state of the case if the garrison at Charleston had been with drawn. The forts would have stood there, not dismay tied, Dut under the Lands of an orderly sergeant Commissioners would have come to treat on all ques. tions with the federal governtneut, aud these forts would have remained to answer the purpose for which they were built. as defences for South Carolina as an independent State, Then she might have held to us such relations as Rhode Island did to the dissolved States of the confederation, Those forte would have stood there, and if the mame fooling whieh once exisied among the people of the States sub ivted still, and Chose forts wer eked, the brave mon of every State would have r to their rescue, and el eof a State iden jated with o Id The fret act of these mon we been te Ppeal to every generous motive of this people met to reconsider bow they could live together. There onld have been no coercion, and no question of property which that State would pot*have been ready to meet " tion presented, it would have re onl from the ebarge 0 er there to be taining @ f and thrown. it if she resolved ee WO evil could Whet evil the « pid a high crit # Wisest man | pon t mtg ti We are ity th $i aceme to tis, and thelr win dependent. Thus resuited. We se polioy ma te (0 Mrs Calhoun ever knew, | hie despatches ye that we hands of meu te are pew hive the reeponerbiltty thrown upon us Which justifies ue in demanding the infor the ergene whieh th re apy poiot of pride that prevent drrwing Uiet garrison’ Thave heard tt said by gentioman that the great objection was un u to lower the flag. To lower Ue fag? Under x stances’ Does any man's courage impel boldty by fate, and does any man br on a point of courage? Ife he is less than a man. ‘There ‘These are your brethren, aad te glory upon. that flag ae any hout the Union. They are where the first Unian flag wae unfurled sht the gallant battle before the Declaration of Kallone ingness wat olrewtm stoned ghting bis he is to be called a ho aueh point of ly brat: pride. and theew up ailed by the British t the enemy, that fae there are gone, the corroding onrrent has been carriedaway the site on which the old Fort Moulty ented. The gallant m fold bave mingled |. h the earth, but the in the hearts of # gallant prople. The live, and they Whe heir tacbere, are wed and die the cause (or whiok . Weered Cl. rious are the memories clinging around that old fort, which pow, for the first time, hae been absndoned, net een in the presen afin, bot wader the imagination that a for miyht history compares prondly with) then, to pinned pen a point of pri Hor ancient Aro we 4 gens 4 1 may say, go to which fort be plessed in the harbor, but in doing #0 he nee Was made, Not the flag of thirtoon irty-tbree stars, but the fag of King tripe running through it, when | as this, when the blood ef our heaven st civil war? Can there be @ poiut of ide on that, soil where our fathers died? pride, keptlike a sacred memento of the past us can look with sacred interest, and glorious days when we were born. Tn t was read yesterday, speaking of Fort it stood without a garrison, it was said that it was Beg capable of defence. Did the Carolinians take it? "iq they propose to seize it? It stood then safe, a8 P ybiic roperty. Then it might have stood while neko" ,gtiona were going on. Jt was the faith upon which relied that the foderal government would take no p o hostility to them, and they thus lost the aqy, which T think fpmething 4s be violated. Why, Twas under that assurance, and a half doven other Seutitors felt, secure under the pledge, that ogthing would ‘be done antil ——_ should be terminated, untoss it was to w . ‘Then, we, the federal government, broke faith, and from that first act of unprovoked hostility came all these agts to which reference is made in the Measage— ie woulé not use these forts for attack instead of for protec- tion, and they seized the forts to prevent the enemy taking them, for an cnemy they were compelled to be- lieve this government was. Now what is the remedy? Aseure them that you do not intend to use physical force against them; that you intend to consider calmly all the claims which they make to the rights which they possess; that you intend to settle with them upon a basis tm accordan :¢ with the Declaration of 0 and the coast of the United States. When you do that, prevails over the land, and foree becomes a thing which BO man can threaten. 1 have here inserted a question which I will not argue. It is the right of aState to with- dr The President says we have not the constitutional right to withdraw, and the Senator from Ohio (Mr. Wade) and bis ally, the Senator from Tennessee (Mr. Johuson) say it is no right at all. Mr. Davis then ar; that the right of secession was among the re- served rights of the States; that the States did not surrender their sovereignty; that the constitution was ratitied by the States, and was a compact between the States. He said that the States which seceded from the old constitution stood in the very position which is now, by abuse of terms, called treason. He referred to the speech of the Senator from Tennessee (Mr. Johnson), and asked what he meant by tighting in the Union. He said he did not see how men connected by a bond of union could tight each other. Mr. Jounson, (opp.) of Tenn., explained that he meant to stay in the Union and keep here and contend for all the tees of the constitution. It Senators staid in their places Mr. Lincoln’s administration could do nothing witbout the consent of the Senate, and po en- croachments could be made on their rights. Mr. ares ge! 1 sada. the serie: ‘a is. @ sort t of votes and arguments, re: fore does not justify the President in calling out the military and converting the capital into a military oe @ 1 have to say, once for all, that 80 lon as am Senator here, I will not use the powers possess to destroy the governihent. While I represent will not attempt to destroy the administration by re- fusing any officers, to administer {ts functions. T will yote, as I have ‘done, with the administrations to which I have stood in the nearest relation, against a bad nominarion, if I could expect to be here, but I never would agree under the forms of the constitution, with the powers I hold ag a Senator of the United Statcs, to turn these powers to the destruction of the goverpment. I leave that to gentlemen who take the cath with a mental reservation. It is my policy, if I must have revolution, if nothing but blood will suf- fice, I say let it be a revolution such as our fathers waged when denied their rights. So much for that. I hoj it will quiet apprehension, that the militia will not called out, and the female schools will continue to be kept as heretofore. Are we, in this age of civilization, and ‘@ political ress which seems to render it poasible that the millenium may be scea—are we now to roll back the current of human thought, and again recur to brute force, lice that which remains between dogs and beasts of prey, as a means of questions between man and man? Is it to be oar fathers fought the battles of the Re inalienable rights, for the purpose constitution to Posterity AB a could only gain these rights by force? If so, then the blood of the revolution was spent in vain, and no great rinciple was established, for force was in ion efore the revolution was fought. I question to ask why is this right denied ? have brought this conflict between two sections, in which one is struggling for domination, and the other for existence. It claims you shall not go, and you shall not remain with your rights; you shall remain as hewers of wood aud drawers of water for us. If that is to be made the issne, and we are to be held to that position by force, we accept the wager of battle, and Mississippi, in her brief history, claims to have shown at Pensacola and at Orleans something of the spirit of the freemen who achieved our independence; and it has also been my satisfaction to know that the present: yeneration have not derogated from the history of those whe went before them. On many a bloody field, both in foreign and Indian wars, has ascended’ many a proud spirit of Mississippi, now enshrined in glory, and Jook- ing down upen us to see if we vindicate the glory of our State, and to see if our hearts beat trne. lf this right were admitted, we should haye fewer calls to exercise it than we do. There would be less danger from the dominant section. There would be les® tendency to nse this power to injure others, is the right denied? It is a metaphysical question, at the best, But we come to the fact that States have gone out, and what is the use of arguing the right? The only question that remains is, first, have you the right to coerce them back? and, secondly, haye you the power? My friend from Louisiane (Mr, Benjamin) refer- red to the disastrous scenes which might be imagined by the invasion of the South, but be did not offer the other side of the picture. An army with banners would do bat litte harm in mareh- ing through a country covered with plantations. 3 They would find but lute subsistence, and sparser settlements. How stands it on the other side? Popa lous cities and towns. There the torch and the sword would do its work with dreadful havoc. Starving miflions would weep over the cupidity of those who had presented them with the sad result. We do not desire these things—seek vot to disturb your pros- ity. We have rejoiced in your prosperity. We ve used your ships for the purposes of transportation and communication, We have gloried in the extension of American commerce, and in every achievement, when you have carried our flag, and if we must leave you, We can leave vou still with good will. We prefer your prosperity should continue, If we must part, we can put our relations on that casis which will give you the advantage of a favored trade with us, aud still make it mutually beneficial to each other. But if you will not, then it is an isaue trom which we Will not rhrink; for, between oppression and freedom, between right and’ power, we will invoke the God of Battles, and meet our fate, whatever it be. Mr. Davis referred to Sr. Jehnson’s ‘speech again, eonteod ing that the authorities he quoted were many of them in favor of the right of secession. But question which now presents itself-to the country is; What shall we do with events, as they stand? Shall we allow this separation to be total? shall we render it peaceful’ or shall we have it partial, and will they give each State military power, and revenue power, and still preserve a common agency, yet not separating thom #0 entirely as to create any additional work in reconstruction? I waive the question of quality. There js no quality, unless there are two confederacies, which seetns to’ me consistent with the interests of cither or both, Tt may be that two con- federacics could be 80 organized, that States agreeing with each other in internal policy, might associate to- gether these two confederacies, snd they might have relations with each other #0 close as to give them nnity of power in time of war against a foreign cnemy. These things, it devolves wy you, the majority see tiom, to consider, Mr. Davis then went on to urgue that the republicans bad. not acted, and had re fused the propositions offered in the committee, contending that if the republic shoukl fail, it would not prove that self goverament bad foiled, and still less will Kberty be destroyed. There will be injury to all sections. Time has rotled up past the point when propositions could be made, and be would not say how propositions would be received if they were made. He referred to the rise of the republic, and spoke of the efforts he bad mate here to av evils, But the only response frotn the te Was stolid indifference. He denied there was body at the South jn favor of monarchy, but were in earnest in this separation, It had gt ing, but it was not heeded. He closed as folk the time is near at hand when the places Un , shall know ua in few days longer to to avert the oat be one of you. Mf have labored le trophe which now descends npon th ni geet it here 1 adr wiilit be as little Iwilow us to separate peaceably, Peoceably together, and to go with rights before, gince we cannot enjoy them in the then there are many relat whieh may till exist between us, which may be bene tie t yon as weil to we. Bat if You will not d® this, if. in the wer con ©, YOu say we shall remain as servants to’ y: ar—a war is about to be inaugur eC which was never seen or heard of wily numerous on both aides, with may places et with friends, whe will give their wre, the contiiet will be ® “ul masses ot the People must bleed, and after years of destruction on For sides, and jugation upon neither, a treaty of peace will be made. Both torn and bleediog, the walle of the widow the h of the oF. phan wii be sa! peace which new You will agree with each to pw beet he may, This te the end long years of distress you have might we bad at tr there patriotiem in the land? If so, the this question is caay If not, then Wiseiee lunt sone will stand like @ wall of fire are: own State, and 1, thongh not in hostility ¢ and allegiances to her, will toke my 8, for good or for i, T sha the of warning © in your hands. a i, an well would |} had the po « hotween ua forever. say. the intere » terry undeturbed notes of the wad. And then parate course as You find through me te the posit fs there ye personally sent, | hall be Lone © That the int tween these yas shonid remain ie my protoundest wikh. But yor » become exuspera' b) day and pow it i in (he power of two bad men, porsem of the — telegraph Washington and tharleswn, to pring Mates sey Caroliea into a war. ig eublime 0” erence ff but sit nysetves ‘OU CAnDOt snrow the responsibility on the Exec. tive. He b 14 it. Mr. Davis, Mr. BF 2EB & E he was public Property United States at afieaton was not to | -aeapeenyd a coor to pat the teehee ae i. ty at Charleston in a position to be def . Secemton ti en never would have iso far, But it seems that assurances were given that the United States would not t itvelf, It seems that it has been said, ‘Go on, seceding States, and gather strength; the United Rater will do nothing to protect itself from your as- saults.’’ Mr, Davis—~I never heard that. ‘Mr. Trum#vLt—I understood the Senator to say that a pledge had been given that the fortifications at Charleston Should remain as they were. Mr. Davis—Where did you get your information’ Mr. TrumBut1—I don’t know. Mr. Davis—In the at Mr. Trumecit—I take it back if it isnot responsible; but I am just informed by Senators around me that the Senator from Mississippi did say so in fact. 1 am inform- ed that Major Anderson will shell Charleston and burn it to the grouud if another gun is fired at the Star of the Wert. She was permitted to pass through the noble con- duct < Major Anderson. He sayed the shedding of blood thereby. Mr. Grrsy—Does the Senator (Mr. Trumbull) know on what grounds and what eause of just apprebension Major Anderson bad in leaving Fort Moultrie and going to Fort Sumter » Mr. TrumnoLt—I su) the whole country knows. Mr. Greey—I do ‘want 81 tions, 1 want facts. Mr. Taumnvit—The Senator (Mr. Green) knows very well that South Garolina pretended to assume sovereign- ty. It has been publicly talked about that she will be compelled, if her sovereignty is denied, to aggert her jurisdiction. Mr. Guxxx—Does her secession imply her right of juris- diction over the whole territory. Mr. Trcmuvit—Her secession movement in my judg- ment is nothing. ightor ) It is nothing but insur- rection But not only South where they have pretences that secession is justifiable, which reall: that the pe blic ad bet a Ae ithout t the pul wi seces- sion. 61 the senator from Miasipp saya ie be way to avoid civil war is to wil ww the forces, and that the flag under which he has so often marched should be taken down and the Palmetto run up in ita place. ‘The question is: Can constitutional liberty be maintained; has this en any power to protect itself? In of Illinois believe we have government, and government has r to maintain itself—not by making a civil war—not by inaugurating a civil war. No, no. We poe to execute the laws of the federal government. ey who commence the war on the federal government inaugurate the war. When did we ever talk of coercing a State? The Senator from Mississippi refers to the con- Fw mg ay formed Pyne nd of the bios] ates, W! was argued federal government uid Tagree with him there. Under government acted on the States. Mr, Gaxs replied—A State had a right in the Territories because the Territories belonged to all the States. A State had no right to go to a Territory, but a citizen had. T want to know whether all the citizens have equal rights to enjoy their property under the protection of law? Mr. Tremecu— Frog dena any State has a right in the Territories, any more @ county has, For instance, Missouri and St. Louis are equal there, ‘The debate that here ensued called up the Missouri compromise. Mr. Tromavit said that the Missouri compromise did per ge slavery south of 36 80, but prohibited it nor! ‘ Mr, Mason, (opp. of Va.—The non-execution of the law in the non-slav. ling States shows the law to be a sub- Ject of no value. Grern here got the floor for next Monday. . Mason moved to postpone the subject until Satur- to. . BENJAMIN, (Opp.) Of La., moved that the Senate ad- |, and at a quarter past four P. M. the Senate ad- flee i House of Representatives. Wasirtneron, Jan, 10, 1861. The House met at twelve o'clock. Prayer by the Chaplain. The journal was then read. The Speaker Jaid before the House a communication from the Postmaster General recommending a reduction of the present existing mail contracts. Laid on the table. Mr. Bors, (opp) of Va., received the unanimous consent of the House to make a personal explanation. He Said bis attention bad been arrested by a paragraph ina paper published in the District, in which he is represented a8 stating that the motion which he had submitied a few days after the opening of the session, calling for a com- mittee of one from each State in the Union to take into consideration the “perilous condition of the country, was submitted by him at the justance of the republican party, Now, he did not choose to have any such misrepresentation go abroad uucontra- dicted with reference to bis action on the matter referred to. He did not choose that it should go forth to the pab lic, but more especially to the people who had entrusted him with the care of their interests and honor in this House, that he had acted at the instance of members of the republican party. His political career was dear to him, and he was not willing, humble as he was, that that carver shoutd be tainted, either directly or indirectly, by ivsinuations of this kind He had made that motion entirely on his own individual responsibility as a member from the Commonwealth of Virginia. He bad made it after consultation with gentlemen on the demoeratic side of the House, and with gentlemen belonging to the South- ern opposition—the party to which he bad the honor to belong. He found that several other gentlemen had similar propositions to submit to the House at that time, The gentleman from North Carolina, a dis- tinguished member from Tennessee, and Mr. John Cochrane, had prepared similar propositions. He conterred with these gentlemen, aud thoy bad concurred with him in the propriety of offering that revolution. He claimed the privilege of making that motion because he came from the very district—Harper's Ferry—which had suffered most at the hands of those who belonged to the anti-slavery aggressive party in the North. He had sub, mitted the motion with the especial purpose of offering to gentlemen on the other side an opportunity to declare to the House and to the country whether they meant to ten- der the South the olive branch of peace or the sword of war. He made the imotion, not in any craven spirit to hold out a flag of truce, but that the other side might show whether they were prepared to do justice for the purpose of eaving the Union—to bring face to face their representative men on that committee, and to learn whether they meant to be what they would make the South believe. He confessed, however, that he was disappointed with the action of that committee: He was disappointed in the men selected to compose that committee, He was disappointed at the time we com- mittee had taken to report. It had every opportunity given it for conference, but nothing yet had been done. Owe month bad elapsed, avd al! this time the country hal been anxiously watching and expecting, though in vain, the result of their action. The members composing it had been excused from serving on the toor, and yet, with all these opportunities, and with all these incentives to prompt and harmonious action, they bad yet made no sign, nor even promised to bring in a report He must openly acknowledge “that this was trifling with the best int (eof the country He was not one of those who yet despaired of the country, He relied on the hero maxis which gave to ancient Rome the empire of the world—* never despair.’ But he must say that for the last week the hopes he had entertained of good to arige from that committee had been dying out, and now he eeuld assure them that unless they did come up With @ report at once, and offer some measure of relict to calm the agitation which distracted the country; if another werk was allowed to elapse, it would be too late sor the introduction of any measure of the fricads of the country to save the Union Mr. MAYSann, (opp.) of Tenn., asked leave to offer a resolution directing the select committee to consider the President's special message to report on that part with ng the questions which are now yx the dissolution of the govenment, and that iitee report thereon at an early day, by bill oF olution, Mr. Joss, (Opp.) of Ga., objected to its introduction, Mr. Montas, (rep.) of Pa., presented @ memoria) of citi iiindeiphia, sighed without distinction of party, % © National Convention in that city on the 22d wary, With the view to adjust the progent diMval- ties, and moved it be printed Bre xc, opp.) of N. C., objected only for the rea. hat i. was not customary Lo print papers emanating from private parties. Mr. Joxes algo objceted to printing. Gentlemen said a good deal about their coustitutional obligations. Mr. Momus know of no party objecting to do what juet on that subject, but there was a difference of opi ‘a8 to what were constitutional rigbts. Mr. Havstox, (opp.) of Ala, eaid that the printing of the memoria) could do ne harm. If a convention of the States cannot be called to apply the remedy for the tit culties of the country, they may at least Reoure a peace. fal separa‘ ion of the Union. Mr. Cox ).) of Ohio, remaiked that the me: woe signed by gentlemen of all parties, and pre a National Convention, to meet at Independen Hall, where the Declaration of Independence was proclaimed and the comstitacen framed. Mr. Mons withdrew bie motion to print. on the table, of N. Y., prosonted (he teen Youne!l of New York, expressive oy he griewar he South, and ap Lor anderson’ (aad of the deter. as on sal ey mpathy proving « ination of the President to execute the laws, &e. On Seton of Mr. Sickles they were laid oo the table and ordered to be printed. DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA BUSINES. The House proceeded to the consideration of the spe- cial order, viz: District of Columbia business. ‘The Did for the construction of a railway through Wash- Te Deo we .) of Va., commenced a speech 03 a JARNESTE, (OPP. ’ national polities, and read the secession ordinance of South Carolina, Mr. Cakrer, (rsp-) of N. Y., raised a point of order, on the ground that District of Columbia business was speci- all ned for 3 ‘ fy De anxaTTe would convince the gentleman that bis remarks were inent. ‘This bill not only to construct a railroad in the District of Columbia, but in Virginia, hence the question of State pctbenyg Mgiwn Eighteen Northern States deny the existence of right “w secede, while the other iifteen bold to the doctrine. Mr. Sroxes, (opp-) of Tenn., inquired whether Mr. De- ‘statement that Tennessee holds the Tight of seceasion? ir. Desansiere replied that he never presumed it. Mr. Sroke’—You said the fifteen Southern States. Mr. Gxow, (opp.) of Pa., objected. JARNEITE Wi to atk Mr, Stokes a question. If this course was permitted, no District business would be done. * ‘The Sreaxer pro tem. (John Cochrane) decided Mr. De- jarnette out of order. Mr. Desaxwerre said it was apparent that Southern representatives were subjected to the cruel operation of the gag law. ‘Mr. Stokes said be had no to prevent Mr. Dejarnette from rs , but bad only desired to'put Tennessee where fe belleved sbe stants, Mr. Desarxerre—Then I < fourteen Southern States hold to the right to secede. the solution of this ques- tiop may depend the future peace of the country. Ir. Grow raised another point of order. » Cox ted that Mr. Dejaruette have leave to print the r of his remarks. Mr. Grow had no objectiion to all gentlemen printing i Been toon) f Va., objected. of Va., ol i he Houns Sentmbed the ‘consideration of the Ruilroad Dill, and it was finally recommitted. Adjourned. THE RESIGNATION OF SECRETARY THOMP- IN. From the Intelligencer, January 10.) The PRE ai paper of pase ae that the . Jacob Thompson bas resi oflice of Secretary of the Interior, and accompanies the intelligence with @ of the considerations on his part which have From this statement we learn that Mr. Thompson differed from the President in reference to 30 much of the latter’s annual eas relates to the abstract right of secession, but that he consented to remain in Cabinet ‘‘on the faith” that the practical an oe the government would ‘‘not be hostile to the ” ing that no reinforcements should be sent and uo ether evidence afforded by the federal rovernment of hostility to Sout! Carolina.” ir. Secretary Holt haying, however, despatched rein- forcements to Major Anderson, in Fort Sumter, ‘despite the positive and emphatic remonstrances of Mr. Thomp- gon, the latter,” it is said, ‘instantly resigued his com- mission,” in vindication of what he ‘conceives his honor and in token of the reprobation in which he holds the act of Mr. Secretary Holt. The government paper concludes its announcement by calling on the Presigent Mr. Holt from office aaa to remand General Scott to his post, as being the only course left by which ‘‘to escape the odium that will attach to all those who took part in the issue ee fatal Sh et ; ‘The sul paragray ex] 10 CAUseS OF Mr. a ore resignation; it has been banded to us by @ gentleman in his confidence, and doubthess presents Mr. ‘Thompeon’s understanding of the case:— ° The resignation of Mx. Thompson was, oscasioned by the Returday telegraphed to Judge Longstroet, of Bouth Carotinn: no additions forces ‘or forthe present would be, sent by the government to the forts at Chari and had ces 10 in Georgia and ‘Alabaina ‘assur persons In order to curb the secession movement in those States, at the same time im the influence of Judge Longstreet to ent ft r overt act on the part of the South Caro: ities, and avert any collision with those of the ai United States we ‘Thom on Tuesday morning that the Star learnt of the West had left mee York on fo gm Leia Se on troops and supplies for Fort Sumter, and, ing his honor was compromised, tuasmuch as be must be supposed the movements of the Cprnys or _ and other States with a view of taxing advantage of a not yet been accepted. re re has been no rupture of @ personal nature between the Punkin ae tertesy, " After the ing paragraphs in regard to the resig- vr. Thompson were put in type, we received for insertion a copy of the annexed correspondence :— WASUINGTON, Jan. 8, 1861. Sm—It is with extreme regret I have just learned that additional troops have been ordered to Charleston. This subject has been frequently discussed in Cabinet Council; and when, on Monday night, Sist December ultimo, the orders for reinforcements to Fort Sumter were countermanded, I distinctly understood from you that no order of the kind would be made without being previously considered and decided in Cabinet. It is true that on Wednesday, January 2, this subject was again discussed in Cabinet, but certainly no conclusion was reached, and the War Department was not justified in ordering reinforcements without something more than was then said. I learn, however, this morning, for the dirst time, that the steamer Star of the West sailed from New York last Saturday night with two handred and fifty men, under Lieutenant Bartlett, bound for Fort Sumter. Under these circumstances I feel myself bound to resign my commission, as one of your constitutional advisers, into your hands, With high respect, your obedient servant, J. THOMPSON. Hie Excellency James Beenavan, President of the United States, Wasmvoron, Jan. 9, 1961. Six—I have received and accepted your resignation, on yesterday, of the office of Secretary of the Interior. On Monday evening, 31st December, 1860, I suspended the orders which had been issued by the War and Navy Departments to send the Brooklyn with reinforcements to Fort Sumter. Of this I informed you on the same even. ing. J stated to you my reason’ for this suspension, which you knew, from its nature, would be speedily re” moved.” In consequence of your request, however, 1 promised that these orders should not be renewed ‘with. out being previously considered and decided ia Cabinet.” This promise was faithfully observed on my part. Tn order to carry it into effect I called e special Cabinet meeting on Wednesday, 2d January, 1861, in which the question of sending reinforcements to Fort Samter was atply diseuased both by yourself and others, The de- cided majority of opinions was against you, At this mo- ment the answer of the South Carolina ‘‘Commissioners”’ to my communication to them of 3ist December was received and read. It produced much indigna- tion among the members of the Cabinet. After a further brief conversation 1 employed the following language: “It is now all over, and reinforcements must be sent.” Judge Black said, at the moment of my decision, that after this letter the Cabinet would be unanimous, and J heard no dissenting voiwe. Indeed, the spirit and tone of the letter left no doubt on my mind Fort Sumter would be immediately attacked, and hence the Decessity Of sending reinforcements there without delay. Whilst you admit «that on Wednesday, January 2, this subject was again discussed in Cabinet,” you say, ‘but certainly no conclusion was reached, and the War Depart. ment was not justified in ordering reinforcements without something more than was then suid.” You are certainly mistaken in alleging that ‘no conclusion was reached.” In this your recollection is entirely diferent from that of your four ‘oldest colleagues in the Cabinet. Indeed, my age Was 80 unmistakeable that the Secretaries of War and the Navy proceeded to act upou it without any further intercourse with myself than what you heard or might have heard me xay. You bad been so emphatic in opposing these reinforcements thatl thought you would resign in consequence of my decision. I deeply regret that you have been mistaken in point of fact, though T firmly believe honestly mistaken. Still it is’ certain you have pot the less been mistaken. Yours, re apectfully, JAMES BUCHANAN, How. Jacor THompsoy, GREAT UNION MEETING AT BALTIMORE. Barrons, Jan. 10, 1861. The Union meeting to-night was immense and enthusi- astie, and unequalled by any demonstration in Baltimore for many years. Not less than ten thousand were pre- sent, and the parties who attempted to disturb the meeting by disunion eries were hustled out in double quick time, amid cheers for the Union and Major Ander- gon, and immense cheering for Gey. Hicks, A preposi- tion for cheers for Yancey cansed a rush for the proposer that cansed the police to protect the party from violence. ‘The secessionisis soon abandoned their purpose of dis turbing the meeting, and fapoeches from Mr. H. Collins. Reverdy Johnson and W. Bradford, abounding ip Union sentiment weve listened to and applauded to echo, The resolutions embodied the sentiments of Washing ton's Farewell Address, concluding as follows: — Rerolved, That the present condition of our country de mands of all who love her, a apirit of fairness, candor, conciliation, concession and self sacrifice, and that we hail with thankful and hopeful hearts the pratriotic efforts now being made in Congress for a settlement, as we trust, for ever, of the dangerous questions at issue, on some constitutional, juet and equitable principle, ant that such of our statemen and States, whether of the North or of the South, as may contfibute most to this holy end, will challenge the higbest piace in the affections of the country; and those who may refuse to lent their wid to this holy purpose may justly expect, as they will be eure to receive, the condemnarioy and reprobation of the present as well as future ages Kesoived, ‘That various Northern States have passed Jaws usually called Personal Liberty laws, which we be Neve to be in violation of the constitution of tne United States, of acts of Congress passed pursuant thereto, and of the sacred obligations which those States ‘owe to the common ccuntry; and that we appeal to the constitutional duty, patriotiem, honor and in and the brotherhood of the people of thowe Mates respectively to repeal those laws, and by every way and means in their powor to put down the aggrcesions of their people on the peculiar institutions of the Southern States, as the only way to remove the well- founded ‘discontent ‘md complaints of their brethren of tie Southern States; aud which, if not removed, may terests which ought to bind us together as one people. ANOTHER REPORT OF THR PROCEEDINGS. Bartrworn, Jan, 10, 1861 ‘The Union meeting at (he Maryland Institute to-night wos attended during the evening by fifteen thousand people, Archibald Stirling was President, and together with Wiliam Collins, Mr. Bradford and Reverdy Jobnson addressed the audience. There was intense enthusiasm. ‘The good order of the meeting Was once interropted hy a Pibuster cheering South Carolina, Me wos instantly pied owt, The resolutions wore patriotic, and quoted prove fatal to the Union, as weil as to all those vital in’ 43 largely from Washington's Farewell Address, They were unanimously passed. The demonstration was un- mistakably in favor of the Union. ‘The meeting at the Law Buildings of the pecession affiliators discussed resolutions in favor of putting the question of calling a State Convention to 4 vote ef the people, together with other propositions looking to the procurement of a State Convention regardless of the Governor, But they were not voted on, and the meeting adjourned until to-morrow. It is understood that the reason why the affiliating Secessionists’ Convention here took no vote on their pro~ posed resolutions to-day, was because they discovered that there was a majority in the Convention who were iD favor of sustaining Governor Hicks. SAVANNAH AND ITS DEFENCES. Savannah is the seat of justice and the largest eity ip the State of Georgia, and contains 20,000 inhabitants, It is situated on t* southeast bank of the Savannah river, on a high blutt, ‘orty feet above low water mark. It is twelye miles distant, in a direct or airiine, from the ocean, and eighteen miles, following the course of the river. The city is regularly laid out in the form of a parallelogram, with streets (many of them wide) crossing each other at right angles. There are ten public squares in the city, containing two acres each, at equal distances from cach other. These squares and many of the streets are bordered with trees, and particularly of the genus known as the “Pride of India,” which give ther a beautiful ap- pearance, The monument erected to Gencral Greene, and especially the one to Count General Pulack!, who fell in the attack against the British at Savannab, are beautiful and tasteful structures. Many of the houses are of brick, and @ considerable number of them, including the princi- pal public buildings, are elegant. The city is lighted with gas, and well supplied with water from the river, raised by two powerful steam engines into a reservoir one hundred and twenty feet above the surface of the river, and distributed through the city in iron pipes. On the east and west of the city are marshes, and a pine barren extends two miles tothe south. The city affords good facilities for vessels in distress, having a dry dock capa- ble for taking vessels 235 feet in length by sixty feet over all, and everything necessary for repairiog vessels, There are also ways for drawing up vessels of three hundred tons. There are twenty feet of water on Tybee bar at high water, with a fail of six fect. The city was founded in 1733, by General James Ogie- thorpe and others. It was taken by the British in 2778, but they abandoned it in 1782. On the 10th of January, 1820, four hundred and sixty-three buildings were de- stroyed by fire—four millions worth of property destroyed ; but it has been rebuilt with additional beauty. THE DEFENCES OF THE CITY. FORT PULASKI. ‘The city is guarded on its seaapproaches by Fort Pu- laski, built on Cockspur Island, fourteen miles from Sa- yannah, at the mouth of the Savannah river. The gite of the fortification was selected by Major Baboock, of the United States Engineer corps, about twenty-six years ago, but it was not till 1831 that the work of erecting the present massive masonry fortification was commenced in earnest. In that year Captain Mansfield, now Colonel Mansfield, of the Inspector General's Dpartment, took charge of its construction. The fort was finished a fow years ago, at a cost of $963,000. The fort is of a pen- tagonal form, covering several acres; its walls are forty feet high, ana present two faces on the sea approach, with ranges of fire radiating at opposite angles. The fort is embrasured on the front and chan- nel side for one row of guns under bomb proof casemates, with an additional tier of guns open or en barbette. The salient points and flanking ap- proaches in the rear of the work have no embragures for heavy cannon, but are thoroughly covered by enfllading musket loopholes, which renders a land or esvalading at- tack extra hazardous to an enemy. The foil armament of the fort, when it shall have been brought within its walls, will consist on the lower tier of sixty-five thirty- two pounder iron pieces, and the upper tier with fifty- three twenty-four pounders, four cightcen- pounder flank- ing howitzers, one thirteen inch mortar, twelve eight inch Columbiads, and seven ten-inch mortars—in all, one hundred and fifty guns. We understend, however, that not more than one-half the number of guns required for its full armament are in the fort, and these are ¢isman- Ued. The Columbiads, to which reference has been made, are very destructive weapons, of long yange, and adapted to use spherical shot or shells. Many of those now in Fort Pulnski can be mounted to have a hori- zontal fire of one hundred and eighty degrees, aod a ver- tical fire of five degrees depression to thirty six degrees elevation. The interior of the fort is wo}) supplied with massive furnaces for heating shot, oftivers’ quarters, soldiers’ barracks, magazines, and a tolerable supply of shot and powder. In the cut above the email black figure on Cockspur Island is Fort Puloski, somewhat ¢i- minutively displayed, but sufficient for ovr purpose; the exterior line represents the ditch which surrounds the work, and which, when dry, can be used by sharp sioot- ers, or should it be necessary at the apgroach of an ene- my, casily flooded. Beyond this ditch is a glacis or in- clined bank, which is eutiladed by the guns from the Jower or casemate row of the fortification. Yhe fort at present is not on a full war footing; 10 complete it, twenty-six new barbette gun platforms are re- quired to guit the prescribed armament; .nd tue ditches should be cleared of the mud accumulated throughout their whole extent, the bottoms of the ditches repaired, and the banks of the feeding cana! revetted. The full war garrison of the work is eight huadre:) men, but one. half that number could hold it successfully against any armada the federal government can bring against it. Vessels of any consiterable siz in beating up the channel to Savanuab, « obliged to approach within seventy yards of the fort, and at this point many guns of large calibre can be made to concentrate their fire. The fortification is pronounced by expert army, engineers one of the strongest and most perfect of its kind on this continent, 1+ ors more areca than Fort Sumter, but bas one tier of guns tees than that work. Fort Pulaski is now garrisoned by vpwards of two hundred Georgia State troops, who are working like beavers to put the place in a complete state of defence. ‘The garrison is now under the command of Colone) Alex- ander R. Lawton, a graduate of West Powwt, and subse- quently an officer of the First regiment of United States artillery, He afterwards resigned, an) «+ understand he is the present President of the Savanned and Augurta Railroad, YORT JACKSON. This is a small work, built on a low mareb, four milee from Savannah, on a site near the bend of the river, and commanding important points in the channel. It is ‘built of heavy brick masonry. Its armament consists of ten twenty-four pounder iron guns, three field pieces, five eight-inch howitzers, one teo-inch mor- tar and one cight-ingp mortar, Its war garrison consists of seventy men. It cost the government $80,000, Personal Intelligence. William G. Fargo, of Buffalo; J. D. Glen, of Wasbi ton; P. Bayne, of Virginia, and W. 5. Packer aod wire, of California, are stopping at the Astor Howse. Samson Almy and C, M. Mitchell, of Connectiont; 8. & Marehall, of White Plains, and John S. Weetervelt, of Staten Island, are stopping at the Lafarge House. Hon. F. F. Johnson, of Counectiowt: 9. J. Rich, of Butlalo; William Keep, of Lockport; 1. 1. Winslow, W. Rice and J. A “4 . C, Lord, of Ohio, are stopping at the Hon. J. B. Howe, of Newark Valley ders, of Vermont; Dr. 8. J. Baralt, of Cal \. Lomax, of the Unived States Army; H. Halt, of Baltimore; J. F. Wheless, of Tennesse Philip & Justice. of Philadetpiaia; a. W, Brig of New Orleans; R. Cheeney, of Cali? fornia, aud F. Lee, of Baffalo, are stopping at the Me~ tropolitan News from Pike's Peak. Font Kranvey, Jan. 10, 1861. The Western stage passed at eleven this morning for Omaha City with «rx passengers and $600 in dust. Danven, Jen, 8, 1861. ‘The dead bodies of two unknown men were fornd Inet week, ove two aud the other fifteen miles rom here. The first evidently committed suicide and the other wis murdered, There i no clue to their Lames or resi. dences, Resse. Getcn, Jan. 6, 1861. Rory Roland was shot by —— Davis to-aay. The wound will doubtless prove fatal, A man named Croman, formerly of Michigan, fe! into m shaft eighty-five feet deep, at Eureka Gulch, on the sn, and was instanly killed. The State Temperance Soviety. ALHANY, Jan. 10, 1860. ‘The State Temperance Society met to-« The attend- ance was not very large. Resolutions were adopted to take immediate steps for circulating petitions for the passage of a ong f law, and to secure the introdne- tion of a bill making the sale of liquors of every nae and description a misdemeanor, The prageut excive MW was denounced, ‘The old officers were re-electetl. News from Mexico. New Onieans, Jan, 10, 1861, Private |etters from Mexico say that Miramoo jeft tha eapital on the nw f the 26th wit., and that it was sup- posed he would endeavor to form a junetion with \iwaridy bd make a stan at Iguala,