The New York Herald Newspaper, January 19, 1860, Page 2

2 ‘eanerwniemaicaitlaiichieeeaieematatttla DG See tone tinaa eae ATT AEN Te TEE WRECK OF THE FLORA TEMPLE, | Frighif'l Loss of L'fe—Neariy a Thowand | Human Belozs Cast tway, Kee, Xe, ke. ‘Yhe following graphic report of the terrible wrock of ‘ue American clipper ship Flora Templo, of Baltimore, in the China Sea, on the 8th of October, with the loss of 850 oolies and 18 Europeans, has beea sent us from Hoag Koxg dy the overland route from China via Marseilles. Ic is written: by Dr. A. P. Childs, F, RB, C.8., who was @ passer cer on boar t, and © ynsequently an eye witness to the fearfo! scores he describes ao vividly. Tho following Is his letter:— SPECIAL CORRESPONDENCE OF THE NEW YORK HERS LD, Howa Kona, China, Nov. 13, 1859. Shipwreck of the American Clipper Ship Flora Temple in the China Sea—Probable Loss of 850 Cvolies and 18 Euro: speans—Graphic Description by @ Passenger—The Striking ‘om the Rocks— Panic Among the Orew—Apprehension of Goolie Violence—The Taking to the Small Bor's ant Abandonment of the Ship—AU the Coolies Left Behinl—~ Beparation of the Boats in a Storm—Safe Arrival of one at Touran, in Cochin China—Only Thirty-one Lives Baved— Supposed Swamyping pf the Other Boats, Contarn- fing the First cnet Sccomd Mates, Fourteen Men ana Poo Boys—Mision of the French Steamer Gironde tn Search & the Wreck—Net a Single Surewwor Found—Account of the Voyage of the Flora Temple Previous to the Wreck— Outbreak of the Coolies and Murder of a Sailor—Intrepit Conduct of the Captain, de., de. The Flora Temple, as fine a merchant ship perhaps a ever entered the China Sea, left Macao for Havana oa Saturday morning, the 8h of October, 1859, having on Doard a crew of iifty, all told, and eight handred and fifty coolies, On the following Friday, the 14th of October, at 7:50 P. M., sho struck vpon one of numerons reefs not marked upon the charts, which render the navigation « the China Sea so uncertain avd dangerous. For two days previous a gale of wind had been blowing from 8. W., accompanied by a high sea, during which eai! bad been reduced to double rvefed topsails ant courses, and although on Friday morning the wind had wonch abated, itatill remained $. W. (shifting westerly), the captain was unwilling to make more sai}, fearing lest Beurrent might have set the ehip to the eastward, in the direction of the reefs marked upon the charts, Porta- nately, the sights at twelve o'clock and in the morning were ood and quite reliable, and our position geemed to ‘be so far (thirty-six miles) to the westward of the most westerly reefs in the la ch we then were, ‘that (the ship coming up to S. 34 E.) the captain, baving ordered a good lockout to be kepton the foretopsait yard, apprebended no d nger from standing on unt eight o'clock P. M., at which hour he had given orders that the ship should be put about. Tt was 7:20 P.M. ‘tbat op coming upon the poop deck from the tea table ho faquired if a good lookout was kept from the yard. Tho officer on the deck said ‘'Yes.”” He was gent forward to see, and bad barely reached the foreoastl when we beard the cry of ‘(Hard up” from the lookout. ‘The helm was instantly put hard up, and the spanker low ered. No sooner was this done than “Hard down” was hkeard from the oflicer, who by this time had come af again to the gungway. In fact the ship was within a ‘very short distance of the breakers, which could now be distinctly reen and heard from the after part of the poop, where we were standing, and which extended in a curved Aine from about four poluts on our starboard bow to about Shree points on our port bow; they were close aboard; it seemed impossible a long ship like the Flora Templo should escape them, and although the yards were braced round and the ship hove aback, she struck, first slightly, and then, very soon afterwards, several times with a tre mendous crash, the breakers running very high alongside. Such was the position, trom which it was found impos: Die to extricate her. Pirces of the timbers and planising floated up on the port side, and after some more very Reavy thumps she at last remained almost immovable. Having a jist aport, the water had rapidly increased from two and a half fect till it had reached the between decks, where the coolies were. There was no longer a shadow of ground for hope that the vessel could be preserved. ‘While this was going on—indeed, almost immediately after the ebip first struck—a fear that the coolies wonld rise and wourder al} on board seomed to have possessed iisel! of ‘the minds of the crew, ana to such a height did ts ri ‘hat the captain (having at the time, however, uo inten tion of adandoning the ship) had the two quarter boa Jowered, and placed an Oilicer and five men in each, with orders to remain near the ship, so that refage imight do at hand, if by any chance they shoila Become neediul. The crew were thoroughly un manned; their only anxiety seemed to be to leave the ship, no matter how, and had it not been for U his indefatigable brother, and one or two others the boats would baye left the ship absolately uoprov: ‘with the merest necessaries of life—the men could be got to do nothing. The boats were lowered about teu o'clock. Abont twelve the other small boata were got out safely, and there now remaized only the longooat, which ‘the panic-stricken men had declared it was impossible to oul. Fifteen, with the captain, remained on board. e labor and aitfleulty of getting this boat out was im mense, ‘The captain had to climo the mainstay to hook ‘on the tackle; but at last it w. t out at about 4A, SL, ‘and with its crew passed safely over the breakers. Im- mediately before leaving the ship the lead was hove, and four fathoms were found under her bows ‘and stern and three fathoms emidships; just through the breakers there was no otiom at fourteen fathoms. The earliest lights of morning were now showing themselves iu the east, and oon aftr the day broke the coolies were all collected on the upper decks. The ship then appeared to remain al- most without motion; all her masts were staading; she bac a strong list aport; her back was broken, aad the main and monkey reils and waterways were also broken ‘amidships, the sea makiog a clean breach over her star- Doard quarter. Having passed rouad the northern extremity of the line of breakers, the captain im the Jopgboat joined the quarter boat, with the smaller boats in company, the port quarter ‘oa’ with the scecond mate in charge having deserted us ‘during the night, alarmed probably at the firing of the gans, ears, Seomed to dedote auotber outbreak of the cooli ‘The captain had ali transferred from the cingies to the longboat aud quarter boat, aad bout nine A. i. a sail was made to the westward. In a very short time the wind increased till it became a severe galc trom W. 8. W., accompanied by a tremendous seg and heavy rain. The boats parted company, and henceforth I can only speak of the one in which, by the providence of God, after fourtsen days and nights of ex. ¢, we arrived sa(ely at Touran, in Cocuiu China. Baring ‘Saturday, the 15th, Sunday, Monday, Tuesday, ‘Wednesday, Thersday and Friday, the gale continue: ‘without abatement, and we remained hove to under actose reefed maiiisail, with a bucket veered out to tweoty fathoms. The ‘boat was an open one, and we were drenched witb the seas that broke over us and with the rain, which night acd day coutioued almost without ta. termiesion, as it seemed to us. We wore covered with salt water boils; our feet were terribly swollen and pain- fal; we bad saved nothing but what we stood in, and bad no change; a wet biscuit and haifa pint of water a day ‘was all we dared to venture on; sleep was almost impos- gible; the men sat moody, wretched and disheartened. How an cpen boat so smali as tie one we had coald live imsuch a soa isamystery. Some were never dishcartened, Dut when tho cheeri ess day declined to a more cheerless night in an open boat, with a heavy gule of wind, a tre- mendous sea, an angry sky, with lightning and thunder of ‘the moet startling kind, none of us could have been so stolid as not to feel what it was to watch ‘as those who wait for the morning.” On Saturday the and sca absted, and Sunday was fine. mately, the captain had saved his sextam and ‘@ chart, and as be found we had drifted as far north as 43 deg., be determined to make for Touran, the French aettlemnent in Cochin China, hoping also to fali in with a ‘Un the following Weonestay, the 12th day frum ‘the wreck, we made the land to the south of Touran, and remaiped all night tied to a fishing stake, oh account of ‘the strong current which the night before had swept us to the Sovth, and the next evening to our great joy, came sight of the masts of the Freneh squadron at Touran. Tt was impossible for us to weather the cape so as to reach them that night, and we went intoa small harbor ‘the foot of the mountain to the souta of the outer bay Touran, where the inhabitants of @ sinall fishing vil- received us hospitably and we again enjoyed the suries of warm food aud ire. The next evening we reached Touran, more seble and exhausted thaa we our- solves belicved, and were received on board H. LM. gteamer Gironde, and from her officers and the Freach authorities we received the utmost kindaess and attention, ‘We were thirty-one in number, including Captain Joaa- gon and his brother. The starboard qaarter boat ocoa- tained the mate (Mr. Marshall), nine men and two boys. ‘The port quarter boat contained the second mate (Mr. Walton) and five men. Serious apprehensions mast be felt for the eatety of these boais. The gale we experienond ‘was most severe and was accompanied by a terribie sea, im which it is feared the boats must have perished. E B ERAE Immediately on our arrival at Touran John- Bon called oD the French Admiral "age, and him to send im search of the boats, begged iesing ae well as to tho rescue of the coolies, With the greatest readiness this request was at once com- plied with, and the steamer Gironde was despatch- ed with orders to proceed to the scene ot the digaster. Our men were transferred to another yesse! to be sent 00 to Hong Kong; Captain Johnson, his brother ant At a im the Gironde. On Wednesday, the 21 of vember, at two o'clock, we were again in sight of the reef. No relic of the gallant ship we had left appeared, ‘till on proceeding clozer in & boat, the side, from the main chains forward, could be seen floating, attacned to the remainder of the wreck by the rigging, together with the bowsprit and jibboom and the top of what seemed to dethe main skyeail toast. Of eight hundred and Atty -coolies pot one remained. Close to the reef, within a short distance of the wreck ou the southeast side, the boat woun‘fed and found no bottomat twenty-seven ‘fathoms, ‘and within a mile, to the northweet, the steamer found no boitom at seventy {athome. The breakers on the reof extended about one-third of & mile, ia a carved Itne from northeast to Routh They were very narrow, not over one hundred yards in width. ‘The position, according to the calcalations on board the Gironte, was 10 deg. 19 mln. N., 113 deg. 30 min. E., | agewt, Holmstrom, are alone while Capt. Jobneon made 't 10 deg. 15 nag 23 118 deg’ 4 min. E. Nothing remained to be done. ‘eabepey NEW YOR", fad, doubtlers, perished, and wo at onr cooties ire for Mauils, where we arrived or _ shaped November: ‘es ‘The jos of this splendid ship cannot general interest, when it is remembere” «fail to excite w dilty 860 human beings (not to er thatia all proba- 3 be 4ak of the cightoon Europeans in the mt Te was impossible for us to — Ve perished witn hor. these cooties. More humave — Mike Any atvempt to save big brother, Mr. J.T. Johr Men than Capt, Johnson and ried y #00, do nol exist; but the crow wore #0 terrified on tha! y+ Gisastrous night, that it was only by exertions almost» og poiiet th of the cap- tein, his brother o° 223.084 belief, on the part he Cap: Ud s@ afew others, thatthe safety of the crew orem WS", eecured. They would have burried from the ship witout provisions, and would infalibly have perisho’,, What could be done with such a crow in the WAY ©.¢ providing for the removal an: feeding 850 coolies’— 420 moreover what confidence could be placed in tne for Pearance of the Intter that they would nyt rush uyoa the remaining boats, swamp theus, aud thus destroy the oar chance by which any of us could hope to be Saved’ Bat we bad the most serious reasons for distrusiing the coolies al this crisis, As 1 have said, we ieft Macao ea saturday, October 8. Ov the following Monday all seemed aettled to their placer, and the eooltes app comiort- Able and settled to their places, ko, Teau affirm that no intermediate passengers, pot even Engtish soldiers ia aa Rnglieh transport, receive better treatment on board suip than did those coolies on board the Flora Temple. Every- thing relating to them was port well ordered aud cl ; their food was plentiful good; their laxuries even were plentiful; they were objects of' the first coa- fiferation on board: the necessary order aud discipline among them was enlorced by mem chosen from au og themselves. I bad aa toterest in the subject and 1 took care to inform myself of ail that weat on. The Monday after we left Mecao all seemed quict and cheerful; an outbreak wag the last thing in the world wa ticipated, Ou the next morning (Tuesday), three days or we had left Macao, the watch on deck being scattor- ed about the ship aud the guard at tho port gate of the barricade—which had been erected between the coolies and the crew, who slept att—being away from hia post, the coolles, who bad collected on deck in large numbers, suddenly fell upon the guard at the starboard gate, struck him on the head with an iron belaying pin, drew out his sword, cut him with it frightfully aud despawched Lim with the carpenter’s hatchet; they then made a rast to the cabins for the arms. While trils was goiag on aft, the coolies forward were calling out “Fire,” “Fire,” to in- duce the watch forward to go below. Fortunately the captain had come on the poop just in time to eee the rash aft. He immediately ran into his siateroom, seized hia revolver, and calie¢d me up; his brother armed himself, aud half a dozen shots from thom put the mutincers to rout, bat not before one of the crow had been backed to pieces and killed and several others wounded. The coolies were armed with the covk’s axes, chain hooks, iron belaying pins, iron bolts, knives, hand: epikes, marlingepikes, and everything they could lay their hands upon. Some of the more adventurous bad pone- trated to the staterooms, aud but for the sudden panic produced by the shots, it is impossible to see what coald have saved us—all must have been lost. Artrict inquiry brougat to light a deep Inid and widely extended scheme for killing us all and taking posseasion of the ship, all those who had agreed to join in it giving up their contract papers as a kind of pledge or guarantee to the ringleaders, from whom they were to receive $40 a man. We could fing no limit to the number of those who, directly or mdireetly, were implicated inthis plot. It was clearly impossible for us to place any confidence in them again. It was necessary for us to be constavtly on our guard, aud this it was (hat, a3.soon as the ehip first struck produced such apgrehensioa and terror in the miads of the crew. The boats were no mor® than sufficient to save the crew, forty-nine in number. We were over three hua- dred miles from the nearest land. Jt was impossible to raft such a number of men so grent a distance, much less feed them, even had we beea justiled in trusting our lives to their forbearance; and Captain Jobnson thought, and wo ali felt, that the only chance of saving one of these unfortunate coolies, was our falling in with a ship waich might, perhapa, be induced to go to taelr assistan For fourteen long days and nights our hope was d ferrod, although we crossed the most frequented part of the China Sea. Not a sail of any kind did we see until we reached Touran Bay, and then Admiral Page imme- «ately complied with Captain Johngon’s request, and ha- manely despatched a steamer of war to tae reef. Ag I have before said, scarcely a relic of the ship remained, and in all probability she went to pieces on the Saturday uight, and all on board perished. I cannot close this narrative without bearing my humblo testimony to the conduct of Capt. Johnson and his gallant brother. always feel that ail of us who remain owe our lives to their intrepidity aud forethought. These brave men wero to us the instruments of tho benign Providence of Almighty God. A. P. CHILDS, F. RC. 8., Eag. On the part of Captain Johnson, bis brother and n Thave t offer tothe Freneh Admiral and to the oilers of the Gironde our most grateful acknowledgements for the courtesy and kindness we received at their hands, Our Havans Correspondence. Hayasa, Jan. 10, 1860, President Buchanan's Message in the City—Somments of the Cuban Press—American Steamers for Government Works—4 Squabble about the Payment, dc. The Message of the President to Congress, received here via Charleston, oa the 7th inst., has, as has been the case for eome years past, caused considerable excitement amoug our Spanjsh brethren, as will be soon by the fol- lowing translation of thoee portions of the leading article of the Diario dela Marina of the following day, which treat of the substance of those parts of the Mossage which refer to this island, to Spain aud to Moxico, ia which it wiil be at once seen, though it is attempted to treat the subject complacentiy, yet there does in reality exist a great deal of anxiety and excitement in the Spanish Dreast:— ‘The Diario de la Marina says:— By tho extracts, which we gave in the afternoon bullo. tin yesterday, from the Message of the President of the United States, many of our readers are already informed of the new work of Mr. Buchanan, and by them Will have seon if he still porstets in the ideas of his formor Message, the present differs from it mat y in respect to impetuous and ogeressive language. I: is also trae that circumstances have greatly altere 4, above all, in the interior or the country, where io the successes of Harper's Ferry are jnst aoced those of the State of Miszouri, which, if poxsible, are of a graver character than the insurrec: tion of Brown fn Virginia, whilst, after ali, the lection for the new Presidency is about to take place, and lastly, the party against the President is decidedly in the ma- jority m the House of Repreeentatives. Inthe same alcance we gare that part of the Presi- dent's Meeeage which refers to Spaia, in which the ditfy rence we befere indicated {a privcipaily noted, although in the brief terms used by Mr. Bacaanan in speaking of the subject, as in other pointe of our relations, he tas Bot failed to treat us with epecial coosideration, which certainly contrasts greatly with the conduct observed in Madrid, by the last two Ministers, Mr. Dodge aud Mr. Preston, who wore both appreciated in that capital on that account. In that part of the mearage referring to Spain, the spirit with which Mr. Buchanan favors us is very clear, eince wishing apparently to treat ta the disputes still pending with Spain—it resalts that no such disputes exist—hecause, as the President says, that the Cuban claims, amounting to $128,685 54, have been recognized and approved by her Majusty’s government—situough not paid, At the same time the obligations of the United States in the cisims of tne parties interested in the affair of the Spanish schoonor Amistad are still psad- ing; and it isto be noted that the said debt of Spain w the Ainerican citizens is of a much later date than that of tho ‘American citizens to tho Spanieh subjects, since the latter dates from 1840. ‘The present disagreements congjst in the insinuations respecting the purciiase of this islaud—an idea which con- stitutes a real offence to every Spanith heart, and on this ac- count the disputes with Spain will be dzrnal, and Mr. Buchanan mzy be very sure that his Presidential period will be buried in history, without the indomitadle firmness of the Spanish power having ceded in the least degreé—and without the government of Hor Majesty having deigned to listen to the slightest insinuation in this point, and without doabt Mr. Buchanan's conscience will acknowledge this. And in like manner we declare that we do not give all ‘the importance to that part of tho Presidont’s message which refers to Mexico that we shoald attribute to it if we believed the President was disposed to carry out all the om which he presents to the federal Congress. . Buchanan, formerly Minieter of Mr. Poik, in the declaration of war against Mexico in 1846, hai certainty a Liking for the Mexican Repablic; but on tue oae hand the conquest of that magnilicent country offrs a brililaat to distract the minds excited by the late quostions: between the North and South; and on the other hand it was necessary to alarm Congress, that it ouzht at least to Iigten to the treaty Jately concluded between Mr. McLaue and the government of Jusres, which until now was ua- known by all civilized peep soy tere ater Buchanan, who had also accepted that of the (tal, and treated with it until the miaistry of Senor Zuloaga dismissed Mr. Forsyth. Mr. McLane’s pretousions were ouly accepted when the said federalist government was defeated in all parts, and was almost reduced aione to Vera Cruz, hal to secure the only hope of existence, by the absolute abidica- tion of its nality to foreign arms—because, with Mc. Buchanan's permission, wo think it lawful to aay that in the facts aboye referred to there exist marked inexaxti- tudes, as notable, for example, as that of attributing to the Mexican government the evouts which occurred in the ‘Mexican under the dominion of federalist forces. Otherwise, Mr. Buchanan’s Message has not caused us the least surprise, as we are very Sure it will cause none in Rurope, accastomed already to the toue of the messages: and of the frequent want of the common principles of public right as proclaimed by the genorality of nations. Early in the last year a steam dredge, called the Cabal. to Marino, was built by Messrs. Laurence & Foulks, of Williamsburg, for the Board of Works of thie city; the machinery was contracted for by Molyneanz, of Borden- town, Nd. ‘The price to be paid for the dredge when in working order was thirty-five thousand dollars. Tae ves- sel was brought out here by Captain Reimer, who loft ber n September last in charge of an en; named Holm- ‘strom, who had been sent out by meax to put up the machi aye eae order. By the contract, Molyneaux was to find the money required to put the machinery in working order, which, it was agreed, should be done by the November. The Works paid for the vessel and machinery all bat anchors, which were the Foulks, for $1,150, which amount he handod to etrom ‘to assist’ bim in his way.” amount Molyneaux wrote for, and it was sen Holmstrom, who after ee betwee $4,000 more from the Board of Works, bas the United States, leaying the machiaery not put up “working order.” The Board of Works here now properly refuse to pay any more money until the ig put in “working order,” and thus in the bad faith of Molyaeaux or that of strom, all the parties concerned are kept out lance of their money, and a bad name is not only to those concerned, but the gener: character is injured thereby, when Molyneaax the parties be blamed. ‘This ctroumetance is deeply to be regretted, because it pe glerfeaa? HERALD, THURSDAY, JANUARY 1, 1860.—TRIPLE SHEET. bow they pay any money until are entirely Talfilied, Reimer has since bronght out another little steamer, called the General Serrano, built oy Laaceace & Foulké, for this government, which ia to bs emp\ored jm conveying t1 to and from the diffrent forts 1. t's barbor, and which veasel gives entire satisfaction, The Spanish Bavk of Havana inerease i the amosut of ite aiscounts for the week endiag Tth inst. $40,404 96. ‘will cause the authorities here to be very chary bersifter the contracts they make Literary Intelligence, “WASHINGTON AS 4 CAPPAIN,” BY GENERAL HBN- NINGSEN. General Henningsen’s new work on the military career cf Washington is completed, and will be placed in the hands of the printer ina fow days. Its o'jeot is to give & brief history of Washington’s campaigns and a criticism on his merits as a general. This field has been hitherto almost unoccupied. ‘Three of the best works on nis biographyand on the War of Independence—by Sparks, Lossing and Irving—comprising nineteen yolumos, al- though replete with graphic descriptions of the man, or interesting detala of the events and scenes amongst which he figured, yet fail to enable the general reader to conclude whether or not Washington was in fact an able commander, and whether the struggle with which bis name is associated waa really of an importaut military character, if either be judged by the standard of celebrated captains and of memorable cenflicts in the Old World, Atali events, without much study and extensive research elsewhere, these volumes do not enable the reader even approximately to determine what compa tive place should be aseigned in history to the Rerolu- onary war and to its leader. To fill this hiatus General Henningsen has endeavored to criticise Washington’s campaigns from a comparative and professional—but though from a professional, not teebnica!—point of view. That is to say, that either avoiding or explaining the technicalities of expresesion which constitute a jargon for the non-professional reader, all reference to the artof war has been carefully brought within the scope of popular comprehension, From a comparative polnt of view—because comparisoa afords the most satisfactory test attainable whereby to estimate the merits or importance of men, events and things. Tho War of Independence, for instance, is examined aad illus: trated in these pages by brief comparative allusions to the wars of antiquity, to those of the Middle Ages, and of mo- dern, and evon subsequent times, as regards the number of combatants, extent of operations, severity of fighting, and eventual results. Washington's position as a general is attempted to be estimated by comparison with Fabias William the Silent, Gustavus Adolphus, Frederick the Se- cond, Marlborough, Napoleon Bonaparte, Welliag- ton, &e. The conclusions to which General Henningson has Deen Jed are, that the War of Independence, in which the total number of combatants engaged rarely amouat- ed to sixty thousand on both sides, aad never exceeded twenty-seven thousand on one field, though comparatively insignificant as to numbers, ‘was yet very remarkable for the vast extent embraced in its military operations. Excepting the wars of Alexan- der, Cwear, Zongie, Timur and Napoleon Bonaparte, few, if any, spread over a wider area, and none whatevor but those in which entirely disproportionate numbers were engaged; that, as regards the not very numerous battles and combats of the six years Revolutionary war (amount- ing to some thirty), they were most obstinately con- tested, as shown by the per centage of loss. Five of these combats, for instance, judged by this test. were as hard fought as some of the most sanguinary fiolds on which Frederick, Napoleon Bonaparte and Wellington com- manded, averaging the loss of Borodino, Leipsic and ‘Waterloo; that few, if any straggles in history, have b2en as important, if we regard the magnitade and permanence of ite results, as exhibited in the growth and present con- dition of this Union, and in its futare, as it may most rea- sonably be conjectured. With reepect to Washington, the conclusions arrived at are, in brief, as followa:—That, though evnicing no great ability as a tactician, though having fought but fow battles, and thore not very suocessfully, yet that the sagacisy and strategic skill with which bis operations were conducted entitic him to a high place among great commanders, and taken in connection with the influence of his peculiar go- nivsin determining events which have led to results so ‘vast, insure him justly an exalted rank among the re- markabdle captains of the world. His military career— marked by only half's dozen battles, but comprising six years of ardvoue conflict—in some respects resembles that of Gustavus Adolphus, brought to a close in the third year of his campaigns, and in his third battle, but yet securing to posterity great and permanent results, and to himself a fame rivalling that won by such generals as Alexander in twelve years campaigning, by Hannibal in seventeen, by Cesar in fourteen years and sixty battles, by Timar in thirty-five years, by Frederick the Second in ten years and twenty battles, by Napoleon in nineteen years and fifty battles, and by Wellington in twenty battles and twelve years campaigning: These and other military | leaders (with whom, tn attempting to estimate Washington asa captain, he is incidentally compared or contrasied) are pointed ont as having exhibited great diversity of char- acteristics and merits widely duwsimilar, but yet admitting of a ccrtain classification in what may be regarded as their peculiar styles—like painters, sculptors, orators or writers, widely differing in incontestible but yaried excellence. There ate, for instance, celebrated commanders wh? have achieved great things with means disproportionately small; those whose caution teft final Tegults a8 little as possible to chance; these who with ade- quate means obtained results surpassingly brilliant and rapid—the adventurous gamblers in war, reliant upon fortune, and astonishing the world both by the greatnoas of their success and the suddenness and extent of their reverses, There are those who played out the game of war with more or less skill, just as they found it, and those who, Hike Gustavus Adolphus and Frederick, were inventors or innovators in the art. ‘Washington is shown to hold a distinguished place amongst those by whom great things have been accom. plished with small means and in the face of singular diili- culties. Though not a winzer of battles, and probably upon the battle fleld inferior to Arnold, Lee, Greene and Sir William Howe, yet, pre-eminent in sagacious caution and peculiarly fitted to the circumstances in which he was placed, he brought to successful issue a contest in which not only those generals, or any other mere “winners of batties,”’ but some of the most famous commanders upon record, would in every likelihood have failed. ‘The work, which is nowise a chronicle, but rather a narrative, with commontaries upon events, 80 far from pretending to adduce new facts, docs not even assume to determine between those upou which historiaus conflict. The writer contents himself by taking them from the best accredited authorities, his deductions being of a character suflicient!y general not to be in any manner impeachable by such discrepancies as exist. He has, however, through coneiderable statistical and historical research in direc- tions pertinent to his subject, collated, for the purpose of iltastrating it, a large number of facts which have not been brought together elsewhere—such as the length of the career of eminent captains, the number of their bat- tles, average of loas, populations, prosperity and wealth of various countries for a century past, actual and compa- rative growth aud developement of these, numbers en- gaged on both sides in tho War of Independence, the ag gregate of British and of Ame rican toss, Xo. Yu the couree of this investigation many of the ideas the author had formed from general reading are stated to have undergone great modification or entire chango. Amongst other conclusions at variance with his precon- cetved notions, he has come to the conviction that the in- tervention of France was much lees influential on the fate of the war than {s usually bolieved, aod cannot be con- sidered aa having been decisive of its issue. That the British genorals, instead of facilitating by their incompe- tence the succes of the American arms, evinced, if no brilliant talent, @ fair amount of ability, and that the British soldiers in no way derogated from the stabbarn Dravery by which they have generally been distinguished. ‘The Rev. C. W. Thomas, of Georgia, chaplain United ‘States Navy, is about to publish a volume of Adventures and Observations in West Africa. Mr. C, E. Whitehead has in the pressa work entitled « Wild Sports in the Southern States.”” ‘The Rev. W. H. Milburn (the blind preacher) will shortly publish his “Pioneers, Preachers and People of the Missiesippi.’” Derby and Jackson bave nearly ready a volame of me- moira, entitled ‘Women of the South Distinguished in Literature.” Died, in Gorham wORitearys. Jame |, in we . Puuewey MF. Phingey has doen 4 THE POLITICS’, AND SOCIAL HISTORY OF SLAVERY, Aycent lending article in the London Tiss, In which if adm&s the impossibility of maintaining ‘ half caste republic” on this northern portion of the Western Conti. nent, by the political amalgamation of tho slavesand thelr masters, touches this much vexed question a8 with a needle, and lets out the exact truth. The Hxralp, after Jong years of observation and study of the character of the negro race, bas not hesitated at various times to ex- prees the opinion that they are so vastly iaferior to the whites, in all respects, that they cannot exist with any de- gree of comfort except in some state of servitude, where the influences of Christianity, as well as self-interest, re- tain it, as in the Southern States, in its very mildest form. It is not our intention to take up at present this view of the Bubject, but to embody as briefly as possible all that is worth knowing of what we here term the political and social history of slavery, gathered from the very best authorities witbin reach of the student and scholar. Slavery has existed from the carliest periods, and is spoken of as an institution by the carliest writers known n the Patriarchal times—a part of the system which governed the Jewish States, continued throughout Agia, in Greeve, Rome, during the Christian dispensation, the Mid- dle Ages, and down to our own period. Thus, whether we consider it either as an evil per se, or ono of the consequences of the difference of races, as permitted under the moral government of (ue world, it has pervaded all eras and all countries, and remains to puzzle and be- wilder States. We are informed by the best ancient authorities that from the earliest ages slavery was the condition of the largeet portion of mankind, and although by numerical strength they could thea have emancipated themselves, they never made the attempt. Abraham had three hun- dred and eighteen servants, or slaves, born in bis own bouse, who followed him implicity, were counted asa part of his possessions, and won for him valuable spoils in battle in the valley of Jehosaphat, of which he how- ever geucrously retained but a tenth. The slaves spoken of in the early Scriptures were either prisoners taken in war or bought with money; they and their offspring were the property of their masters, who could sell them, inflict corporeal punishment upon them, and even put them to death. The Hebrews had slaves also of their own na- tion—men who sold themselves to their creditors when they could not pay their debts, and in doing so entailed the consequence upon their wives and children. Moses, their great lawgiver, who ruled them under the imme diate direction of God, whose glories had been man'‘fested to him in proof of his authority, not only did not abolish slavery, as we might suppose he would have doue if he had had the modern views of such philanthropists as even the good Wilberforce, but recognized this natural condition of man, and adapted his legislation to give it « legitimate and more decided character. He treated slaves as property—the saryant was his master’s “‘money;’’ but he discriminated between the subjection of his own brethern, enslaved through po- verty, theft, or descent from the former servants of the household. Both humane and political reasons unques. tionably led to the law which required the Hebrews to ‘obtain their servants from the heathen. “Both thy bond men and thy bond maids which thou shalt have shall be of the heather that are round about you—of them shall ye buy bond mon and bond maids. “Moreover, of the children of the strangers that do so- journ among you, of them shall ye bay, and of their fami- lies that are with you, which they begot in their land, and they shall be your possession. an inheritance for your children after you to inberit them a8 8 possession; they shall be your bond men for ever.” Again: “I leave these heathen nations to you and your children. Atall times ye shall find servants for yourselves out of them.”” Now it is very evident, as it is very remarkable, that slavery and the buying and selling of ser- vants, and the provision for their maintensnce, the various regulations for the enjoyment of their privileges, of certain portions of their time, of their right to acquire wealth and to redeem themselves, were all founded on the assumption that slavery was in itself lawful. Bat there is another view of this toleration and maintenanco of slavery as a principle among the Jews, which we think bas never been sufficiently, if ever, noticed by the contro- vermalists on the subject. The Jewish government was a theocracy; it was imme- diately directed by God—the only tastance of that kind in the history of the world. Now, then, in the giving of the Jaw to the Jews—and it was full of details, ceremonial and moral—bow came it that God, throngh Moses, did not at once and absolutely prohibit slavery as a moral evil, aad the purchase and possession and use of slaves in the va- rious forms in which they were held at that period, as coutrary to his divine will? All the crimes which aifect the relations or ivflueace the fate of mon are most ri- Bidly forbidden in the laws of Mozes. Our civil laws, our Ftatute laws and our common laws recognise the early principles of right and wrong written dowa by the fugor of God on the tables of stone, and the precepts of Moses. Why did be not abolish slavery if it bolonged to these categories, instead of shaping out directions for ita modification and continuance? Here was a people whose manners, habits, social relations and laws were all of divine arrangement—the work of one who is represent- ed as the unchangeable—the same yesterday, to-day and forever; and yetthe political condition of slaves among the Jews was confirmed, established and recognized as a principle and a necessity. Here is God’s actual, personal government of a peculiar people, whom he enlightened above all others, among whom be permitted slavery to exist, and whom he authorized to extend the pria- ciple by the subjection of the heathon nations to their service. Can it be deemed,in this historical point of view, any greater evil now than it was thon ?—aad shall we say that God has changed Tis moral go vernment of the world? As the regulations with regard to the servants or slaves of the Hebrew nations are within the reach of all the readers of the Bible, it is not necessary to go into detail as to their character, noither as to the perpetuity of bondage by the consent of the slave and the boring of his ear—the difference between alien and native slaves; nor of the eflict of the jubilee, and the various modes of remaining in or escaping from subjection. With regard to slavery among the heathen nations, it fs @ curious fact that the introduction of its principles abated much of the horrors of war. Captives were usually put to death, and were only spared when it was found they could be sold. Slavery existed throughout the whole of Greece. Aris- totle considered no household complete without slaves, denominating them “ working tools and possessions.”’ None of the Greek philosophers inveighed against slavery; and the former, whoee opinions are quoted by a large clags of learned and thinking men, even in our owa day, justified slavery as the consequence of the diversities of race. Among the Greeks were two kinds of siayes—these obtained by conquest and those purchased with money, Anexzample of the former was the celebrated race of Helots, who were reduced to the most abject misery by their conquerors, the Lacedemonians; and of the latter those who were bought and sold in the marts of commar- cial cities, obtained from the Greek colonies of Asia Minor, the interior of Asia, and from Thrace, where parents sold their own children. In Athens there was a regular slave market, the Kuklos, so called because the slaves to be dispoeed of, stood round in a circle. They were sometimes sold by auction, and were thon placed oa ® stoue that thoy might be Detter seen. In Athens, Rays a compe- tent authority, their number exceeded those of the free citizens. Scarcely an inhabitant was so poor as not to have a slave for the care of his houseboid. The slaves worked on their masters’ accoant or their own, precisely as they now do in the Southern States. They wore greatly employed as miners, rowers of gallies, laborers on the docks, agriculturiats and do- mestic eervants, and in cases of necessity they also served aseoldiers. The pbiosopbers usually had s good share of them. The father of Demosthenes realized the best part of his income from thirty-two sword cutlers and twenty chairmakers, whom he bequeathed to the orator and the riend of liberty. ‘The life and person of a slave,” gays & good authority, “were protected by law; any one who maltreated him was Hable to an action—he could take sbelter from the cruelty of his master in the Temple of ‘Theseus, and there claim the priviiege of being sold by him;”’ but he was liable to corporeal punishment, and was not believed upon his oath, except when put to the torture in & court of justice. It is considered from the time of Homer down, that the treatment of the slave throughout the Grecian cities was generally of a mild character, ‘but they frequently broke out into insurrection, particu- Jarly in the mining districts, where they were treated ‘with severity. Manumission took place sometimes in Athens, but the manumitted did not fully become free- men, but were obliged to consider their former masters a8 patrons, and on the non-fulfilment of certain duties re- served for them, they were resold into slavery. In Athens the State was the owner of slaves, called Demoeii, who formed a city guard, kept order in public assembles, ved in tents in the market pisce, ang after And yo shall take them as | wards on the Af®“perus, but whose numbers were not very conside~,yje, When thoy fought bravely in battle they Were freed; but in the cage of two thousand Helots whe. received their freedom {1 consequence of their un- ‘Common bravery in the Peloponessian war, their masters, the Lacedemonians, took a sudden fright at the conse. quences, although they had at first paid them every honor, and the manumitied slaves disappeared suddenly from Itman sight. Every slave owner in Athens was taxed threo obo annually for each one he owned—about nine cents of eur money, Among the Romans slavery existed in all ite magnitude. Itis to be traced back to the very earliest times, even of those of the kings. But they differed in their notions of tho subject from their predecessors the Greeks. The Intter believed that slavery was founded on and arose out of the different permanent diversities of races; the former admitted that all men were originally free (jure naturali), but that the power of masters over their slaves was by the will of society; that the right to hold them was by the jus gentium, as over the prisoners taken by war, or the jus civile, where s man of full age sold himself. The off- spring of a slave woman followed the condition of the master, The influx of slaves from the effects of war and commerce became enormous, and as of the territories of the enemies of Rome when conquered, certain portions were always reserved by the State,and as the freemen were almost continually engaged in war, slaves became a necessity in the republic to till its grounds, to carry op its. trade, and to pursue ite mechanical arts. So, too, a2 the patricians out of these conquests became owners of vast estates, they increased the number of their slaves in or- der to make those estates productive. Indeed, their num- ber became so great that the poorer class of laborers were thrown out of employment. Ont of this circumstanco grew the agrarian efforts of Licinius and the Gracchi, who wished a more equitable division of property, in or- der that the poor might have a chance to labor. In Sicily, which was the granary of Rome, the slaves were employed in large numbers, and» in consequence of the oppregsions practiged upon them they rebelled seve- ral times, and one of these servile resistances was main- tained for four years. The war of Spartacus was one of the most famous of those insurrections, as it took place nearer home, and threatened Rome itself with an over- throw. About seventy years before Christ, being one of a corps of gladiators kept at Capua by a professional trainer of the name of Lentulus, he escaped with thirty of his comrades, and they took up arms against their masters. His forces goon increased to ten thousand men, and aftor- wards to many thousands. Though they were very fickle in their support of him, he was succesful in several battles, and only fell before the superior forces of his enemies, after fifty thougand of his followers were slain ina flval Pitched battle. During the latter times of the republic, and under the empire, the number of domestic servants, says one of our authorities, greatly increased. They were 8s numerous in the houscholds of the rich as they are at the present day in India. In those days, when one wished to inquire how well off any person was, it was not in our Yankee phraseology, “What does he do for a living?’ but Quot pascit servos? — how many slaves does he feed or kecp?—-pretty much, by the by, as they now rate a wealthy man in the South. The slave took the name of his master, just as we see it done in our own day—when a negro will tell you he is Mr. So- and-So’s boy. The Roman slave called himself Caipuer, or for shortness Caipor, or Lucifor, or Quintipor. Ten slaves were the fewest any person pretending to respect- ability ever employed. They also furnished part of the bloody shows of the gladiators—ten thousand being some- times exhibited on a single occasion. A slave could not contract marriage or acquire property for himself, except by favor, known as the peculium; he could not be harbor- ed, if a fugitive; the authorities were everywhere enjoined to recover all such, and a class of persons made a living by hunting up and restoring the runaways. As the re- sult of a successful battle was generally the capture of a large number of prisoners, the slaye dealers followed the armies and purchased the captives for the merest trifles; Dut the trade of the slave dealerg even in Rome, was considered disreputable in the extreme, Still it was car- ried on to an immense extent, even commercially, and Carthage, Corinth and Delos were hy turns the principal marts of the day. They could notsue or be'gued, and until the time of Justi- nian, even when wrongfully detained, they were compelied to get some freeman to prosecute in their behalf. They were usually gold by suction, and placed, as in Athens,on a raised etone, so that they could be looked at and handled. They were stripped naked to detect their personal defects, if apy, and even medical men were called in to give their opinions. Newly imported slaves had their feet whitened or their ears bored, and the sales were carried on under the direction of the Aediles, The character of the person to be sold was written on a scroll and hung round his neck, and the seller was bound to warrant him for six months, and to pay damages if the purchaser had been de- ceived. Tho chief defects of the slave were considered to be atendency to epilepsy, thievery and suicide. Slaves freshly imported were preferred to those of domestic ori- gin, as the latter were proverbial for their insolence and impudence. Thelr value depended on their usefulness, qualifications, characteristics, &¢. A morio, or fool, readi- ly brought nine hundred dollars. What chance this would have been for many people we know. Dwarfs and giants were in great demand. A handsome boy would bring about nine thousand dollars; handsome women about the same. A grammarian, an author,an amanuen- sis, an elocutionist, a shorthand writer, or a doctor, was always in demand; but a good cook was worth at almost any time three thousand five hundred dollars of our mo- ney. An ordinary slave sold at a price varying from one hundred totwo hundred and fitty dollars. After a battle in the camp they were plenty at about sixty-two and a balf cents. Slaves were divided into many various classes. Some belonged to the State and public bodies. These took care of the public buildings, and sometimes served] in the army, and if they behaved bravely they were manumitted. They had the right of disposing by will of half their property, they were leas Kable to be sold, and they attended upon magistrates and priests. In our time the-priests seem to think it their principal business to attend upon them. A body of slaves was called a family, and they might be urban or rustic, according to the character of their service. There were house servants, having the confidence of their masters, with servants under themselves, acting much in. the capacity of stewards, divided again into butlers, pro- vision buyers, &c. Particular duties aleo created other divisions of the household force, and these were bakers, ecoks, confectiopers, picklers, porters, bedroom servants, Utter bearers and various other personages of this de. ecription. This portion of the history of Roman slavery hes been curiously investigated at various times, and ‘among the authorities from whith we have drawn most of these particular facts are an Amsterdam work by Pignoria, a learned priest of Padua, “De Servis, &c., 1674,” one by Popma, “De Operis Servorum, 1672,” and “An Inquitr into the State of Slavery among the Ro. mane,’ by Mr. Blair, Edinburg, 1888, which last would ‘Dear a reprintin this country. It is a singular fact that the discovery of the burial place of the slaves and freedmen of the Emporor Augus- tus and bis wife Livia, in the year 1726, near the Appian “way, threw great light on the condition and domestic habits of the Roman slaves, who, it thus appears, had the right of sepulture, and often monuments rected to their memories by their masters. It is a well established fact that the Romas preferred the imported slaves, the servi empl, to the houseborn slaves, the vernae, whom they considered of ioferior value, troublesome and spoiled. The number of houseborn slaves was at every Period much less than of those imported. The customary allowance of food for « country slave wes four Roman bushels of corn, or four gallons dry mea- sure English, per month, and @ pound daily for a city slave. Salt and oil were allowed occasionally, and a little weak wine, Fruit, in its season, was given them, but neither meat nor vegetables formed any part of their regular diet. Country laborers were shut up at night in &@ house, each occupying @ cell, and the sexes were separated cxcept when the master allowed them to form temporary connections. These places were no better than ‘The alaves often worked in chains, During the Saturnalia, which occurred during the latter part of De- ember, they were allowed many tm public, shouted as loudly as the freed men, sat down to Danquots in the clothes of their masters, and were waited on by them at table, As a general rule the masters had the power of manu- ‘mission, and the forms of doing so were arranged by various public laws. By the Lex Furia Caninia, cnacted A. D, 7, the number that might be manumitied by testa- ment was limited to one hundred, and if an owner pos- seered ices than five hundred the namber was determined Dy arcale. Itis worthy of remark that the rights of slaves were more regarded and protected under the em. pire than the republic—as, for example, Augustus gave ‘them the benefit of atrial by courts when charged with eerious offences. Claudius forfeited the rights of a master when be exposed his sick or infirm slave. Nero pro- nse v J hibited thee boing compelled to Aght with wild beasia, though, « great beast himself, and ou ane occasion suilered, four hundred slaves to be put to death because one of heir number had assassinated bis owner. Do- mitian forbade their mutilation, and Hadrian their confinement im private prisons, and thelr tale for infamous purposes. Antoninus Pius probibited their cruel treatment. S@verus forbade thelr being sol to brothe! kespers, and the Christian Emperors, from stantine down to the ‘inal division and fall of the empleey interested themselves in the amelioration of the condition, of theslaves. Constantine would not permit the sepas: ration of families. Theodosius J. allowed them the pros tection of a legal tribunal whenever they took refuge in @» church, and the church itself powerfully interfered fog’ their protection, though, singular to say, for whole centa- ries never attempting to overthrow the institution offata | ‘Vory itself. In the carly periods of the Visigothic kings: the practice existed in Spain of the putting to death of’ slaves by their masters. During the Middle Ages the Northern tribes which had invaded the Western Empire held slaves of their own— Slavonian captives, finally merging into serfs, the form. of Roman slavery “becoming obliterated.” An authos rity from which we quote this circumstaves says the | exact period of obliteration cannot be fixed, for it occurred at various times in different countries, and remiined ag we have found it in Russia, for many generations, From this period we emerge to its modern aspects, ‘One. of the great exporters of slaves was Britain, which seug large numbers to be sold on the Continent. ‘The Anglo. Saxons sold their female servants and even their children, to strangers, especially to the Irish, and the practice cons Unued even after the Norman conquest. This fact ip stated in various English histories, and has never beom, denied, At a Council of the Charch, held in Loudon, hows: ever, in 1102, a canon was adopted in these worde:—*Lot no one for henceforth presume to carry on that wicked traf. fic by which men in England have hitherto been sold like. brute beasts.’” The slave trade baving soon after ceasod among the Christian nations of Northern Earope, the Venitians continued to supply the markets of the Saray cens with slaves purchased from Slavonian tribes border. {ng upon the Adriatic. The Musselmans continued largely: in the traffic, particularly of Christian capiives, which ‘were disposed of in the marts of Asia and Northern Afri« ca, as bas been done even down to our own day. One of the objects of our war with Morocco, and our naval con- tests in the Mediterranean, where Decatur and his asso- Cates so distinguished themselves, wasta prevent the fur. ther capture and retention of our countrymen as slaves, By theee means, and those adopted by the leading Chris. tian Powers, Christian captivity has been abolished m Barbary, Egypt and the Ottoman empire. Tne emancipa- tion of Greece and the French occupation of Algiors prom duced further similar results. But here we must go back again some hundreds of years. The discovery of the New World, with its mines and productive soll, led the Spanish discoverers to the. conclusion that these never could be or would be worked advantageously by the natives themeelves, who died in. great numbers under the sevore exactions of their task Tmasters. It was accordingly suggested to the Court of’ Spain, that as slavery had existed from the earliest times in Africa, and as the marts of Egypt had beon always, supplied by dealers in negroes, it was beat to change the: direction of the traffic and send them to America. The | Portuguese, who were then in possession of a great part of the coastof Africa, and were familiar with its operations in. ‘the interior, readily came into the new plan, and in 1808 the first cargo of blacks was carried by them to the Weat Indies. In 1511 Ferdinand the Catholic permitted a fure ther and larger exportation—chiefly aa private speculations, In the time of Charles V, two causes occurred for the continuance of the African slave trade. .On the one hand, there was a great and immediate demand for labor in the newly discovered colonies, and on the other, au urgent Protest of Las Casas against the cruelties practised upom the natives. In order to quiet both parties, he granted to one of his Flemish courtiers, by the name of Labress (al- most Labroe), the exclusive privilege of importing four thougand negroes into the West Indies. This priviloge was old for 25,000 ducats to acompany of Genoese merchants, who organized a regular traffic between Africa and Amerie ca, It has been said that Las Casas himself favored the substitute of negro labor for that of the natives, on the suthority of Herrera, but this assertion has been fully re+,, | futed by the Abbe Gregoire in his paper addressed to the | ‘Brench Institute. As the demand for labor continued to increase, in 1517 the slave trade was fully established). ‘The French, under Louis XIIL, and the English, under” Queen Elizabeth, formally assented™to it, ani on the “> ground not only of necessity and humanity, but becaure it was to save them from migery and destruction in their own country, and convert them to Christianity in the New World. This idea, according to Moatesquien, inunced, } ‘the former to sign the law declaring all the negroes in the French colonies to be slaves. It must not be forgotten, however, that the first opening of the trade on the coast ‘was by an English captain, 3ir John Hawkins, assisted by, some wealthy countrymen, who, in 1523, fitted out thr: ships, purchased negroes, and sold them in Hispaniola ‘an immense profit, returning home laden with the ducts of the country. This led to other enterprises of same character, and they were thenceforward with, but little interruption throughout that century. ‘Out of this finally the celebrated Tratada del Asient arose, beginning as early as 1689, by which the nish government treated with other European Powerg! for the supply of negroes for its colonies, and the Portu- guese and French wero parties to the treaty. They were to pay Spain for the monopoly, a crown a piece for overy negro they carried there. The contract in both cases, ac- cording to our authority, was taken by acommercial aseo- ciation in France (Compagnie de I’Asiento), but it failed ag ‘& commercial speculation. as the English colonies in- creased in number and extent, slaves were introgaced by the mother country; then her merchants and the South Sea Company, to whom the Asiento contract. was trana- ferred, became the foremost traffickers in slaves. French had held it since 1702, and it was transferred ‘the English by the treaty of Utrecht in 1718, and ‘were to furnish the Spanish colonies wit 4,000 annually for a term of thirty years. In 1739 the war which then broke out prevented the further perfor: 7 of this contract, and in 1748 the further claim to it surrendered to Spain. Nevertheless the English continued in the business, and at a later period Liv ‘was 80 much engaged in it that it is believed it laid foundation of its commercial prosperity. ‘The occurrence of the French revolution effected # con- | siderable change in the trade, 80 much so that the King of || Dahomey, in 1796, sent an embassy to Lisbon, offering Portugal a monopoly against other nations if it would continue the business. But asearly as 1783 the subject. ‘began to interest European philanthropists, and a most. active opposition to the continuance of the siave trade arose in England. Indecd, previously to that time, ‘Thomas Clarkson, a distinguished Quaker, began its agita- tion. In that year the famous Mr. Wilberforce first brought the subject before Parliament, and after several years of animated discussion @ bill was passed, broughi in by a member of the name of Sir Wm. Dolben, mitigating its charactor and bringing the trade within certain humane regulations. In 1804 Mr. Wilberforce carried repeal bilt | through the House of Commons, which was lost in the House of Lords. Meantime the capture of the foreign colonies, especially from the Dutch, increased the activity ( of the British dave traders, and it was not without great.” difficulty, in consequence of their selling 60,000 negroes, annually, that an order in Ovuncli was obtained Prohibiting the slave trade with the conquered colonies. In 1806 the Grenville and Fox administration carried through a Dill forbidding British subjects engaging in the trade with foreign settlements or, conquered colo- nies, and a resolution offered by the latter the last he engaged in public debate was also carried, the government to the abolition of tho entiretrade. In 1807, accordingly, the celebrated gencral abolttion bill, brought sorward by Lord Howick, afterwards Earl Grey, passed both houses and received the royal assent. This bill only nflicted pecuniary penalties, so that in 1810 Mr. Brougham, moved a resolution for further action, and in 1611 he car- ried a bill making the trafic felonious, and punishable with trapsportation or » long imprisonment at hard labor. Tn 1824 the offence was declared piracy, and puutshabie capitally if compaitted within the jurisdiction of the Admi- ralty. In 1837 this was changed to transportation for life by a bill doing away with a number Of other capita) Pune fret dcoree in France ‘against the trate was that of Napoleon, during his brief reign of the hundred days, o the 26th of March, 1816, P At the general treaty of tho European Powers, in the | same year, @ declaration was appended, stating their de-~ sire to bring about a prompt and effectual suppression of the slave trade. This was renewed at the Congress of ‘Verona in 1822, with a further declaration that it had tinued to that time, and that ‘it had gained in ‘what it had Jost in extent.” Spain and Portugal were represented at this Congress, as they were in the ing one, and it 18 not difficult to perceive at whom this aunciation was pointed. ‘ ‘Tho United States at an early period. became mrebved