The New York Herald Newspaper, March 24, 1860, Page 6

6 NEW YORK HERALD. JAMES GORDON DENNETT, EDITOR AND PROPRIETOR. OFFION N. W. CORNER OF NASSAU AND FULTON 873. | y sent by mail will be at the * not received as simeription | per copy, $7 per ai Saturday, at wee wory ‘annum; the an Edition every Wad Fe oS ow rg cor auntie oom part af Ores! Brvatn, Or $6 10 any part af tha Continent. uth to include postage; the Oaltfornia tudtion on the 80h and With of erch month at aix cents * 0 per annum eon ‘ral TagRaLD on Wedneslay, at four cents per or MoLUNTaRY CORRESPONDENCE, contcining ¢mportant | news, solicited any quarter of the wourlit; Y used, will he for B@rOUn FORvIGK COMRESPOMDRATS ARB Pauricuran.y BeQuasre To Seat au. LertERs AND Pace 2088 SexT On ‘NO NOTICE taken of anonymous correspondence. We donot return rejected communications. ADVERTISEMENTS renewed every day: advertisements in sorted tm the Weuxtt Herico, Famar ALD, and in the COU PRINTING exccuted with neatnese, cheapness and de- TERMS, cash in advance. M riek of the sender. Postage shai THe DAILY HERALD TAB WEFKLY HERALD. Volame XXV......... AMUSEMENTS THIS EVENING. NIBLO’S GARDEN, Broadway.—Intianp As Ir Was— Law ror Lapue— Harry Max. BOWERY THEATRE, Bowery.—So.orre’s Davautar— Jace Bugrrarp—A Parry Pirce or Business. WINTRR GARDEM, Broadway, opposite Bond street.— Evancaune, WALLACK’S THEATRE, Broadway.—Rominos or 4 Poon Toure Max. LAURA rae THEATRE, 6% Broadway.—Vawrry Faum—Oseruars Fastr. NEW BOWERY THEATRE. Bowery.—Janx Suone— Baosus tworp- Feuer Consirr. BROADWAY BOUDOIR, 444 Broadway.—Afternoon— Tims Tawa Au—Ir Taxes Two to Quaexes. Evening— Bomasox of a Vskr Poor Youxg Max—Ir Taxxs Two 70 Quanuee. THRATRE FRANCAIS, 685 Brosdway.—Sonxavr De Br. Pau ” BARNOWS AMERICAN MUSEUM, Brosdway.—After Boon and Kvening—GReen Bosaes. BRYANTS’ MINSTRELS, Mechanics’ Hall, 472 Broadway.— Buriusquas, Soxcs, ances, 40.—Cuaw Boass Las. NIBIO'S BALQON, Broadway.—Geo. Canistr’s Mux- preci ux Soca, Dances, &c.—Tut Tooviss. MATIONAL CONCERT SALOON, National Theatre.— Gonas, Dances, Buaiesques, £0. ONDERDONK HALL, 405 Grand atreet.—Harn Mix- wrens i Songs, Dances, BuRiesques, &0.—Drx18s's Lanp. TRIPLE SHEET. ENow York, Saturday, March 24, 1860. The News. By the arrival of the Canada at Halifax yester- day we have European news to the 11th inst., three days later than the accounts previously received. ‘The intelligence is interesting. The affairs of Italy continued in a critical state, and the withdrawal of the French army was expected. The question to animated discussions in Parliament. Austria, Pras- sia and England have evinced their opposition to that measure. The Anglo-French commercial treaty has been ratified by Great Britain, the afticle in reference to coal, however, being omitted by a large vote. The ratification of the treaty had con- tributed to cause a slight advance in public se- curities both in Paris and London. At Liverpool the cotton market was dull, with a decline of one- eighth of a penny per pound, while breadstaffs and provisions continued dull, but unchanged in price. We have news from Vera Cruz to the 14th inst, The bombardment of the city by Miramon was re- newed on the 13th, but with little effect, and on the succeeding day a flag of truce was sent to Juarez, which resulted in @ suspension of hoatilities,and the preliminary steps to an armistice. Miramon, from all accounts, had lamentably failed in his demon- stration upon the stronghold of the liberals. His troops had been beaten at Alvarado, the capital had pronounced against bim,and it is reported that he had abandoned thf siege of Vera Cruz, deserted his army, and taken refuge on board the French fleet. A despatch from New Orleans announces the arrival of the St. Louis at that port from Aspin- wall. The Baltic left Aspinwall for New York on the 18th inst. with $895,000 in treasure. In another column may be found a letter from our correspondent at Port au Platte, St. Domingo, written on the 4th inst., which contains interesting information relatiwe to the political aspect of aflairs there, and accounts of the progress of com- mercial and mining operations. Nothing of importance transpired in Congress yesterday, both houses being engaged upon the private colendars, In the State Senate the bill for laying out Wash. ington Heights was passed by a vote of twenty to four. Mésers. P. P. Murphy, Grant and Truman were named the Committee of Conference on the part of the Senate on the Railroad Toll bill. Se- veral bills were passed; among them the Divorce Dill. A motion to reconsider the vote appointing a Committee of Conference on the Toll bill was warmly debated. Finally two of the Com- mittee were retained and one discharged, In the Assembly a message was received from the Governor vetoing a section of the New York Tax Levy bill. After some debate the House refused to pase it over the veto. A number of bills were reported, mostly local in character. A motion to reconsider the vote om the Brooklyn Ferry bill was carried, after an animated discussion. Several other subjects of interest were acted on, but we muct refer to our despatches and reports for details. The police are now in a fair way to capture the suspected murderer of the crew of the oyster sloop F. A Johnson. It has been ascertained be- yord a doubt that one of the crew, named Willian Jobnson been seen alive in this city since the | Blanchard and M, N. Cohen. The NEW YORK HERALD, SATURDAY, MARCH 24, 1860.—TRIPLE to meet a committee from the Louisville Conven. | ment, he admits this instrument as the su- tion, at Baffalo, on Tuesday next, to arrange the preme taw of the land, and deduces that it time tables adopted by each Convention, so as to insure prompt and reliable connections with all the Southern and outhwestern lines:—C. Vibbard, A. Stone, Jr.,C. G. Hammond, C. J. Brydges, B. N. vania roads did not join the Convention in the adoption of the new timo table, but it is understood that if a moderate rate of speed he adopted at Buffalo the Pennsylvania roads will unite with the others in the new arrangement. In the Norwalk Bank case the jury yesterday found James 8. Williams guilty, and the Court sen- tenced him to eight years at hard labor in the State prison. In the United States Circuit Court yesterday D.H. Palmer, who pleaded guilty to stealing let- | ters from the Post Office lamp post letter boxes, was sentenced to two years and six months im- prisonment. A man named Curtis was sentenced to five years in the State prison for passing coun- terfeit coin. The proceedings in the Court of General Sessions yesterday were interesting. The Grand Jury presented indictments against Messrs. McIntyre and Tucker, for an alleged attempt to bribe Alderman Brady to vote for the appointment of Gideon J. Tucker to the Presidency of the Croton Board. Mr. McIntyre gave bail in the sum of $4,000 to answer the charge, but Mr. Tacker had not been arrested when the Court adjourned. Adolphus Ranney, the gift book publisher, was convicted of swindling John Hock. As his counsel intends to file a bill of exceptions, Mr. Ranney was remanded to the city prison, and will not be sentenced until the legal questions involved in the case are settled by the Supreme Court. The journeymen goldbeaters held a meeting last evening, at which they determined to resist any reduction of the present price of work. The California news published per overland mail and telegraph, in Thursday’s Hrraxp, came to this city in eighteen days from San Franeisco—the quickest time on record. ‘The cotton market yesterday continued to wear tho fame dull complexion which has characterized it for se- veral days past, and especially for the low or ordinary grades, whilo the higher and better qualities were un- changed. The sales embraced 660 a 800 bales, closing at quotations given in another column. The common grades of State and Western flour were rather firmer, while ex- tra brands were without material alteration. Wheat was heavy and inactive; small gales of Milwaukee club ‘were reported at $1 21, and of prim» Kentucky white at $172. Corn was in fair demand, while sales were fair, including some purchases for export. Pork was in mo- erate request, and the market lesa buoyant; sales of now mess were made at $17 75, old at $17 1234, new prime at $14 373; a $14 50, and $1237%, for old, witha lotof navy mess at $18. Beef and lard were steady. Sugars were in good demand, and the sales embraced about 800 hhds. Cuba muscovado, 500 do. molado and 1,670 boxes, on terms given in another place. Coffee was firm, with moderate sales. Freights were steady, and engagements fair and at ful) rates, The Originsl Bloody P: © of the annexation of Savoy to France had given rise \ +d ly Programme o' Seward amd the Black Republican Party. We publish in another column to-day a full exposure of the fountain head, the text book, the original programme, of the bratal and bloody doctrines of Seward and the black republican party. A New England lawyer, Lysander Spooner, is the author of the doctrine of the unconstitu- tionality of slavery, and in the book which we to-day expose to the public, he shows himself to be possessed of one of the most vigorous and logical minds of the age. In cloarnessand closeness of reasoning he surpasses Webster; in ratige of thought and facile return to his main argument he is equal to Choate, and in subtle and searching analysis his superior can- not be found in the forum of the Union. So keen is his logic, and so well kuit, that if you grant any one of his premises he carries you inevitably to his conclusions, There is no partis] resistance to be made to his argument, Concede but a hairy and you will soon find yourself enveloped in his Cyclopean chains. Seward pronounces his programme “the most effective way of working out the great reformation which this nation is required to make by the spirit of humanity.” Gerrit Smith is in love with him, and finds in him the very Gamaliel of the law. Wendell Phillips and Wm. Lloyd Garrison strive to dis- sent, but are forced to bow their heads to his argument, and .find in the constitution they have so long reviled as “a compact with hell” the very instrument for their abolition and revolutionary purposes. J. Falten, Jr., believes that “the book is destined to give a new phase to our struggle.” Samuel E. Sewall calls it ‘the great arsenal of legal weapons to be used in the great corftest between liberty and slavery.” William L. Chaplin certifies that if every lawyer could be induced to study it “it would alone overturn slavery.” But we need not multiply opinions. We have the fact that the whole black republican party, in every phase of its progression, from Wm. H. Seward to Tom Corwin, have surrendered to his pro- gramme, and are pursuing the trail of his de- ductions, Some of them may still think they will arrive at a different conclusion; but the tail of the snake travels in the same direction \with the head. fn this book we find the master thought from whence all the subordinate intellects of the party have drawn their doctrines for the pagt ten or fifteen years. Here are all the special pleas that Seward has put forth, and the bloody discovery of the murders, and the police very nata- rally ect him to be the assassin. Johuson | started for Stonington on Wednesday evening, | taking with him bis wife and child. He hada large | amount of money in his possession when he left, | and was « ish in his expenditares during his | stay in th Jy. The police haye gone in pursnit | of the fugitive, and the fact of bis arrest is looked for hourly. A fulland complete narrative of this | most horrible tragedy, together with a history of | the flight and pursuit of the suspected party, will | be found in another column. | } We publish in another column, taken from a Cork paper, an account of the wreck, off the coast of Ireland recently, of the Bavish brig Echo, on | bosrd of which was a passenger, who is supposed to have been Henry Low, whose extensive forge- | ries on the Colonial Bank of Barbedoes create considerable anxiety in financial circles ia this | city not long since. Several of those on board the brig were drowned, and Low among the num ber. It is said that he hada large amount of specie | on board the veasel. A detachment of 500 United States soldiers, re | ceruits, left this port yesterday on board the steam- | ship Granada, for Texas, where they will be as- signed to the different regiments serving on the frontier of that State. The Railroad Convention which ‘as been in ses- sion at the St. Nicholas Hotel for the past three | days closed its labors yesterday and adjourned. | ‘The report of the committee appointed to arrange | a new time table was received and adopted. By | the new arrangement, which goes into effect April 1, trains going west will leave New York one hour later than formerly, a8 follows:—First train leaves at 7 A.M,, the second at 10:30 A. M. and the last traia | atS P.M. Passengers by the 7 A. M. train will ar. rive in Chicago at 9:15 P. M. the next day. Th following gentlemen were appointed a committee | theories he has promulgated. They form the entire doctrinal edifice of the black republican party, and the political abolitionists whose demsgoguical appeals to-day incite to a fra- ternal war between the North and South. Here is tho fountain head of the “higher law.” |The book sets forth with the axiom that | “pothing inconsistent with justice can be law.” It recites the legal rule of interpretation, that | “words susceptible of two meanings, one fa- vorable to justice and the other to injustice, sball be taken in the sense favorable to jus- tice,’ and insists that constitutions shall be in- | terpreted by the established rnles by which all other legal instruments are interpreted. Adopt- ing this rule, it goes on to examine the colonial charters and statutes, and argues that under them slavery had no “legal” existence in the colonies uy to the time of the Revolution. But admitting for the sake of argument that prior to the Revolution slavery had a constitu- tional existence, Mr. Spooner starts anew with the Declaration of Independence, which, with powerful logic, he reduces to the following syllogism:—The inalienable right to life, liber- ty and the pursuit of happiness is admitted by it as a self-evident truth. Selfevident truths are a part of the law of the land unless expressly @enied. This truth is therefore a part of the law of the land, and makes slavery iMegal. He then proceeds to show that none of the State constitutions in existence in 1789, established or authorized slavery. This brings us to the point that slavery had no existence at the time of the adoption of the constitution. Pursuing his subtle and logical train of argu- made “all” the people of the United States citizens of the United States, and therefore they could never afterwards be made slaves by the State governments, From this he advances irresistibly to the deduction that negroes as well as whites are eligible to the Presidency, and of course to every other office; that the habeas corpus denies the right of property in man; and that the guaranty to every State of a republican form of government is a guaranty against slavery. Separate chapters are devoted, with skilfal and powerful argument, to show that the inten- tions of the cunvention that made the consti- tution, the practice of the government, and the understanding of the people, feom the moment of its adoption to the present day, are “of no legal consequence to fix the legal meaning of the conatitution;” and that any court of justico, following the established and only rules of evidence, would set them aside, if it did not throw them out with contempt. These points being @stablished, Mr. Spooner proceeds to argue, that under the constitution the children of slaves were, nevertheless, to be free, by virtue of natural birth in the country; that the right of personal liberty 1s secured by habeas corpus; and hence the power of the general government over slavery, and the necessity of using this power for its abolition. On these premises, logically fortified in every way, he plants his final dictum, that “it is the consti- tutional duty of Congress to establish courts, if need be, in every county, and township, even, where there are slaves to be liberated; to provide attorneys to bring the cases before the courts; and to keep a standing military force, if need be, to sustain the proceedings.” It may be argued that Mr. Spooner and with a fallacy—the very one which the French communists start from, and logically deduce that all property is theft; a fallacy that is no contradiction in numberless instances, with laws that have stood ever since men began to live in communities; a fallacy that make socie- ty the siave of legal definitions of the words, and not of the spirit of constitutions; a fallacy that reduges us to the savage state, when every man asserted his natural rights, and the only arbiter was the will and power of the stronges!- But we should not and cannot close our eyes 4o the fact that this fallacy has pervaded a great and powerful political party in this coun- try; that the impulse of this-party is along the path of argument so logically and conclusively laid down for it by Mr. Spooner; that the leaders gre all proclaiming it, some in a greater and some ina lesser stage of developement; and that in it we have the key for the new-born love of the fanatic abolitionists for the constj- tution, of Seward’s threat on the floor of the Senate to reorganize the federal courts, and of-| the constantly reiterated declarations of him- self and his followers, that they desire to do nothing that is not legal and constitutional. It is in the hold which this fallacy has taken of a powerful party that the impending danger lies, which threatens to involve this Union in uni- versal revolution, bloodshed and ruin. —{ ‘Tue Wasuixeton Herauts Jos x THE Leots- LaTuRE.—The bill for street opening at Wash- ington Heights was passed yesterday in the Senate. Senator Murphy, we perceive, pro- posed to place the name of Mr. Bennett on the commission, and Senator Spinola that of Mr Hudson—something which neither of these gen- tlemen bad any authority to do; and if thisisall Senators Murphy and Spinola know about their duties as legislators, they had better re- sign their seats, return to New York, and learn something about correct and intelligent legis- lation. With reference to this law, and the petition upon which it asewmes to be based, we have spoken before. The petition is an absurdity, and in itself a contradiction of the law. A few property owners ask for the appointment of a committee or commission to do nothing for several years to come. If this is all they want, why don’t they nof do it without any authority from the Legislature or anywhere else? The law itself is fall of mischief and litigation, and will lead to endless suits about the title of real estate in that vicinity. We all know what the character of Albany legislation for this city is; and we have a bright remembrance of a certain great moral law parsed some time ago, and ‘known as the Excise law, which was enacted for the avowed purpose of granting licenses for the sale of liquors, regulating the drinking saloons, and correcting the morals of the poor. Well, we were startled the other day by the statement of one of the Excise Commissioners, that the sole result of this law was to get up a multitude of pettifogging suits, numbering thousands; that the only use to which it has ever been applied was to create cases for small lawyers who could not get them elsewhere. And thus this law to settle the rights of property at Wash- ington Heights and around that neighborhood will have the effect of creating a host of suits of interminable length, which may contioue for years. Mischief and endless litigation are in the head and tail and body of it. Tf, with these lights before them, the House persist in following the example of the Senate and pass the law, we hope that Gov. Morgan will have the wisdom and firmness to vetv-it, at all hazards. Tur Batre or THe Grimmons.—The fight over the six railroad gridirons goes on as fierce ly as ever in the Legislature. With the rapacity of starving wolves in purauit of a fat herd, our immaculate legislators fofow the millions of spoils which the city railroads offer. These six bills now before the Houss are nothing more than Law’s mammoth gridiron cut up into six parte. The principle and object of each are the eame—namely, to rob the citizens and taxpayers of New York of the valuable fran- chises of their ratlroads, to enrich a parcel of unknown individuals, many of them miserable politicians from the western part of the State. With a rapacity and indecency without paral- lel, the members of the Legislature are endeg- voring to perpetrate this gross outrage upon the rights of the metropolis. Neither self-respect, nor shame, nor a fear of public reprobation, seems to retard them in this object. The kind of legislation required for the management of our city railroads is plain, simple and just, and nothing can palliate the infamy of going out- side of that for the manifestly corrupt purposes which instigate the present course of the legie- lative lobby. Authority should be given to the corporate authorities to lay down rails in any streets they may choose, at their own ex- pensé, and license companies to run cars upon them, ata rate of two cents for cach passen- ger. Under such a system we would be gua ranteed every comfort and accommodation, an@ preserved from the odious oppressions of a monopoly. But we fear thé Legislature will never relax their hold upon the spolls which lie like a rich placer in'the railroad bills now before them. The Presidential Prelimimary Election. The election which is about to take place in Connecticut is the first fight of the Presidential campaign—the preliminary struggle before the general battle for the possession of the key of the enemy’s position, which, if carried, will lead to the discomfiture of his whole line. It is no wonder, therefore, that it is defended with desperation by the republicans, and as- saulted with impetnosity by the conservative host led by Seymour. It is the Malakoff whose capture results in the fall of the republican Sebastopol. The republicans have postession. Their last majority was 1,870, out ofa total vote of 78,786. A vigorous and brilliant charge, like that by which the French carried the redoubt of the Russians which commanded the inner works of their stronghold, and render- ed it untenable, will suffice to wipe out that majority, and plant the flag of the constitution where now waves the black banner of republi- caniem with its death’s head and cross bones. The New York Tribune of yesterday, in an article which we copy in another columa, ridi- cules the idea of the people of Connecticut censulting their interests in the coming strug- gle, instead of their religious feelings and their “conscierice.” Now, we should like to know what religion or conscience has to do with the business. All governments and political com- munities are, or ought to be, formed for the in- tereats of the people—their mutual welfare. “The greatest amount of good to the greatest number, at the least possible expense,” is the formula of the profound Bentham. The pecu- liar religious views of sects have nothing to do with this great principle. - But if it does involve a question of religion, then we say that one of the precepts of the Christian code is to mind our own business and let our neighbors mind theire. Religious principle might as well be appealed to for the purpose of inducing us togo into our neighbors’ houses, and by persuasion or threats or force try to make them regulate their domestic affairs, including the bringing up of their children, agd the management of their servants, after our model and example, as to appeal to the consciences of Northern men to regulate the domestic institutions of the Sonthern States, or prevent the fair and legitimate expansion of those institutions gua- ranteed by the compact of the constitution. Covenant breakers are denounced by the voice of religion—by all laws, human and divine. Bot if religion and conscience have any con- cern in the business, them why are not religion and conscience consistent? Franklin used to say, if a principle be a good one, go through with it. If conscience compels a man in Con- necticut to interfere with the slave labor of the Southern States, it ought to compel him to go astep further, and prevent his consuming any of the products of that slavelabor. But so far from that, a Connecticut conscience looks to its own advantage, and, with the approbation and applause of the conscientious Greeley, “Connec- ticut has bought her cotton, rice and tobacco precisely where she could buy most advan- tageously, no questions as to politics being asked.” If negro servitude be the abomina- tion, the sin, “the sum of all villany,” which it is described by the republican orators and newspaper organs, where is the tenderness of conscience which they show when they enjoy with such a gusto, not the necessaries of life, but the luxuries produced, as they tell us, by the toil and sweat and very blood of the slave? The planters are described as “thieves who take by force the fruits of the negro’s toil without remuneration.” Is it net an undis- puted maxim of law and justice that the re. ceiver of stolen goods is as bad as the thief? Yet we hever hear of any “compunctious visit- ings of conscience” when republicans sweeten with Louisiana sugar their tea or their pumpkin pies, or their puddings of the rice of South Carolina, or when they smoke tobacco grown in Virginia or Cuba, to say nothing of the cotton garments which they wear—the produc- tion of the slave labor of the South. If there be any conscience in the North about the slavery question in the South, here is just the point where it would be most smitten; yet we find none of the republicans denying themselves any of these articles for conscience sake. Is not the appeal of the Tribune, therefore, to religious scruples most absurd? What, principle of religion or morality, or what dictate of conscience, could sacrifice the certain welfare of twenty-six millions of white men for the more than doubtful advantage of four millions of blacks? What moral or re- ligious considerations would advise the break- ing up of this government, with all its precious interests—present and prospective—for @ mere theory, by which three or four millions of negroes would be released from the obligation to work, and thrown as a charge and a burthen upon the white race,.and placed in a far worse condition than they are in now? Is it a matter of conscience with the people of Connecticut to emancipate the negroes, that they may ‘amalgamate with the white blood of this continent, and drag it down to their own level ?—or, if conscience does not prompt this, does it suggest the only other alternative, the return of the negroes to barbarism and idola- try, the worship of a fetish? And does con. science, to accomplish such objects as these: propose to cngage twenty-six millions of white men in the work of mutual destruction? If any conscience does this, it must be one seared with a hot iron and moved by the devil. True religion and morality will seek the welfare of the whole people. Now, the in- tereats of the people of the North are bound up with the interests of the people of the South. If one member of the body politic suffer, all must suffer with it. But this is more true of Connecticut than of any other New England State. Through the link of New York she is connected by her manufactures with the South in a most intimate degree: Connecticut, by its close proximity to New York, and by the rapid communication be- tween them by railroad and steamboats, may be regarded almost as an outlet of this city. What State, according to the census, sends most po- pulation to the Empire City'to swell the num- of its inhabitants? Connecticut. It is, there- fore, ia a peculiar manner bound up with the destiny of New York and the South. If the South, driven to the wall, carry out its threats of commercial non-intercourse with the North, as it certainly will, Connectiont would be the frst to suffer, and would enffer more severely than any other Northern State, The Tribune makes @ fierce attack on the signers of a confidential circular who contri- bute $3,200 to aid the democrats in carrying the election. We are glad to see these New York merchants coming forward with the sinews of war, and we hope they will be fol- lowed by the three or four hundred otherscon. nected with the trade of Connecticut. Someof the money at which Greeley turns up his pious eyes to Heaven, just as if he never contributed money to carry elections, may perhaps be wanted to relieve the distress of those hands who may be turned away by some obstinately fanatical manufacturers for voting according to their conaciences. But in such a crisis as this we have every confidence in the good sense of Connecticut; that it will find out on which side its bread is buttered, and that it will not per- mit the negro worshippers to break up the commercial relations and the trade by which it ives. ae The Savoy and Tascan Questions—The French Difficulties with Sardinia, The telegraphic summary of the Canada’s mails contains some important points of news, The Sardinian government had met that por- tion of M. Thouvenel’s last despatch which re- lates to Savoy, by consenting that the votes of the inhabitants shall be taken on the project. This is an ingenious evasion of the difficulty; but if the French Emperor bas made up his mind as to the necessity of the acquisition, he is not the man to be foiled by it. Lord John Russell had announced in the House of Com- mons that Austria and Prussia had concurred in the views of England, but that no answer had as yet been received from Russia. We be- lieve that Power will be very chary about in- terfering with the designs of France in connec- tion with Savoy. If she condemn the prin- ciple of annexation in Central Europe, it will by and by interfere with her own projecta of a similar character at the south. As regards the opposition offered to the scheme by the Eng- lish government, we question whether it will take a very active form. Notwithstanding the efforts of the opposition to make the ratification of the French treaty by the House of Commons dependent on a satisfactory explanation by the Emperor of his intentions in regard to Savoy, we see that the House has voted, by a large ma- jority, an address to the Crown approving of the treaty. This is the best possible evidence of the emall amount of importance which the English people attach to the annexation pro- ject. It suits Mr. Disraeli and his associates to impart to it a menacing aspect, in order to em- barrass the ministry; but the vote on the treaty shows that it fails to create any very serious concert or apprehension in the public mind of England. The report thateince Sardinia had rejected the Napoleon programme for Italy, the French troops had received orders to be ready to evacuate Lombardy at a moment’s notice, is a matter somewhat. more suggestive of trouble. If the fact be really so, then the people of Italy will have to rely upon their own right arms for a solution of thapending difficulties. Al- though they would probably prefer the riek of encountering alone the whole brunt of an Aus- trian invasion to accepting terms which ignore the popular will of Tuscany, it is not to be desired that they shorfld be abandoned to the hazards which their desertion by France would involve. We do not believe, however, that mat- ters have as yet arrived at such a pass as this rumor—for it amounts to nothing more— would imply. It will be recollected that in the answer sent by Sardinia to the programme of M. Thouvenel, the solution proposed by France in reference to the Romagna was ac- cepted, but that the reply to the proposition in regard to Tuscany was stated to be less dis- tinct. It was not a positive rejection or refu- sal, such as would justify a menace of the kind intimated. It was declared to be merely objectionable for its vagueness, and, therefore, could only involve the necessity of further cor- respondence, in order to enable the two govern- ments to define their respective positions. Having abandoned so many of the stipulations of the treaty of Villafranca as impracticable, we hardly think it likely that Louis Napoleon seriously intends to sacrifice the prestige which he has won by his services to the Italians merely to gain a point in’ regard to Tuscany, which is in reality of no importance to France, unless he means to force a member of his fa- mily as sovereign on the people of that duchy, a scheme which he has formally denied. ~ In the meanwhile, the legitimate press in Germany and elsewhere, which during the war in Italy endeavored to get the public opinion of Europe to arrest the progress of the French army, on the ground of the designs of conquest supposed to be entertained by ita chief, is trying to raise a similar outcry in regard to the an- nexation of Savoy, under the pretext that Napoleon is following out his uncle’s policy of territorial aggrandizement. Very possibly he is; but, at all events, must be conceded that his beginnings are modest. The tories in England, not content with throwing in his way all the difficulties they can conjure up on this question, are secretly instigating the priest party and the high protectionists in France to offer their most strenuous opposition: to his plans for the settlement of Italy. With all these influences combined against him, it will require greater generalship on the part of Louis Napoleon to steer successfully through these haraesing obstacles than were required to conduct the Italian campaign itself. They may, as feared, result again in war; but we en- tertain a confident belief that if good sense and diplomatic skill can avert such an alternative, it will not be the Emperor's fault if he be driven to it. JournaLism aT Wasnineton.—It appears by the recent developements made through the medium of the House Special Committee on the printing job, that there is not mrore than one of the papers printed at the national capital which has any vitality or chance for prolonged existence upon its own merits. .All the others depend upon what jobs they can pick up in the House or Senate, or about the departments— just managing to live along from hand to mouth. In view of the action of the House committee and the atorm of indignation raised all over the country by the cxposs of some. of the details of the jubs in which corrupt members and hungry editors have been mixed up, and which will probably result in the establishment of a National Printing Bureau, two of the sickly Washington journals bave been fright ened to death, and several others may follow their example. The veteren of the lot—the National I:telligencer—eiNt manages to keep its head above water, although, it property belongs to the first rather than the Jast half of the Present century, and went out with the knee breeches. Ms existence has beem preserved threugh the nourishment offered by the spotie during the last thirty years, and the prospect before the old lady just now is traly melan- choly. ‘The only Washington journal which seems to sepport itself is the Zvening Star, which gives the local news; the others are merely hangers-on to the government, without clreula- tion, influence or importance. The Proposed New Olty Guverament ot Albany. An amended charter for the city of New York ia now before the Legislature at Albany, which offers some fair promise of a reform in our municipal government. It is decried in certain quarters as the result of a combination between Mayor Wood and the republicans; but what of that? We care not a jot by what faction, combination or alliance a reform we require a good government, which will iasure an honest expenditure of the public money, clean streets and a healthy city, and we will accept it from any quarter, no matter what it may be. The amended charter seems to con- template a centralization of all the executive power of the government in the Mayor, the Comptroller and the Corporation Counsel, and this we consider to be the greatest blessing which could be conferred on this much abused and misgoverned metropolis. The three indi- viduals occupying these official positions—Mr, Wood, Mr. Haws and Judge Bronson—are looked upon as reputable, able and efficient men, in whose hands the administration of affairs will be perfectly safe. At the elections which placed them in power their offices were esteemed the most important, and concentrated the most interest. The parties who nominated them, therefore, were constrained to present men of responsibility, character and ability for the popular vote, By investing them with all the executive power which the charter authe- rizes—all that has not been stolen from it by Albany legislation—we will have some ex- pectation ofgetting a good and efficient city government. This executive authority may be divided between them—say all the financial authority be vested in the Comptroller, all the executive legal power in the Corporation Coun- sel, and all the rest in the Mayor. This, we conceive, would be the first bold step towards @ radical reform. The Aldermen, as might be expected, are making a desperate attempt to defeat this measure, which takes from them the prop that supports their house, and thereby the means by which they live—the power to confirm or reject the nominations of officials—which the present charter unfortunately grants them. The Aldermen have proved themselves ingom- petent to exercise ahy such power. They are ignorant, inefficient, and many of them corrupt men. They have been selected from thelowest rumholes in the city, and they have proved themselves, from the speeches of Alderman Brady to the fisticuffs of Alderman Barry, wholly unfit to be entrusted with any power whatever, especially with the negative power which they now possess over the executive de- partments of the government. The rotten Tammany faction, too, are in full cry againat the charter, charging that it is the result of a corrupt alliance between Mayor Wood and Mr. Seward. This is all rank nonsense. For three years the Tammany faction has been in com- bination with the black republicans against Mr.Wood. It was that combination which brought about the infamous Metropolitan Police bill, which was invented for the purpose of weakening Mayor Wood's influence. It was that combination which beat him in 1857, He has beat them now, and thereby bas shown that he has more pluck and more sagacity than them all. rf We want an honest, efficient, and a strong government for this city, to redeem it from corruption and disgrace, and insure safgty, comfort and health to its inhabitants. We shall. be glad to get that boon, let it come from what party or combination of parties it may; and if the rottén Tammany faction waat to howl, let them howl. Deceneracy or Parry Morats.—Some time ago a Senator of the United States declared in his place that the government of this country was the most corrupt of any on the face of the earth. This assertion, made in a deliberate manner from so high a quarter, attracted the attention of the country for the moment, but was soon forgotten. In the meantime the poli- ticians have been growing worse and worse, and the standard of political morality has be- come more and more deeply degraded. The black republicans, who pretend to be immacu- late, and who have only been more virtuous than the democratic leaders because thedlatter epjoyed all the opportunities, have made a great deal of fass about the way in which they intend to expose the awful depravity of the ad- “ministration. Mr. Haskin, particularly, ex- pects to make a great deal of capital out of his anti-corruption movement. There can be no objection to the most rigid investigation into the manner in which the public business is con- ducted. Without doubt, all parties are equally corrupt. For thirty years, with one or two trivi- al exceptions, the democratic party has been gorged with the flesh-pots of Washington, and some of the veteran politicians are absolutely stuffed with plunder. They are like the bear that has had his fill and is snoozing quietly without thought of to-morrow. On the other hand, the black republieans enter the field al- most starved to death; thcy are after the maa- ner of the bear that sucks his paws and hun- grily watches for his prey. The democrats play with the spoils as the gourmand co- quettes with a choice morcean, but the hun- gry republican eats his beef raw, like a savage For the verification of this theory, we have only to look at the infamous trickery which characterized the election of the Clerk and Printer to the House. The State Legislatures are even worse than the House of Representa- tives. The assembled wisdom of Wisconsin has been bought for a song, and according to the accounts of the Chevatior Webb, who ought to be very good authority on such mat- tere, the New York Legislatare must have the credit of originating a perfect tariff of corrnp- tion. Under the fostering influences of Weed and Law, the price of a New York Senator haa risen from nothing to twenty-five thousasd dollars per bead cash, or good st sok, “guaranteed.” In our Legislature the black republicans have unlimited sway, and can regulate everything ns they please. That they improve each shining hour, may be seon by the fact that they hare now five or six