The New York Herald Newspaper, January 28, 1860, Page 9

The Southern Platform in the Impending Crisis,’ Speech of Senator Clingman, of North Carol [From the Daily Glove, Jan. 17.] The Senate procerded to the consideration of the follow- resolution, which was submitted by Mr. Paghon the “h ultimo:— exolved, That the Committee on Territories be instructed to nire into the expediency of repealing #0 much of the act ap ved beptember 9, 1880, for the organi Territorial ‘ernments in New Mexico and Utah, as requires that all the 8 passed by the Lezisiatures of those Territories shall be mitted o Congress fer approval or rejection. ‘he pending question being on the amendment of Mr, ‘an to insert at the end of.the resolution the follow- that many Southern men who had no doubtthat the action of the Kansas Convention wag theoretically and ag a mat. ter, of constitutional Jaw, right, nevertheless regretted that action, because it hat the appearance of seeking avoid an opportunity for a fair expression of the popular will. White we held that Congress had no right to interfere with the action of the Territory in this respect, yet worfelt that the issue wa3 one which was \njuring our friends in the» North, and could not poasibiy benefit us. If there ever had been any chance of its be coming a slave State in fact, the course of Governor Walker had already cut that off by carrying over all the officials and their jnfluence in the ‘Territory to the side of the treo State party. With no purpose to cast censure oa any one, I nevertheless frankly refer to this as a circum: Stance for which the demooratic party, as a whole, are not Justly responsible, but which aided the anti slavery party, ag at present organized. On a survey of the entire ground, T maintain that it will appear that the action of the demo- cratic party for the last fifwen years, on the slavery ques. tion, has been wise, patriotic and statesmanlike. proceed, however, to the consideration of the great question bofo: the country. Immediately after the Presidential electio 1856, I met the veteran Secretary of State, then a Sentor from Michigan, on the floor of the Senate, and in reply to an inquiry as to how he was, he answered:—“Well in health, but depressed in spirits. Sir,” said he, “I formerly thonght that the Unioh would never be ‘dis- solved; but Tam now not without painful apprehensions ofa different result. They say that the excitement in the North has grown out of the Kansas bill. A hundred Kaneas bills would not have produced this result. Those ple mean to abolish slavery in your section, You may think that they are net fanatics; but the misfortune ig that they are. You will gain nothing by making to them concessions; you cannot thereby help us; but you will ruin yourselves. By standing firm you can at least protect yourselves.’ His words made the deeper im- pression upop me, because they were in accordance with wy own settled convictions. But sow the evil has at- tained such alarming dimensions that it demands con- sideration. When s dark and rapidly advancing cloud nas already covered half the heavens, and the mutterings of the distant thunder and the wailings of the coming storm are loudly heard, none but @ false sentinel will proclaim a calm. Emivently futile, too, and mischievous are declarations of Southern men against agitation and in favor of union aad harmoay. When a man is threatened with violence, will he stay the hand of the assailant by proclaiming his love of peace? When a country is invaded by a public enemy, can the inhavitants protect themselves by passing resolutions in favor of peace and harmony? All the world regards such things us evidence of weakness or cowardice, and 9s only calculated to Stimulate the invaders. When Philip of Macedon was threatening Greece, his hired partisans re- commended repose and quiet, and denounced Demos. thenes as @ political agitator. It was'in the midst of men who were crying out ‘Peace! peace!” that Patrick Heury thundered that there was “No peace!” If the abolitionists in the North could be induced to abandon agitation on the subject of slavery, it would be well; but they reject with derision the syegestiqn, and beeome only more inso- lont as Southern men ery owt the louder for quiet and union. When, some twenty-five years ago, the abolition society at Boston, under tho lead and guidance of a British subject, attracted public attention, though tt aeclared that its purposes were merely peaceful, and intended to per- suade men to liberate the slaves, yet so insiqnifcant in numbers was it, that the caudidate, for Congress in that id sald committee is also instructed to inqnire into the pro- ¥ of authorizing the people of exch of said Territories to ali their Yerriiorial oilicers, executive, legislative and ju- Nabe Mr. Cunoman—Mr. President, it is my purpose to speak ‘0-day of the condition of the country, as connected with J» agitation of the slavery question. ’ I shall do this with t gfect frankness, and with no reserve, except what par- ‘Yoentary rules and Senatorial courtesies impose. By em & course only can the real nature of the im- siding evil be ascertained,aud a remedy st ving carefuliy studied the subject during the ar {my political life, and from different points of view,. ad to express my opinions seriously, and as fully as casion seems to require. Before speaking direotly © merits of the subject, I shall devote a few auinutes to @ prelimmary question. It has been ‘ontended that the democratic party is responsible ‘or the anti-slavery agitation of the North. A retro. ‘pect into the past will vindicate it most trium ‘bantly from the charge. ‘The courae of the old ederal party in the war of 1812 bad brought it into iseredit and disgrace with the American people. [ts aders, with a view of recovering the popular favor, aud rough it the control of the government, seized upon the ion of the application of Missouri for admission into *) Union, and, by appealing to the anti-slavery fooling of ‘Northern States, created a sectional party powerful vugh to prevent, for @ time, the admissién of the State. “ing the struggle a provision was adopted that qery should never exist in the ‘erritory west ‘Wiesouri and north of the line of latitude of 36 ‘Tho.gh this arrangement was distasteful to South, and by many regarded as dishonorable ‘*woonstitutiona!, it was acquiesced in for the sake of »,. And when, in 1845, Texos eas anvexed to the *by the demo party saints, this Missouri line y4ended throngh it, and slavery, which legally ex- ‘every part o1 that State, was abolished and pro- sorth of the line. When, subsequently, territory _fuired from Mexico, the democratic party, with bat Scveptions, attempted to apply the same principles to ad extend the line of 36.39 through it. The proposition again and again brought forward by the distinguished wor frem Tilinois (Mr. Douglas) and others, and as ” rejected by the combined vole of the entire whig My of the North and a portion of the democrats of that jon. After years of fruitless struggle it was aban- ved, and the principle of Congressional non interven- a adopted by the compromise measures of 1850. In | district refused to reply tots interrogatories, or to give r by rd ebay po eae cs. > any pledges as to hig course op tho subject of slavery. an i the | peo 1 For this i ce, fi oak oh fous. dog ~ For this he was complimented by Harrison Gray Otis, who nevertheless said, with proptietic sagacit: Andean you doubt, fellow citizens, that these assoc Will act together for political purposes? Is it in human nature for such combinxtions to forbear! If, then, their numbers should be augmented, and the success they anticipate realized in making proselytes, how soon might you see @ majoricy in Congress returned under the intluence ofthe associations, And how lerg afterwards would this Union iasi Though few in numbers, the abolitionists went reso lutely and actively to work. There was a strong feel- ing in favor of liberty pervading the public mind gene- rally, while its attention had never been called to the specific differences—phyrical, mental and moral—existing” between the white man aud the negro. The point of ope- rations selected was one remote from negro slavery, where the people were ignorant of its actual features, and thus fitted more easiiy to be imposed upon. In that vicinity, too, were the remains of old prejudices against the southern section of the Union. The effort of the abolitionists was directed to the corrupting of know- ledge at its fountain heads, by the diffusion of publica- tions directed to that end. Its first fruits were seen in its influences on women, preacheag, teachers and professors, persons of lively sensibilities generally, not 80 much accustomed to deal with matters of fact, more easily deluded by cunningly devised sophisms, and more fre- quently acting from the influence of feelings. Soon aboli. téon sentiments appeared in books of education; got pos- session of schools, colleges and churches. As its powers increased , ita efforts were multiplied, until it covered the Jand with its publications. Some twelve months ago it ‘was stated in the newspapers that one of the anti-slavery organizations had resolved to circulate, during the follow- ing year, in the State ot New York, one million of its tracts. Camsuch an anjount of printed matter as this, consisting, as it does, of ing#niously written misrepresen- tations and falsehoods, fai! to produce some effect? Remem- ber that this is repekted from year to year, and aided by hired and voluntary lecturers, speakers and preachers. Abolitionism, to a great extent, pervades the literature of ssubject of slavery, should regulate it veg, subject only to the limitations of the Oon- tion of the United States,as inteppretated by the of the country. This settlement, like the i for the extension of the Missouri line, was reebsied by ‘great body of the Northern whigs, who were for tho it proviso and against the extension of slavery ip mode. It was also opposed by the Southern friends e Misgour lime. Who preferred that system to Con- ional intervention, and who still cherished the hope it might be adopted. In the final struggle they were ed to @ dozea Southern Senators and thirty repre- geptatives, of whom I was one. I call the attention ot Senators to another striking fact in this connection. It is } oreo, not only by the Northern opposition, but also by © she Southern opponents of the democratic party, that it is | = for the alleged evils of Congressional 0 ‘intervention and the disturbances of so-called “squatter sovereignty” in the Territories. I affirm that, in 1850, when this system was gy een) it Was sustained by the representatives of the ithern whigs with the greatest unanimity. I was no exception ‘to this remark, for I had announced already my separa- tion from the organization of the whig party. I repeat that the Southern opposition of that day, under the lead of Mr. Clay, were the first portion of their fellow citizens to abandon the Missouri line and support the principle of mon-intervention by . On the other hand, the dast and firmest friends of the Missouri line were those represented at the Nashville convention—whose ultima- ‘tum it was—and such Senators and Representatives from the South as were in that day denounced as ultras and ‘fire eaters, because of their not adopting the principle of “Cor non intervention in lieu of the Missouri line. When these facts are remembered, will the pre- ‘gent Southern opposition and its organs continue to as- ygail the democratic party for an act which they them- welves emnestly and unitedly ‘take the fround that it was sip ‘ine, in oxfer that free States should be made South of it, | te free States. So strong is the feeling against sla- , but that it should ‘not, in like ‘manner, be obliterated | Very there, that the writers of novels and piays, to 0- to place the South on an equal north of it? After | cure the public patronage, exercise their wits in imagin- ity both of the and of the democratic party | ing sll that can be conceived as worst in human nature, and represent it as a true type of the state of society in the South. The bulk of the newspaper press, too, in the North, is anti-slavery. Such is the character of the entire prees of the dominant party there, and of a large portion of the neutral and religious papers; while a part even of the minority, or democratic press, avoids the subject as much as possible, instead of attempting to stem the cur- rent. Though Northern city papers are much read in the the pritciple of con; non-interven- bad opted hereeacols ahd the democra. those tories. South, on the contrary, our papers have little or no circu- tn the strongest and moet euphotic wane, | lation in the North. if they had, the offorts of the anti- rm and their late action as to the Mexican | Slavery party would, to somo extent, be counteracted. hilo the whig or opposition convention had | ‘The cities of New York ‘and :Philadelphia, for example, ts platform, to bave acquiesced ‘in the same | 8F@ not abolitionized; and this is attributed, by some, ‘But it ia eald'that both parties had declared | © the fact that they are engaged largely in posed to a further agitation of the slavery | Southern trade. But the mechanics Massachu ‘congressional j- | are intensely anti-slay Carrylog. 1 out ought to have profvced | true solution, T think, will be found in the fact. that these whatever, and not in a healthy cities are the resort ot so many Southerners, that our state State of bolic opinion in whe North. The demo. | of society is thereby better , and cannot be ratte could not honorably avoid doing what it | 80.suocessfully defamed. The same reason applies to the did; and Ihave been Hable to tas chores had it fail. States on the borders of the slaveholding country. € to do tf of shifting its principles from time to time, Hid not, a8 the abolitionists allege, that thelr consciences ‘and 80 ita. course ag to favor non-intervention | 4re #0 much blunted that they cannot ap; the evils when it Wid thereby admit free States into the Union, | of slavery; but simply because they do understand it and of for Congressional intervention, ‘on the other | that they cannot be imposed upon by the falschoods of hand, whiit might thereby prevent the formation of a | the anti-slavery writers. In addition to this reason, the ‘Weatern States have a large influx of Southern emigrants. While Vermont is intensely abolitionized, New Hampshire, adjoining it, is lees so. may be accounted for from the fact that New Hampshire was origmally strongly de- mocratic, and its resisted, therefore, to some extent, the ments of the abolitionists. Had not New Hamp- shire been a small State, and surrounded with adverse influences, she would probably not have been over- powered. The anti-slavery movement has 6 on with increasing strength, until it has educated a portion of the Northern people to entertain feclings of hostility to slavery and the Southern States. The movement has pro- gressed independently of poiitical occurrences, but it has occasionally been accelerated or retarded by them. For example, in 1850 it was weakened somewhat, partly by the great discussion at that time, which enlightened somewhat the popular mind, and also by the peculiar character of tho legislation of the period. Cali- fornia was admitted us a free State, with boundaries reaching far south of the Missouri line, and giving the North the majority in this body; while the y 36 30, and did not intend the principles to a case in which, by any possibility, the South its institutions north of this line. We all y suddenly became the warm advocates Migsouri line, and deplored its removal. to the last they showed themselves to be d determined to exclude the South from all hare {the public territory of the Union. While the Kansajill Was pending they threatened to hire men to - vi lied to Utah and New Occuppat Territory, and did, in fact, send bodies of | Principle of non-intervention app! fans to hold .. | Mexico was regarded as a fruitless abstraction, the San See Ree ee eee ee | panera Opinion, grovallng the words of ‘mator im Iilinois (Mr. Douglas) said, a military occupa- tion. is movement provol retaliation, and the strife ‘thus «asioned was referred to by them as evidence ‘@gainsne policy of non intervention. By the same ef- fort omeir part they could have created disorders in that, to use Mr. Webster, the law of God had excluded slavery from them. As to the Fugitive Slave law, it was seen that it could practically, like its predecessor, the act of 1793, be rendered a nullity by State action and individual resist. j ance. It is a great mistake to suppose that the repeal of “tre mupted Uo alssred sredit the” principio of Seals je sove. | the Missour: restriction in 1854 produced the t anti- vignty In fact, they refer to the late invasion of the | Slavery organization. In 1847 and 1848 the of Pep. ate virginia, ‘by some of their employés, as an arga- | Tesentatives, by large big taagans he ly ee ent ainst the state of society prevailing in the South, | Wilmot proviso; and this was understood ve been done in accordance with the wishes of their constituents. Prior to 1850, most of the churches had been divided b; this issue. From year to year the anti-slavery sentim: is ndoubtedly true, ienceof the repeal however, that in conse- Missouri restriction rue ag men were defeated in the North by free 4 soilersid abolitionists. peabeaner ts comece tas one an een ae ager ae ane the mainess and the statesmansh! reform the cur- pomvet greater Sey ee eaaatetns aan iano mine whig part the free States. No one was lan, igustained severe losses po Negi In the more 2 lacing very question on a ite ly ont toa ‘with celrcaeh by the action | year in Ohio, the object, in part, of which was to induce the anti-slavery men to join the whig party bad to encounter, per- t ape pest Ailculies, am not sure; however, har i | the Bathlo-plaorm free solera, he uses auch expres: woul thve been as much weakened, but for the acci- | sions asthese. 1 call the attenton of Senalors particu. denta ci! tances which it could not foresee. During | Jarly to them, because 1 shall have occasion to r, the cxitiment arising out of the repeal of the Missouri | them again presently:— restri occurred that singular organization ot seria which carried a majority of ‘The party of freedom seexs complete and universal eman- po ¢ eee cerns at eee Se y one of the Northern States. pation. * Rtavery ia the sin of ‘not some of the States only, but of them {most It severed, n unin) fils period of exeliement, and“ permancol\y ta Sera a sn tah ety al aie | juld dtherwise have returned to it’ On its sud- idole Ms nanos ae yet 2 , most of its members in the free States toese habita. , in New York, aaltec & few outside abolitionists and formed Unbolding the right of sullrags tthe prespnt black republican party. Bat for these occur- roa ‘Slack laws ‘atlll more east ences, Ihave no doubt that the democratic party would in the constitution of the Uni. hhave, erp this, recovered its ascendancy in several of the unt equal to thros freemen as . But again, Mr. President, when, in the | » bests of and i writen in violation of or 1867, Robert J. Walker was made Governor of Kan- |. Divine law, that we shall surrender the ve slave who ta, be declared that the climate of that Territory | takes refuge ay ging Me at glen aed You Sued it only to, be a free State, and also assured tho pe0- | Se honmeboid words; and Your pretended free sol allie calm ga let was condecaned generally in the Poca oe find in the national compact. ‘Does ek ait ‘' mounting to Executive interference or interven- | this prove that the whig pasty have kept SEE Re opek ot he of the citizens of the Territory to de- | the age that it is as true, pel ge ae q for themselves, By way of defence | tbe inert conscience o! Acree poten aN Walker, it was aid Uinta number of Soatb- | Wbe, Qhab then, yon may. ce) Cotes toe OF ee ' ‘the opinion that it would be afree | much can be done, everything can be Gone. Slavery cam be { - aging saw, neers ae if Governor yn Hanited to te present nouns: eercaich feng eee S, hive declared’ taai fattas ‘ought to be | Phe task is simple and ensy, a8 iis ‘will be bene ‘State, becauge it was on the same parallel ficent and its rewards g) . It requires only to follow this ado “with Missouri, Kentacky, Virginia, Mary- | Simple rule of action: to do everywhere and on every ccaagion (ahd Delaware, ail of which were statce; | ShMime because at that precise Ume and on that particular Sumit of adiacaiions of prowsisont Iressa means | “Ebscawesenseee ey Sines pum Iitionists, to the effect that under the Kansas act that, Tor- But we must sun lowes tan De comers Titory would inevitably be a slaveholding Stale. The en. | S00 seourity of anvery lie. You answer ta it ties ia the con. tre fou condemned his position, therefore, as | Stiutlen of the United Bales and the constitutions and Inws of anfér and an unjust exercise of executive influence in the | Situlien ofthe United Cates sad the Sonsilth erroneous sent Torritory. lt so hay |, however, that for months tho | ment of the American people. Constitutions and laws can Do ‘paper ab the teat of government, and others supposed t> | more rise above the virtue of ibe people than the Iimpid stream Tepresers the views of the President, porrmg yy Sn etiene ee ae Lay yin ae Sraet Walker. “Lissret tee suas Gamsocreey of tho tree inp seas aaa a tf the acco and it the chara re- States, therefore, ook this ground in support of what they | Who lays his weerg ilete at pour door, and defend ‘kim as you sgnderstood to be te views of the admmistration, and as- | would your paternal gods; correct your own error, that slave- whole to a vote of prope. Nevertheless, being inconsiete: ion , for which he regeived the jhatic denunciation of ow’ (hat wi)ch had been so. catia tee North ag a has subsequent e(orts have been in the same m men sealously 1 wore afterwards de- | line; and ai Rochester more recently he endeavored feated ot home because of theh party baving beea pre: | reader th) slavolwiders of the South a# odjous ‘viously eo united to 0 fine of poly. T koow Pomsibie, snd decizrod jbat there yes gm“ irrer NEW YORK HE D, SATURDAY, JANUARY 28, 1860.~TRIPLE SHBET. rm pressible confi “between the free and the slave: holding States. To simulate the Northern people to al- tack us, he affirmedthat unless they abelished slavery throughout the entire South, wo” would extend slavery over all the Northern States. In substance he says, to protect themselves they must destroy our gocial and poll- Ueal system. When @man says that there is an irre. preesible conflict betwee him and me, and that my head or bis most fall, bo procaima bimself my deadliest ene- my. It avails nothing if be even adds that he intends to act quietly and legaliy, but that my head must fall to save hisown. Inghe prevent instavoe the Senator says that it is for the South to decide whether ita system of so- ciety sball be deetroyed peaceably or by “violence.” He is benevolent been oo to eay that if we will submit the work sball be done for us quietly and peaceably. By his efforts and those of others the bulk of the old whig party wus abolitionized, and its members, with the aid of acces- sious from the democratic ranka and abolition societies, ha\e constituted that political organization which to- day threatens the existence of this republic. It claims for itself the name of the republican party, and by its op- ponents is detignated as the blackyepublican party. The latter designation is proper to digiuguish it from the old republican party, whose “image tad superscription”” it seeks to counterfeit, and also bocause its efforts are on- tirely directed to advance the black or negro race. What are the principles of thie party, as indicated by its eclarations and its acts? It has but a single principle, and bat is hostility to negro slavery in the Unitec States. Some of ite members have called it a party for human treecom, but this is a mistake; for, though there are iu a state of slavery in different parts of the world meu 1 races, yet it has mauifested no sympathy for any but t negro; and even to negro slavery it svems indifferent out side of the United States. I maintain it has no principle whatever, but bostility to negro slavery in the Unit states. A man might be for or against the tariff, the bank, the land distribution or internal improvements; he might be a Protestant, a Catholic, a Christian or infidel; but it he was only actuated by an intense feeling of hos tility to negro slavery, or, asthat is interwoven with the social system of the South, if it were only known that b was anxtovs that the federal government should exercise all its powers ‘or the destruction of the Southern States ‘bat man would have been accepted as a good member of the black republican party. But while ailthe members of the party are actuated by this principle or feeling, they differ as to the particular steps or measure to be taken The most moderate of them say they are merely opposed to the extension of glavery, and therefore they are for prohibiting tt in the Territories, aud opposed to the ad mission of any other slaveholding States. The Senator trom Vermont (Mr. Co‘lamer) said not long since ‘tbat this was his position, that he was for confining Sivvery to its preeent limits, so that in time it might cease to be profitable, and in that way be extinguished. As this tion is taken by many men who claim to be moderate and conservative in their views, let us ex- amine it for afew moments. They say that if slavery be contiped to its present limits, the Slaves will increase in number to that extent that slave labor will in time be so abundant that the supply will exeved the demand; and that the owners will, from choice, set them free rather tban be at the expense of maintaining them for their la- bor. Let it be assumed for iliustration that it costs ten cents to feed and clothe a Flave: then if, owing to the great number of slaves who are carried into the Territory, their labor would be worth less than ten cents per day, undoubtedly it would be an advantage for the owners to liberate them, But remember that when the labor of a negro should be worth only ten cents, that of the white man would likewise come down to’ this price. The regult, therefore, is, that population is to be crowd- ed in the South to that extent, thatevery laborer is io be reduced to the starving point, as it was in Ireland during the times of the famine, Now, I would ask the Senator from Vermont this qnes- tion in all candor: if a system was proposed to be institu- ted by which his constituents were to be reduced to the starving point, and thus crushed, would he counge} them to await such a result—or would he not advise them to stand from under before they were destroyed? As there are already four million slaves in the South, when their numbers are increased many times, no one will pretend tbat they ever would be removed.’ The plan is to keep the negroes and such whites as are couipelled to stay among them down at the starving point for alltime. And this is the policy of the most moderate and conservative of the black republican ty. There are others of them who say that, in addition to thiz, the Fugitive Slave law must be repealed; slavery abolished in the District of Columbia, the forts and arsenals, and wherever the United States has exclusive jurisdiction. Others of them contend likewise that the slave trade be- tween the States must be abolished, and also tho coastwise trade between the States. Other classes insist, too, that slavery shou!d be bo attacked in the Stateg them- selves, the largest number of the party, however, stand on the'same ground of the Senator from New York (Mr. Seward): He says that slavery bas no ‘“ constitutional guarantee” which may not be released and ought not to be relinquished; that “ circumstances determine possibili- ties;”’ that they must stand ready ‘‘to do everything when and on every occasion that we can;’’ and that ‘whenever the public mind shall will the abolition of slavery, the way will be open for it;’’ and * it can be and must be abolished, and you and I can and must doit.” More re- cently he saia:— ‘The interest of the white race demands the ultimate emanci- pation of all men. Whether that consuramation aball be aitow- ed to take effect with needful and wise precautions against sudden change and disaster, or be burried on by violence, is all that remains for you to decide. He-also declares that he will go with them who can show him the fastest réad to effect the object. Such is the gov- erning principle and spirit of the party, to use, all the power they have, or can by any possibility acqdire, for the abolition of slavery. When we look to the acts of this party, in what attitude {sit presented? It has made the whole newspaper press subject to its control intensely hostile to the Southern section of the Union. Such is the power of the public press that it was able to keep England and France for centuries in a state of hatred and war with each other. Only a few weeks since, to prevent a collision between the two countries, the Emperor of France public- ly checked the press of his own country; and yet the ‘cest articles in the French journals were moderate in comparison with the tone of the anti-slavery preas towards the Seuth. Party, too, sends up representa- tives to the two Houses of from time to time, evcte themae¥ eto preparing and reoling denunclaey devote themselves to 1g aD un ry the Southern Some barap; against an inthigent pean, who e tirades in expressed quiet spanner ‘which I was listened to by Southern nators. He declared that if, when a European ress fat toet for bestaese purposes, a slunilar conse had ‘een taken, the Congress wi ‘atonce have been broken up. In our State Legislatures such things, if they occur, are soon stopped by personal collisions. In Congress, out of deference to sectional feelings, there is no attempt to check such men as choose to embark in tho trade of heap- ing alt manner of cuoe on our hemp my ‘This anti- slavery party has Pieces most 6 tian ‘usociation ui Es i Bi cP] : ; s i E a trol of the it patdlnger irre nullification of that clause of constitution which provides for the return of ee a slaves. When, many years ago, the State of South lina threatened to nullify a law of Congress, the whole Union was thrown into a state of the e nt; free States that they now scarcely excite a remark when This party, too, has organized societios, and fred agents to steal and carry away slaves from the Southern States; and ‘when a gang of twenty or more is taken off at a time it is made a matter of public rejoicing, and their papers boast of the perfection of the underground railroads, and of the millions of dollars worth of property that they have taken from the South. The federal system, instead of giving us protectin, only affords our enemies immu- nities and faciliti r attack. Instead of being a shield, the Union has been converted into a sword, to s'ab us the more deeply. Itisidle for Senators to say that a ma- jority of the ple of their States are not in favor of these unlawful ‘proceedings If only one man out of every hundred id be @ thief, and the other ninety- nine should not restrain them, by legislation or other. wise, this minority of thieves sould be able to steal all the property in the community. If societies were formed in Massachusetts to steai property in Connecticut or New York, the Legislature and people of the State would doubtless take steps to restrain them. This is done even with reference to foreign countries, to prevent war between them. American citizens are punished for going into Canada to disturb that British com- munity. If societies were formed in Canada for a similar purpose, and were, in fact, to steal an equal amount of roperty from New England, New York, Ohio, and other Northern States, to what is carried away by the aboli- Uonists from the South, we should be involved in a war with Great Britain in lees than six months. What would Beas Salinas eee ane Canadien orators A should boast their societies a bgt them of $45,000,000 worth of just a8 they now say they bold that valuai Southern rundway slaves?” But men who combine to der the people of the Southern States, so far from being punished, are, in many of the free States, encouraged by the legislation there. ' During ‘the last seasion, the Senator from New York (Mr. Seward) introduced a proposition for additional lation to pre- vent the foreign or African slave trade to the United States. In 1808, Congress passed laws to prohibit that trade, and since that time, a period of more than fifty years, as far as I know or have reagon to believe, the law has been violated but in a single instance. What other law on your statute book has been jen en repeat, what law bas Congress ever passed, w! ¢ was a temptation to violate, that has been so weil observed! ‘That it was not broken often, is not owing to any want of opportunity. Northern, a8 well as foreign ships, have been engaged in the trade, and the extent of the southern coast aflords much greater facilities for the introduction of slaves than does the Island of Cuba, into which large numbers are annually carried. This law has not been broken, simply because the le of the South were not willing to violate it. Now, sir, let mo state a cage for the eration the Senate. Suppose, instead of what bas actually occurred, the State of Geo where some negroes were landed, and a number of other Southern had the Jaws which could be de- mn seeking to exclude them by legislation, a8 communitio’ the plague and other contagious disorders. And the Se ator from New York, who has declared that it isa re- ligious duty of the people of the North to violate the Fi gitive Slave aw, and urged them, instead of deliveriug up the runaway negroes, to protect and defend them as they do their paternal gods, stands up in the five of os American Senate and complains of violat.n of the Jaws against the African slave trade! Was ther ever such an exhibition? I repeat, was the like ever seen since the creation of the world? I may use strong language, but truth demands it. Mur Seu ator, too, has fully endorsed the incendury au revolutionary doctrines of the Helper book, as 0 lary majority of ‘the members of his party in the House have done. Such, then, Mr. President, are the views of this rty, ag indicated alike by its declaratious and its ast ig members are moving on with an accelarated velocity. While the more moderate of them now occupy the ground of the abolition'sts twenty years ago, most of them are far in advance of that position. Onght we to stand still until all the States are as thoroughly abolitionized as Massachu- setts now is? If kot, what can be done to arrest the mis- chief? I propose then, seriously to consider this ques: tion. In my judgment, there are two modes in which it cal d onght to be met. The first is under the constitu: tion; the second may be outside of it. If abolitionism bea popular delusion, can it not be dispelled by proper efforts? Truth can overcome error; but to enable it to do fo it must be properly presented to the human ming, As the antislavery party have acquired their present cendency by vigorous snd widely extended efforts, if they are to be overthrown, it is only by decided and per- severing exertions on the other side, ‘There are, in my opinion, sufficient conservative elements in the free State fur this purpose, If they can only be properly arrayed io opposition. It is necessary that the discussion should be widely extended, and also directed to the merits of the question involved. The constitutional argument is suf ficient for the intelligent and honest; but if it be said, for example merely, tbat slavery as existing in the Southern States is. a great and a great evil, yet that under the constitudon t le of the North have no right to interfere with it, riy #0 defending will in the end lose ground; be masees of men when excited by real or imuginary Wrongs will in time break over mere legal restraints which they regard as unjust and criminal. They hold that ‘where there is a will, there ig a way,’ and will dud some mode of action. But in this case the real issue és, whether or not the negro is the equal of the white man physically, inteliectually ynd morally? Though usually evaded in the discussion, this is the reai question which lies at the foun- dation of the controversy. If the people of the Northera States should regard the negro as being the equal of the white man, toen they will continue to feel a sympathy for him in slavery, and can be excited to efforts for his libera- uion, If, on the contrary, he be different in material ro- spects trom the white man, and also inforior, thon his cave must be decided on ts Own merits aifd uot’ from any supposed analogy to that of the white man. It ie not, as the abplitionista in their silliness assert, a mere question olor or prejudice against a black skin. If a negro were jn fact in all other respects like the white man, his blackness would bave been of no more consequence thau the difference between black and red hair or light end dark eyes, The fecling against him grows out of the fact that be is im all respects different from the white man and inferior, When I put the question to any one that T ny here, the chances are that he will at e in. private © some time ago by the S¢ Illinois (Mz dul!), that Omnipotence ba Uifferenoe between the White man and tho nog it is this very opposite view in favor of negro o which gives iti main (orce and vitality to the anti sia moyement. When, sir, some twelve years ago, 1 in dis cussion threw out suggestions about the « races, I was denounced #8 one who attributec God Almighty in alleging that he had the negroes iuferior, Will any Senator on the other side of this chamber tell “me why it is that Prori- dence brings half the children that are born in New England into the world with constitutions se feeble that they cannot live until they are twenty-one years of age? Or willthey, upon their views of His justice, ex- plain why it is that in the same family one brother is pro: vided with a good cousiitation and a strong intellect, while a second has from his birth the seeds of debility apd incurable disease, and a third is mentally imbecile or perhaps idiotic? Would the injustice to the feeble be greater if they were black men’ Are we to refuse to be- lieve the facts which nature constantly presents to us, because they do not barmonize with our ideas of the jus- tice of the Creator? The Bible itself does not explain to us wby‘t is that, while ten talents are given to one man, to anotber but a single talent is given. For the inequality of the negro, Providence is responsible, as He is for the entire creation which surrounds us. When hu- roan laws are in accordance with the bres of nature, they are wise; but if in opposition to it, they are pro. ductive only of mischief. The question is signifi- cently asked in the Scripture, “Can the Ethiopian change his skin, or the leopard his spots?’ The ancients expressed their opinions on this sub. ject in the fable winch represented a black man as baying been killed in an effort to wash bim white. There ig no middle ground which can be maintained on this question, If the negro be your equal, why do you exclude him from your parlors? If he be unequal, your whole argument has in fact lost its foundation, and fails If itonce be admitted that the negro is inferior, then the entireedifice of abolitionism falls to the ground: because it is intimately interwoven with, and owes its vitality to the opposite belief. When pressed boldly on this issue, the abolitionists’ of late are trying to evade it. It is a singular and striking fact, that when this issue has been made in the free States directly, and discussed before the people, they have decided the point against the negro. Such was the case in Connecti- cut and New York on the question of suffrage, and aiso in the States of Il!inois and Indiana on the proposition to ex- clude free negroes from those States. In the contest, too, in Minois, in the year 1858, which resulted in the triamph of the distinguished Senator from Illinois, (Mr. ) this was the leading issue. Had that Senator contented himself with eiraply saying that slavery was an ovil which his constituents bad no constitutional right to interfere with, I do not believe he would have been successful. But he underatood the question, went at once into the merits of it, and carried the war his 9 book men of the and American men cannot sumes that what is itageor » bed oe is necessarily so to the sheep. To determine, fore, what is to be done with the negro, you must study the negro himself. Remember, I do not undertake to decide how or when the negro race became different from the white. They mays a8 many men Of science con- tend, have been created of different species, or they may have been rendered different since their creation, by an act of Providence. Some plausibly say, that inasmach as ‘we learn from the Scripture that a certain race were con- demned tobe slaves through all time, the negro beat fulfils this description, and hence take him as the repre- sentative of that class. ‘ithout attempting to decide who is right as to theory, T it clear that the differeuce be- tween the white race he negro is as great as that between Certain different species of animals of the same genus, that approximate each other in their structure and habits, Butitis said, Do you deny the manhood of the negro? No more than J should deny the monkey- hood of an 4] if I should say he is not a baboon, or he teed of a mallard, if 7 Gepy that he is a canvass duck. Instead of indulg- ing,m vague generalities about human liberty and tho rights of man, @xamine the nature and condition of the negro himself. Four thousand years ago, in the climate best suited to his constitution, he wasa savage anda slave. In his own country be stands in the same cate; with Ivory, dates, and other tropical productions. transferred, as merchandise, to a foreigner, he is usually benefitted by escaping from a master who will eat him in times of hen / to one who treats him with more lenity and often with kindness. Egypt was the seat of the ear- lest civilization known to man, and the Egyptians held the negro as a slave, but were not able to civilize his race; though subsequently, in contact with the Carthayenians, Romaps, and Saracens, he still remained a savage and a slave. in the West Indies, and in other portions of America where they form independent communi- ties, motwithetanding the advantages they had from the teachings of white men, and their great pow- ere of imitation, seem to be returning to their origi- pal sayage state. wn we turn to the free negroos of the United States, what shall I say of them? Why, Northern ‘ag well as Southern men, and even Canadians, character- izo them as the most worthless of the human race. For- merly the abolitionists ascribed their degradation to the want of political and social privileges. But during the mid- dle ages, in Europe, the Jews were not only without politi- cal privileges, but were, as a class, odious, and severely persecuted; yet they were, nevertheless, intelligent, ener- getic, and wealthy. In point of fact, in some portions of the Northern States the negro has been made a pet of, and but for his native inferiority, must have thriven and even Decome distinguished. On the other hand, it is an indis- putadle fact that the four million negroes who are held in slavery in tbe South, when their condition is considered with reference to their physical well being and comfort, their productiveness as laborers, their intelligente, moral ity, and religion, stand superior to any otuer portion of the'r race. While the free ‘negroes in the North, with fresh accessions from abroad, diminish in numbers, the slaves of the South increase as rapidly as the white race, and, upon the whole, perhaps, add as much to the wealth of the country in which they are located as any equal number of laborers in the world. What the abolitionists have to do do fs to find, or create, a negro community which is superior to that’ of the slaves of tye South. When bg Ae have done this, they will have some rounds their in bebalf of emsn in. itherto they have the North by false! man baye } superiority $$$» of any, In fan's it Ba most grown up in our a ‘Y> ® been the atest: Science which bas it has made such strides as to have taken eeaion of the intellect of America. Already ara hundreds who haye adopted the doctrine to one who .be- lieved it ten years ago. It is only necessary for the trn®? men to take it up boldly and preas it home, and the abo- litionists can be routed throughout the North. The shrewder antislavery men, however, seeing that they cannot make longer a successful fight for the negro, affirm: that their objection to slavery is not on his account, but for the sake of the white men, and that they and tie South are injured by the institution, and that our people are for that reason wanting in enterprise and industry, To that argument I have this to say in reply. Where, Mr. President, in all history was ‘tt kpown that one nation was so strougly under the in- fluence of benevolence as to cause it to make war upon another merely to compel the nation attacked to be: come more enterprising and prosperous? Who has in- vaded Spain er Turkey to compel the Spaniards or Turks to become more industrious or thrifty? Will any one gravely pretend that this torrent of fanaticism in the North has no other origin except a desire to compel the eople of the South to be more industrious and to take better care of their own interests, and be more attentive to their own business? The idea is preposterous. I have uo doubt but that misrepresentations on these points have contributed to strengthen ‘the anti-slavery party. But, sir, is there any difficulty in making a complete defence on this point? With no wish, Mr. President, to wound the sensibilities of avy one, or to claim for my section, let us, nevertheless, look at some of the principal facts. One of the best tests of the prosperity of a country and ite healthy conditions is the progress of its population. Compare the population of the fifteen slavebolding States with that of all the free States as shown by the census of 1840 and of 1850, the 1ast decade ascertainec. If we deduct from both section the foreign emigrant population, which is an accidental in- crement, it will be found that the slaveholding States have increased much faster in population than the free States Again, sir, a fair esumate of the wealth of the two sec: tions will sbow that the citizens of the Southern States are s rich per beat, I think in fact richer, thau those of the ee States, It was also shown by Mr. Brauch, a col- © of mine, ome (wo years ago, that of the old AUantic Statee the slaveholding had more miles of rail- road in proportion to their white population, than the free States. There are other evidences of our material wealth to which 1 will presently advert, On the score of morals it may be said that we have fewer criminals and paupers, and, proportionally, chureh accommodations for a larger number of members, It is said, however, tbat any one who merely looks at the two sections will see the inferiority of the Southern sys- tem. But you must remember that our population is ex- tended over a territory of nine hundred thousand miles in extent, while many of the Northern States have a dense population. It is the tendency of an agricultural people, with an nulimited area, to extend itself rapidly at test, hile commerce and manufactures concentrate popula t ‘Tried by this standard, any one of a dozen monar- chics which I parsed through during the past summer has t aby portion of the Union. Eveu in Italy, nto’ oppressed ns it has been for ages, in its agricultural laud: rape, can bring to shame the beat caloulated State” of New England. According to the lo gic of the abolitionists, these States ought to be placed under the dominion of the House of Aus- the Pope of Rome. The entire State of Mas- s is not larger than one of the Congressional dis- f North Carolina, Where a million’ of people are t within a gmail area the eye of an observer rests tions and fields, In time, the whole Union, tria or With people, may be superior to the best culti: vated parts of mteven now the inhabitants of sparsely settled ¢ have as much wealth and | things being considered, as those who live in 1 At no period of our history have ves been more prosperous than at io sent, and even during the commercial pressure of 1857 which has so seriously affected the Northern States. I do not, however, propose, Mr. President, to enter into a general argument on these topics, but to maintain that the conservative men of the North have within their reach facts enough to establish two propositions. The firet is, that the Rese, in the condition of slavery, is not a proper object fr sympathy, and is, in fact, benefitted by his subjection. The second one is, that the white race are not injured by the institution; that the Soutbern States constitute, in the aggregate, a prosperous commu- nity, and ought not to be the subject of denunciation at the North. Should this be made to appear, then, what- ever of real feeling exists against us will be diminished, and, in that event,.we may expect that persons who, like the Senator from New York (ir. Seward), patronize abolition from such motives as induce a jockey on a race- course to back the horse that he thinks likely to win—all such pergons, I say, will find it expedient to abandon anti- slavery agitationas atrade. To effect such results, how- ever, the friends of the constitution in the North must make up their minds to undergo the labor of a thorough canvass of their region against the anti slavery men, and by proper publications refute their misrepresenta- tions. ‘abolitionists declaim constantly against the sinve power. Why, sir, it is sixteen years since there was any attempt by the democratic party to nominate a citizen of the slayveholding States for the office of President; and for the last ten years in the conventions of all parties, the contest bas, been solely among Northern men. In fact, during that period no electoral yote has been given in a slaveholding State, for the office of President, to any Southern man. Our only object has been to select among Northern gentlemen one who was not our enemy. The men chosen have béen as- sailed by our 0] ents, not because they were neglect- ful of any Northern interest, but simply because they were willing to do us equal justice with the other section, and refused to exercise the powers of the common govern- ment against us. It has been urged that the Southern States should, by retaliatory legislation, prohibit the sale within their limits of the productions’ of those of the Northern States that bave failed to do us justice. As the gs of the United States has been interpreted. by the federal and State courts, there is ample pores to effoct this by imposing a tax on articles after they have been imported and the broken; words, on retailers. Two objects are expected to be eflected by this system. Tn the place to make it the interest of the Northern be the Union & tl submit the Ne oh it imposes. Such laws of Congress eld by the courts to be constitutional, ought to be obeyed a all the States that share the advantages of the Union. If, for example, when,adozen years ago, the State of Massachusetts laws to nullify the act for the recovery of fugitives, if she baa been expelled from the Union, two striking effects would have been produced. In the first place, the consciences of the inhabitants of that State would have been freed from all responsibility for the sin and turpitude of slavery; and, secondly, their goods, when brought to the United States, would have been taxed as those of other foreigners are. The impression which such an occurrence would have made. on their minds and those of the country generally, might possibly then have arrested the anti-slavery movement when it was comparatively feeble. In the present condition of things, such a course would not be practicable, per- haps.’ If, however, Mr. President, this hostile move- ment of the anti-slavery party cannot bo arrested under the constitution, let us consider the second remedy, namely, temporary or permanent separation of the Southern from the Northern States. Senators on the other side of the chamber do not think this will occur. When Giddings and others proclaim that ‘the South can: not be kicked out of the Union,” such a declaration is re- ceived by the anti-slavery party of the country with evi- dent satisfaction, and generally with applause. You Se- nators and your supporters do not believe there is danger in any event, because prominent slaveholders and men of wealth occasionally tell you they are conservative, and that the Southern people will enbmit to any treatment you may think fit to impose. But you should remember that these persons are not always the readiest to volunteer to cefend the country in time of war, and that mauy of them dread ciyil commotions. During our Revolution there were wealthy tories in every one of the colonies; and at thé time General Washington evacuated the bd of New York he was urged by one of his subordinate offi- cers, a Northern man, to burn the city, for the reason that two-thirds of the property to be destroyed belonged to tories. You do not believe, also, because yon say that if ibe South were in earnest it would be more united, and ‘would not send up, ag she does from certain districts, members of Congress who asaist yon in party movements, and in answer to your threats prociaim their love of the Union. You should understand, however, that the con- atituencies of eb panbern ae Perel, misled om 4 Purposes, principles and power of your party by newspapers on which they rely for information. Let them have proper knowlege as to the condition of the country where your influence prevaiie, and they will man- ifest the same feeling that the rest of the South does. Gradually a knowledge of your movements and objects i@ spreading over the Southern States. Two occur rencea have materially contributed to numask your ob- jects and disclose the dangers which threaten. The first ‘was the vote which Mr. Fillmore received in 1856. When it was geen that a man like bim of avowed anti-slavery opmions, merely because he showed his willingness to enforop the fugitive slave law, and declared his purpose to ive to the South the benefits of the constitution, was m largely in every free State, by @ mere adventurer like Fremont, @ great impression was made on the con- servative men of the South. They began to realize the state of fecling in the North, and more disunionista were made by that occurrence than perhaps any one which pre- ceded it. The gecond incident which caused even 4 much stronger impression on the minds of the Southern peopié, was the manner in which the. acts of John eet were received in the North. Instead of the indigna- tion and abhorrence which the atrociousness of his crimes ought naturally to have excited, there were mani- festations of admiration and sympathy. meetii were held to express these feelings, sermons and prayers were made in his bebalf, church bells tolled and cannon fired, and more significant than all these, were the decla- rations of almost the entire republican press, that his ‘ishment would strengthen the anti-slavery cause. Yet ators tell us that these things were done because of the courage Brown exhibited. But our people think you are mistaken. Though the mere thief may be and usually is a coward, yet it is well known that men who engage in Tobbery oF Eirscy ee, ©. pretension generally. possess co- rage. Criminals have executed ie ond in New oe doth in the their crimes, an in their death, manifested a8 much courage as John Brown, and yet none of them called forth such feelings hen. iiterary man of lows ce North In ‘Old fashioned Christian notions the favor of do not that, of all the people in the Un! the inhabitants of Massachusetis are the Fling Mle Be and the Most intolerant and overbearing. ‘They know that men who dare to oj the anti-slavery pariy there are persecuted with intense batred; that mobs cam be gotten up on the smallest occasions, and that ten thou- ‘and men can be assembled on the shortest notice {to rea- cue a rupaway vegro from the custody of a United States aarshal. Our people know that these things could not hay occurred unless there bad been an intense feeling of hostility to the South, therefor: with cur aesailanta, *feason "why this the reason "a nol leading e@itors have that the punishment of’ Brown will strengthen the auti-slavery cause? Such is the construction the le of the South put on this whole matter, and hence the demonstrations you wituess among them? But you hold that the South unable and fun- Williog to reeist you; and the Senator from New York (ir. Seward) has declared, in substance, that the Union is Bever to be dissolved. He also told the Senate that the Contest between the free and slaveholding States had ended by the former winning the victory. He and the rest of you expect us in future to submit quietly to what you may see iit to order. Had the British parliament beli¢ved that the: colonies would resist their tax bills our Revolution not have occurred; but Lord North and others declared: that the clamor in America came from a few seditious agitators, and that the great boay of the people were ae loyal to the government that they were ready to subuait to the action of the parliament ey aftirmed that there was no danger of resistance; and, least of all, of their thinking of diseolving the unton with the mother country. Our ancestors wisely determined that the cannon of Grea: Britatn were less dangerous than her acts of par- Kament, Let us look at. this matter for a few momenta calmly. At this moment the population of the South is nearly thirteen millions, of which more than eight million are free persons an‘ four million slaves. Atthe begioning of our Revolution the population of the colonies, both free and slave, was less than three million. The slavebolding States are then far more than four times as as were the colonies when they dissolved the union with Great Britain. Is it likely that after having been inde- pendent for cighty years, our people are less attached to their rights? Bi y of our abolitionists say that slave- led’ our people, and renderad them 6e are neither willing nor able to make ®. Edmund Burke thought dillerently, and said that of all men slaveholders were the most tonacious of their rights, and defended their liberties with the highest and baughtiest spirit. I do not refer to the war of the Revolutiou, when all the States were slavebolding; but im the last war with Great Britain the Southern States sent out more men than the Northern, and it has never yet, as far as 1 bave heard, been pretended that Harrison and Johnson, Scott and Forsyth, were not as brave as those who went from the free States to the Canada line, or that Jackson and the men under bim in the Southwest did not exhibit a proper oe To the war with Mexico, through much the lees poyulous sectida, the North, & one regiment the South sent nearly twice a8 many men « leading black republican editor so from New York would be able to c erp States, A regiment from the & tainly conducted itself well during the Mexican war; but it has not, I think, been aflirmed that it behaved better than tho regiments from the slaveholding States If you, therefore, think that one of your regiments is able to sab- due the South, our people will differ with you im opinion. ‘You say that fear of MM slaves will prevent ang resiaiance to AB a sudden movement of a few ne- groes, stimulated by abolition cmissaries, might destroy @ family or two, there is undoubtedly apprehension ‘eke. Fifty persons, however, are killed in this country by vicious and unmanageable horses, to one who suffers from the act of a rebellious negro. ‘There, is, in fact, about 28 much reason to apprehend a general insurrec- tion of the horses as of the slaves of the South whem left to themselves. When, during the war of 1818 the British armies were in the slayeholding territory, though they induced a number of slaves to join them, tuey found no advantage to result from it, and their go- vernment paid for all carried off at the close of the war. Though the Spartans and Romans were the greatest slave- holders in the world,t and though, too, they held in the most rigid gervitude men of their own color and race, and therefore liable to rebel in great force, yet they wore strong enough to overthrow all their enemies, our opinion the slaves are a positive clement of strength, be- cause they add to the production of the country, while the white race can furnish soldiers enough. Every mam, too, among us, is accustomed to ride and to carry wea- pons from his childhood. There are, however, other im- rtant elements to be takon into the account. the last fiscal year the exports of the United States, exclu- aive of specie, were $278,000,000. Of this the free States furnished, oxclusively, $5,281,008. the:glave States $188 693,000, and the two sections jointly, also, $84,417,000. Ofthis latter sum of $84,000,000 slave States probably furnished one-third, but one-fourth. A fourth added to the amount, exclusively furnished by them, makes a total of $210,000,000 as the value of their exports to foreign countries. They also ex- ported a large amount to the free States. New England alone received about fifty million dollars worth of Southora productions, and to the rest of the tree States were semt, doubtless, more. The entire exports from the slavehola- ing States to the free States and to foreign countries com- bined must greatly have exceeded three hundred milliom. dollars. As the South sells this much, it of course, can af-~ ford to buy a like amount. If, therefore, it constituted # separate confederacy, itimsports would exceed three hund- red million of dollars; a duty of 20 per cent on this amot which would bo a lower rate than has generally been under our tariffs heretofore, would yield a revenue of $60,000,000. More than fifty millions of this sum could well be spared for the defence of our section, and the support of larger armies and navies than the presomé government bas, §Though it may seem strange to you that the Sotth should in this way raise as large a revenuo ag the whole Union has ever done, this, too, with a lower ta- riff, you must remember that most of the tariff taxes the South pays go, in fact, in the shape of protection to those Northern manufacturers. who threaten us with negro in- surrections and subjugation. Do you think that with theas. prospects before our E people Bey, are ready to submit un- conditionally to yor y have the etrongest feelings of contempt for the avaricious We go and = b: tical, the mean, envious and |- cious al Little as they may think of the free negro, he is, in their judgment, more respectable than the ‘white man who comes down to his level; and with all the world to choose a master from, your negro worshipper would be their last choice. In making up our calcula- tions we must also look to the other side. The free States have a Pe pcre of seventeen or eighteen millions. ‘Fhough be rg ogi numerically, than our \, yet it is much relatively, than was the of Great Britain in 1776. Ihave no doubt tha , but the best and cratic ranks; and, while a soe id their section, if , I if they would easily be induced to assail us. = of your abolitionists belong to the “peace party,” have little appetite for cold steel, though they Ha pee efficient in getting yj are lable y at the ballot box. the South needs she can either produce or common! cheaper in Rurope under a system of free trade, your Northeastern States are especially dependent on the South for its productions and freights. How many of your ma- nufucturers and mechanics would emigrate to the South to avoid the payment of tariff taxes? If itwere knowm that one-third of the stores in New York could not be rented, how much would real property fall then? De- prived of Southern freights, what would be the loss om your vast shipping interest? I give you, in this calcala- ton, the benefit of the assumption that all the free States would go with you. Infact,! do not believe that the Northwest would remain connected with New England, still less that you could retain California and Oregom. But you, Senators, do not believe the South will resist. Look for a moment at the course of things there. In those sections that I am best “ncquainted with, there are hundreds of disunionists now where there was one ten yeare ago. By cisunionists,I mean men who would rier to see the Union continue, if the constitution were furly administered, but who have already deliberately to the conclusion that this is impossible, and would illingly to-day see the Union dissolved. In some of the States this class constitutes decided majorities now, and in others whero they are not the majority is ready te unite with them upon tho happening of some further causes. In my judgment, the election of the Presidential candidate of the black republican party will farnish thas cause. lerpg ‘inciples of that party, as announced in the contest of 1856, were such no honorable South- ern man could possible belong to it. I see the General Committee in their call properly this view, and only extend their invitation to pecan, in the free States. What precise anti- slavery Neen they adopt is not very tant, as ¢! support of their most moderate members, knowing thas the ultra ones will go with them anyhow. pe ae know that, in the language of the Senator from New Yc (Mr. Seward), “circumstances determine possibilities,” and that he and they are willing ‘‘at ail times” to do all they can, in power or out of it, to overthrow slavery. Tr, that we ought to wait for some overt act; from New Hampshire (Mr. Hale) the other day declared that it was wrong and insolent for Southern men to talk of resisting merely because they the republicans, elected men to carry out “ their views 1” ‘That Senator ie very wise, and knows that, when a wishes to subdue a wild horse, he treats the with the greatest kindness at first, overt act on him until tied. Suppose that in favor of mal which the United lonies to that count and g5E til to i g E i i ares taken possession maitreat the inhabitants? In the present case imauguration of your candidate makes him the army and navy. One of his first donbtless, to station them advantageously, while, fame time, be could carefully remove from the the public arms, lest the people should take them for do- fence. He would fill the Southern States with postmasters: and other officiais, whose efforts would be dirested to di- viding, a3 much ag possible, the people of the ha and to forming connections with the negrogs. Doubtless some such policy as this would be adopted heforeéuny direct low Shoulda Be fll Dd was struck at slavery anywhere. we, under these advantages, begin to resist, a long and Ddloody struggle, like that of our Revolution, might be the consequence. The pression that Fremont ‘was to be elected ‘some disturbances among the slaves; and with a black re- publican President a hundred such forays as John Brown’s inasingle year. Though the negroes left to themselves are barmless, yet, when assisted amd led om ii ropeans in St. Domingo, the) the white PL nltants. As the Senator from New York (Me. Seward holds that the constitutional guarantees in faver ii ares ‘Personal merely to this ‘are not ly equally to any member of the party elected in , been suggested that, as a matter of dence, for the first election they should choose a free soiler. Would the colonies have submitted: willingly to Benedict Arnold than to Lord Gorm- By way of palliation it has been ae ‘& Diack republican sbould be clected, he ‘disappoint bis vy, and bo more ould Gay ight be to Brose: pe country hy logulasion be to plunder ghe cow cot anevada bo only a reprieve his election on et org ‘ 08 # Would destroy our friends in the North, would demorayae aud dograde our owe people amd.