The New York Herald Newspaper, January 7, 1860, Page 4

4 NEW YORK HERALD, SATURDAY, JANUARY 7, 1860.~-TRIPLE SHEET. “TRE QUESTION OF THE DAY. MORE DEVELOPEMENFS OF TREASO Letter from Senator Wilson to Hoary €. Wright, of Naticke BLY. THEODORE PARKER'S MANIFESTO. GENERAL BEXXINGSEN TO VICTOR BUG, Expulsion of Free Negroes from Arkansas. @pening of Direct Huropean Trade with the South. Tnportant Matters for the Consideration of the National Men in Congress, &e Ber &e ABOLITIONISM IN THE NORTH. Senator Wilson's Reply to Henry C. Wright. Naricx, Mass , Dee. 27, 1359. Mr. Henry C. Wrient—Sit—On my way to ‘Washington I read your letters to John Brown and Gov. Wise, concerning a resolution passed at a Meeting in this town, to the effect that “it is the right and duty of the Nerth to incite slaves to re- sistance, and to aid them in it.” In your letter; you say that “although a United States Senator a 4 a United States Pestmaster were present, yet pot a was raised against it by them nor by any one I was surprised and pained at this act of in | that ‘regret and condemnation’ of Brown | one justice on your pait, this wanton attempt to place | me ina false pos ypathy with a doctrine my heart and ¢ condemn. in your letters, you knew whatever with the sentiment, that “it is the right and duty of the North to incite slaves to resistance and to uid them in it.’ When you associated my name with the of urself and a few n before the country, a position judg: Sir, when you referred to me action other persous in toast meeting who general ly concur with you in sentiment, you kuew you were doing an act of injustice, that your words would & deceive those alreu cited, misled and de cefved. Yes, sir, you kuew those words would place me in a fulse position—that they would be used to inflame the 1 the prejudices of the people of the South agai those with whom J act, and agaiust the c: advocate. Ihave no words to characterize this act of personal unkindness and of wrong towards one ‘who has never wronged you. When called upon ia’ the Senate to explain my position in the meeting which passed your resolu- tion, I did so without casting any reflections upoa you who had so wattouly misrepresented ie. Every fair-minded man present at that meeting will admit the correctness of whot [said in the Senate concerning the pass of your resolution and the action of the meeting. Mr. J. 3. Mann, a gentle man of intelligence, who was at the meeti communication in the Boston Journal, says: ‘The meeting was not properly a meeting of the ciizous of Natick, called for the purpose of expressing their opin fons, but was notified to t called by itiveraut !vcturers who wien to spe: “These meetings are quite © by all clas-es of -men—frtemds, 1 be incited to re- nd forty miautes, @ of his resolution to be, not armed aud forcible resistanoe, bat resistance by mo religious, social ommercial means, to make slavery unpopular upprouible. Bat very few voted on the resolution, and noone spoke but Mr. Wright. AS Gen. Wilson had addressed a large meeting in the fame place ouly a few evenings ‘aud had given his | view nett and with much expiteltress, coudemning the ection of John Brown in the strongest manner, he pro- Dably did not deen: it necessary todepart from his usual woustom of listeping m a quict way, and let those who hired the hail,do.as Wey pieased and’ take the. respond) nity. Ths resolution of Mr. Wright, as interpreted by: him, contained nothing but a sim; Biavery by all prope gitimate means, Dat it was artiuliy drawa by Mr. Wright, £0 a8 to couvey to those who dict not hear his expla 8a mean ng of a didercat character, dou with ay f increasing tho alarm and excitement now prevailing in the South. Whatever may be the sivs of Gen. Wilson in tho matter of slavery, it 18 not truo that he has approved the act of Brown either in public or im private, but has uniformly deporea and condemned it. Not content with the wrong done me in your let- fovernor Wise and John Brown, you have in a letter addressed to me, which I find ia the New Yorx Hexarp of the 24th inst, attempted to snstain your original act of misrepresentation. Sir, this act of injustice, this deliberate effort to associate my name with the sentiment embo- @ied in your resolution, and to hold me a sible for the acts of a meeting in which I was 9 mere tator, fills me with amazement. It being your purpose to d it does not sur- pee me that youshould have commenced your no mistaking the Wish fo convey the imepression that i donot in ihe wate stand bymy words and aets at home. air, you hod associated my name with the seuti Went Wat ib was “ihe righe and North to incite: slaves tor rosi asked by My, tone and manner t by staling the tr the Wsvlent lords of the lash. und dastardly. Phin charge as das My words in Congress, dartog the pust five years, are on the record, Phat record will show that [have uever quali tracted one word or actot Hace © That reeord wil! show that f lave spoken more plaibly and more severely of slavery and Lie ol power, to the face of slavehulders, ia the cour debate, than | baye outof the S pathizing throngs. Dur uv have travell®d qore than tfty seventeen States, and delivered nearly six handred addresses wy thoussods of versons, I have been connected with the puvuc press, and bave written much upou the notes growing Out of the slavery question; bat, at ail times, and upon all oc- >, in the press and before the people, in con- i sod in legisiative halls, at bome and in Washington, | have maintained but one position— that of peungul legal and — constitutional honal oppose 0 he ertension of human slavery in America Gad lo Us existence where te Nation- al government is responsible for ut. To th s tion I shall adhere wita wflexible firmne while Labhor slavery and prty the lot of the bond- mon | shall not cease w remember thatsiavery in the States is local, uot national, and that our appeals must be addrested, not to “the -laves to resist their ma: 8,” not to armed invasioes, butto the reason, tbe heart and conscience of our countrymen of she South upou whom rests the fearful responsibility of the slave system. You charge me and other Senators with attempt- ing ‘to throw a glamour in the eyes of members,”—you say that I “would have the: ventions objects are universal at the North,” aud you assert that the ‘masses of the Northare iu sympathy with Brown and his deeds.” Zhat the people of the North deeply sympathise with ihe person i alutri- butes of Brow that they admire le rare heroism of character manifested by him, no can doubt, bat that they approve of his invarion of Vi a I do not for a@ moment believe. 4 the recent election ia Dew York, i d thousands of people in Brooklyn, Sy ome, Watertown, A Re use, | Geneva, and other places, aud daring the canvass ti had no sympathy | 1 to excite, mislead and | » usval manner of meotings | ‘<pression of opposition te | of two weeks { everywhere expressed my “ re- gret and condemnation” of his armed invasion of Virginia, and during that time 1 conversed with no one who did not regret and deplore it. And in this State, and in this town, where you declare the people approve of Brown's lawless act, I have met few, very few indeed, who approve thatact. My | sonviction is, that while the people of Massachu- setts are nearly unanimous in their sympathy for | the fare of Brown, and in the admiration of his personal quaiilies, they are quite unanimous io | their “ regret aud condewnation” of his lawless raid at Harper’s Ferry. Believing this to be the sentiment of the people of Massuchusetts and of | the North, I have so stated sm public and in private. I may be mistaken in my views, but I feel contident that Iam not. If I am mistaken, if the time has come when the liberty loving and law abiding people of Massachusetts are conviuced— as you assume they are—that “ it is the right and duty of the North to incite slaves to resistance and to aid them in it’—that it is the right and duty of Northera men to gather in armed bands to invade slaveholding States ‘to iucite slaves to resistance und to aid thei then I am not the repre- sentative of their sentiments and opinions. Within the Union aud under the constitution I shall, ip the future asin the past,in public and in private life, give my voice and vote for just and peaceful legal aud constitutional action against slavery. This is my position. 1 believe it to be the position of a “Vast majority of the people whose representative I am. When Massachusetts abandons this policy of peacefal, legal and constitutional reform, which patriotism, humanity end religion sanction, and ac- cepts your policy of “insurrection”—when she re- | quires me to uphold the doctrine that “itis their right and duty to incite slaves to resistayce,”” and to organize armed bands and invade sister States “to aid them in it’—there will be a vacant chair for | her to fill in the Senate of the United States. HENRY WILSON. & MORE DEVELOPEMENTS OF TREASON. i Rev. Theodore Parker's Manifesto. LETTER FROM THEODORE PARKER TO A FRIEND IN BOSTON. Romp, Nov. 24, 1859. Isee bya recent telegraph which the steamer of N vember 2 brought from Boston that the Court tound Capt. | Brown guilty, and passed sentence upon him. It is said Friday, December 2, is fixed as the day for hanging hiv. So, long before this’ reaches you, my friend wilt havo | aieed on to the reward of his magnanimous pubite eer vices, aud his pure, upright private lite. Iam vot wall | enough to be the minister to any congregation, least of «1 to ove like that which, for 80 many years, helpet my soul, while it listened to my words. Surely, the Twenty- eighth Congregational Society in Boston needs a minister, not half dead, but alive all over; and yet, while reading the accounts of the aifair at Harper's Ferry, aud of the a) ings of certain men at Boston, whom you and I know only too well, I could not help wishing { was at home again to use what poor remnant of power ia left to me in defence of the true and the right. America is rich in able men, in skilfal writers, in ready and accomplished speakers. But how few men dare treat public atfairs with referencs to the great principles of jus. lice, dnd the American democracy; nay, few with re rence to any remote future, or even with a comprehen. sive survey of the present, ” Our public writers ask what |* efiect will this opinion have on the demoeratie party, or the republican party; how will it alfect the next Presiden- tial election, what will the great Stato of Pennsylvania, or Ohio, or New York, say to it? This is very unforla- nate for us all, especially when the people Lave to deal | practically and’thus speedily with a question concerning letter to me with an untruth, a palpable falsehood. | Tn the first sentence you say that Twas called upon , “to give an account to slave diivers for attend- ing a meeting to disouss a resolution af right and duty ves to resist their mas and the right and duty of the North to aid them in it.” nt is untrue, and you knew when you that it was untrue. You had an ob » and that object was to regard to the correctness of in commenting upon it, declares that Wight, the son- e, St 4 The meeting was not called, ou say it was, “to discuss a resolution aflirming thé right'and duty of slaves to resist their masters, and the right and duty of the North to aid them in it,” but it was called to hear you “lecture;” yes, sir, to hear you “lectare upon resistance to tyrauts is obedience to God, in reference to the conduct of Joln Brown at Harper's Ferry.” The principal no- tice for the meeting read: Rov. Henry ©. Wright will jecture in Schoo! House Mail, 8a next, at (he usual hours of church service, upon lowing subje “Fact and Ficti pa Religion, or the existence, oc. tion and location of the foul after it leaves the body. Al ming, at 64 o'clock, upon “Resistance to Tyrants is obedience to God, in reference to the conduct of Jobn Brown at Harper's Ferry.”” Nastox, Nov. 17, 3859. 4 In response to this notice—not to “discuss a re- solution youassert—but to hear you “ lecture,’* five or six hundred people of this town assembled; not jess than three hundred of the number were legal voters of the republican and democratic par- ties. They came ia response to the call, to hear you lecture, and not to discnss or to act. After the Meeting assembled yon took the desk, asked the meeting to appoint a chairman, the getters up of the we appointed one, and you submitted a re- solution. You made a long speech; no one elso uttered a word; the resolution was pat and some | ‘ten or fifteen persons out of five or six hundred present voted for it. The great mass of the meet- ing did not vote; they looked on in silence and de- ctihed to take any part whatever in the meeting, or to be in any degree responsible for its action. In no sense was the resolution an expression of the sentiments of the meeting, for more than nine- tenths of the persons preseat had no part in its ac- tion, and nine-tenths of those present, if called upon ‘would so state. Mr. Willard, the editor of the Natick Observe B note to me says:— I was present at the lecture delivered by Mr. Henry C ‘Wright on the 20th of November. [printed the notice o the meeting which was summoued to hear him lecture, and net “called,” ashe says in his letter to you, “to discuss © resolution.”” The hall was full, many promt- ment b.sicess men and members of the ‘tomocratic and Fepublice parties being present. Mr. Wright called to , a wed for a chairman, introduced the resolution, ¢ ¢ spok: a nour and forty minutes, no ove else ultered a ‘twas in no fense a discussion. The vote in + resolution was small, not exceeding twelve. { the meeting declined to take any part in its so be bound in any way by its doings. No could mistake your position, for your well known. A few evenings bei of ; deplored, regret! 1 John Brown's invasion and aii illegal and by ati slavery men, and you declared that to the interests of slavery. Mr. Wright's ss resointion seemed to me mg tee the position assum: in your speech in opposition to Brewn's Faid, and to be 1a tion to your well kaowan opinions, and this was tic ognten or many others present. letter to me that “a Mr. T explained, drives orer you, oaid, ‘I am patisied’” the same hall, and in presence of a | y those present, ** | to protect the the very existence of democratic insututions in America for it is not to be denied that we must give up democracy, if we keep slavery; or.give up slavery, if we keep domo: cracy I greatly deplore this state of thing: tion and advise to the people; ana at the Sa debase and degrade themselves. Tuo hur offices they get are poor compensa their own consciences. In my best esstate, 1 do not pretend tom wisdor, and still less now while sick, but I w set down a few thoughts for your privatocyo, They are, at ieast, the result of long meditation on the subject; be side, wey aro not at all new or peculiar to me, but are a part of tho public knowledge of ail eniightened men. THE PHILOSOPHICAL POSTULATRS OF TREASON. i. Aman held sgaipst bis will as a slave has.a natural right to killevery one who seeks to provent his en{c nent of liberty. This has long been recognized as a se evident proposition, coming £0 directly Irom. the primi- tive instincts of human nature, that {t neither requires proofs nor admitted them. 2. Itmay be a natural duty of the slave to develope this natural right ina practical manner, and actus ly kill all those who seek to prevent his epjoyment of liberty. For if he continue patiently in bonaage: First, he entails the | foulest of curses on his children; amd, second, he eacou- ' rages other men to commit the crime against nature which he allowed Lis own master to commit. It is my duty to preserve my own body from starvation. If I fail thereof through sloth, I not only die, but iacar the contempt and loathing of my acquaintances while I live. It is not less my duty to do al! thatis in my power to preserve my bddy and soul from slavery ; and if I submit to that through cowardice, I not ony become a bondman, and suffer what thraidom inflicts, but Tiacur also the contempt and Jonthing of my acquaintances. Why do freemen scorn and despige a slave? Because they think his cou- dition js a sign of his cowardice, and believe that he ought to prefer death to bondage. ‘The Southerners hold the Africans in great contempt, though mothers of their chil- dren. Why’ Simply becanse the Africans are slaves ; that is, because the Africans fail to perform the natural duty of securing freedom by Kiling their oppressors. 3 The freeman bas a natural right to help the slayes recover their Nberty, and tn that enterprise to do for them all which they have a right to do for themselves. ‘This etatement, I'think, requires no argument or illus. tration. ‘4. It may be a natural duty for the freeman to help the slaves to the enjoyment of their liberty, and as a means to that end to aid them ff killing all sucn as oppose their natural freedom. It you wero attacked by a wolf T should not only have aright to aid you in getting rid of that enemy, but it would be my cuty to help you in proportion to my power. If it were a murderer, and not @ woif, who attacked you, the duty would be. still the same. "Suppose it is not a murderer who would kill you, but a kidnapper who would euslave, does that make it less my duty to help you out uyet to of the bands of your enemy? Suppose it is nota kid- rapper who would make yous bondwan, but a slave- holder who would keep you one, does that remove my obligation to help you? 5. The performance of this duty is to be controlled by the freeman’s power and opportunity to help the slaves (the impossible is never the obligatory). I canuot help the slaves in Dahomey or Borneo, and I am not bound to try. Lean help thote who escape to my own neighbor- hood, and I ought to do so. My duty 18 commensurate with my power, end as ny! power fnoreases, my duty enlarges along with it. If T could help the bondmen in Virginia to their freedom as easily and effectually as I can ald the ropaway at my own door, then T ought to do #0. There five maxims bare a cirect application to America at this day, and the people of the free States have a cer- tain dim perception thereof, which, (ortunately, is becom- | ing clearer every year. | tympathized - Taste gan be | proved of this partigglar agheme of his; but they fur INSURREGTIONS MUST INCREASE. Thus, tho people ‘of Massachusetia feel that they ought fugitive slaves who come into our State. Hence come (1) irregular attempts to secure their Liberty, and the declarations of noble men, like Timothy Gilbert and others, that they will do so even at great per sopal risk; and (2) the statute laws made by the Lagisia- ture to accomphaa that end. Now, if usetta bad the power to do as much for the slaves in Virginia as for’ runaways in her own territory, we should soon see those two sets of measures at work in that direction also. I Gnd it i said im the democratic no that Brown bad many friends at the 4S who with him in goneral, and in special ap- cot of longunge like this, You { etebed tim with’ eome twelve or gwonty thourand d woule seem" J Chigk much of We! as.teue of us, Le bad suoceeded im runswg ofl gue of two thousand Flaves to Comnda, even at the expense of a little violence and bjoodsed, the majorty of mea ia New Bogiaud Iwo have rejoigmd, BOE OMY in. the oni, but wed ih tho mears The thet suecessful allempt of a congil Li niber of slaves torsgeure thelr freedom by vi clearly shew liow deep 18 the gywpatby of the | thea, ane how strongly they embrace “the dive priuciples Ip above. A little sucevas of that sort will serve: # for Mae popular cannon; itis alrenay loaded. Twos not asteo'shed ty Bear thal au attempt bac beon made to free the slaves in a certan part of Vie. kiHiA, Hor should L be astonished if auoibee “imsurrec Con’? oF “rc bedlion”? (OoK place I Ub0 State of ——=e, or a thirdin———, or afourth ip Sieh things are 10 be expected; for they uo not depend merely ou the private wil of mop, like Cept. Brown aud his asgociates, Dut on the great general causes which nove a)! buman d to bate wroig aod love right Such ‘“insurrectious’’ continue 48 long as slavery lasts, aud #8! increase, both m frequeney aud power, just as tue people become wteligent iva moral Virginia may haug John Brown and «i that family, bat she cannot haug t ano vnni that is dene, noble moa will ce of that once magnanimous 8 ate—‘' Sic semper tyrannis !"” “ Let au ¢ the end of every oppressor.” anu slavery picture on the Virgiola sbield— nding on a tyrant and chopping his head off with ‘ony Lwould paint the sword bolder black aud wnt white, to show the immediate application of the principle. The American people will bave to sarch to rather severe music, | think, aud it is betier for thom to fuce t in season. A few years ago it did not seem aiff- cult first to cheek slavery, and then to end it without any blocusbed. 1 thik this cannot be dune now, nor ever in the rutore, All the great charters of humanity have been writ 19 blood. I onoe hoped that of American de- mocracy would be engrossed ia Jess costly ink; but it is plam pow, thatour pilgrimage must. lead throngh a Red Sea, wherein Pharoah will go upder and perish. Alas! that wo are hot wise euengh to be just, or just enough to be wire, aud 80 gain much at sima'i Lik, how, at « few notorious facts: — 1. Tuere are four million slaves in the United States violent'y whitheld from their nataral right to life, lb- erty, and the porsuils ofbappiness. Now, (1) they are our kuoWw country men—yours and mive just as much os any four million witic men. Of course, you aud I ove them the duty which oue man owes anoiher of his own Dalicn—the duty of instruction advice aud protection of naturel ogbts. It they are starving, we ought to help em, The color of their skins, huir degraded social n, their ignorance abates Lotling from their nata ra} claite on us, Or {0m our natural duty towards them. There are meu in all the Nortbero States who feel the obligation which citizenship imposes on them—the duty to help thyse slaves. Heuce arogo the Anti Slavery Society, which secks etmply to excite the white people w perforat theic natural duty to their dark fellow countrymen. fl comet Capt. Brown's expedition—ao attempt to help i uatural right io Ife, liberty and the pursuit of happiness. He sought by violeuce what the Ani! Slavery Society works for with other weap: Tbe two agree end, ana differ only in the means, Sen like apt. Wil De ContBLPlly risiog Up among the white peo, the fre attempting to do their natural duty to their biack couutrymen—that is, help them to freedom. Some of these cficris will bo successful. Thus, last win- ter, Capt. Brown bimeeif escorted eleven bf his country- men (rom bondage i» Missouri to freedom ia Canaia. fie oid nec snap gun, I think, although then, as more re cenUy, be bad bis fighting wols at baad, and would have used them if necessary. Even now, the underground railroa:t is in coustant aud benificent operation. By and by, will be ap everground railroad from Magon & Dixon's vine clear to Capada; the only tunneling will be in the stave Stater. Northern men applaud tae brave conductors of that locomotive of Liberty. NORTHERN ADMIRATION FOR A NIGGER STEALER. Wien thomas Garrett was introduced w a moe! free soilers in Boston, © man who had beipved 1,800 slaves (o their natural liberty,” cvea that meeting gave the righteous Quaker three times three. All honest Northern bearts beat-with admiratica of such wea—nay, with love for them. Young lads say, ‘I wish that Heaven would make me sucha man.” The wish will now aud then be father to the taet.. You and I have haa opporta- nity enough, ja twenty years, to see that this philan- thropic patriotism is ou the increase at the North, and the Special cirection it takes is toward the liberatiwn of their countrymen in bondage. Not ‘many years ago Boston sent money to help the Greeks tn their struggle for poittical freedom (the; r quite lost their personal liberty), but with the money she fent what wae more valuable and far more precious. one of her moat vahapt aud beroie sons, who staid in Greece to fight the great battle of humanity. “Did your friend, Dr, Sau.vel G. Howe, Jose the esteem of New Eogland men by rd act? He won the admiration of Europe, and holda it still. Nay, still later, the same dear old Boston hunkers hat never bcen more than rats and mice in her house, whicl the soffers fur a time. and then drives ont twelve hundred ‘of tem atonce on a certain day of March, 1776; toss same dear old Boston sent the same Dr. Howe to cacry aic and comfort to the Poles, then in deadly struggle for. their pohtical existence. Was he disgraced because he jay seven-and forty days imo Prussian jail in Bortin? Not even in the eyes of the Prussian King, who afterward sent him a gold medal, whose metal was worth a8 many dol- Jars ag that philanthropist lay days in the despot’s jail. It issaid, “Charity should begin athome.”” Tne American begun, a goo ways off, but hag beon working homeward ever since. The Dr. Howe of to-day would and ought to be more ready to help an American to personal liberty, than a Pole ora Greek to political freedom, and would find more men to furnish aid aud comfort to our own countrymen, even if they were biack. It would pot sar- prise me if there were othor and well planned attempts in other Stater to do what Capt. Brown heroically, if not successfully, tried in Virginnia. Nine out. of ton may fail—the tenth will succeed. The victory over Gen.§Bar- goyne more then made up for all the losses in many a previous defeat; tt was the beginning of the end, Slavery will not die a dry death, it may have astm ses 88 @ cat; at last, itwill die like a mad dog in a vil iege, with only the enemies of the human kind to lament its fate, and they too cowardly to appear as mournera, TUE EXAMPLE OF ST. DOMINGO TO BE FOLLOWED. U. Bat it is not merely white men who will fight for the liberty of Americans; the negrocs will take their do- fence into their own hands, especially if they can find white men to lead them. No doubt the African race is greatly inferior to the Caucasian in general intellectual power, ond also in that instinct for Nberty which is 80 strong in the Teutonic family, and just now obvious in the Angio.Saxons of Britain and America; besides, tho Afri- can race bave bat little dezire for vengeaace—the lowest form of the love of justice. Here is one example out of many :—In Santa Cruz the old slave laws were tho horrible, I think, T ever read of in modern times, unless hose of the Carolinas be an exception. I! a slave excited others to run away, for the first offence his right leg was to be cut off; for the second offence, his other leg. This Tmutilation was not to be done by a surgeon's hand; the poor wretch was laid down on a log, and bis legs chopped off with a plantation axe, and ‘tho stumps plunged into boiling pitch to staunch the blood, and 80 sayo the property from entire destruction; for the live torso of aslave migbt serve as a warning. No action of a court Was requisite to inflict this punishment; any mas- ter contd thus mutilate bis bondman. Even from 1840 to 1846, it was common for owners to beat their of- fending victims with ‘tamarind rods,” six feet long and sn inch in thickness at the bigger cnd—rods thick set with ugly thorne. When that process was over, the Iace- rate’ back was washed with a decoction of the "nanchi- reel, 2 poison tree, which made the wounds fester and Jorg remain open. In 1846, the negroes were in “rebellion,” and took pos- session of the island; they were 25,000, the whites 3,000. Bui the blacks did’ not burt the hair of » white mau’s 1; they got their freedom, but they took no revenge! Soppove 25.000 Americans held in bondage by 3,000 Al- germer, ona little island, should get their masters into their hancs, how many of the 3,000 would see the next sun go down? No doubt, it is through the absence of this desire of na- tural vengeance Unt the Africans have been reduced to bondage and keptin it, Bat there is a litnit evento the negro’s forbearance. San Domingo is not a great way olf. The revolution whica ebanged its black inbabitants from tame slaves into wild men, took place wiivin the memory of many of us. Ibsbows what may be in America, with uo white man In the siave Siates there is many a possible San nd if to help. Domingo, which may become actual at any day, pot in 18e0 then in some other ‘year of our Lord. tides, America offere more than ‘any otber country to ex- cite the slave to love of li} » and the effort for it. We are always talking abont ‘lil ay, boasting that we aro ‘the freest people in the world,” declaring that “a man would die rather than bo aslaye.” We continual; praise “our fathers who fought the Revolution.” Wo build monuments to commemorate even the humblest be- ginnings of that great national work. Once a yoar we stop all ordinary work, and give up a whole day te the nowicst hind of rejoicing Yor the War of Independence. How wo a5 es EET nge a of liberty!” nee tout the “infamy itigh oppression!” * Fould Make our jathers slavyes,”” “4 say we, “and we slew the oppressor—Sic semper tyrannis!” Do you suppose thts will fail to produce its effect on the black’ man,one day? The South must either give up keeping “Iadependence Day,” or ele keep it in a little more thorough fashion. Nor is this all: the Southerners are continually (aunting the with their miserabie mature. “You are only balf human,” say they, ‘not ca- “ae erga i st ee, ae Bs ogs,”’ said the ic American who now “repre- sents the great Jomocracy” ‘at the Court of Turin. So, Wberty ia good for white men, not for negroes. Have als? Idon't know that. Non mi ricorde. ‘“Con- terpt,’’ says the proverb, “will cut through the shell of the tortcise;” and one day, even the sluggish African will wake up under the three-fold stimulus of the Fourth beh cappon, the whip of the slaveholder, and tho stin; of bis ‘tess mockery. Then, if ‘oppression maket! wise men mad,” what do you think it will do to Al ae dal slaves, who are familiar with scenes of violonce manner of cruelty? Sull more: If negroes have not general power of mind or instinctive love of liberty equal to the whites, they are as mach our su- periors in power of cunning and in contempt for death— rather formi le qualities ix a servile war, There al ready have been several risings of slaves in this century; they spread fear and consternation. The are will be more terrible now, in case of an insurrection; not many white me’ like the Lafayettes of the Inst century, and the Dr. Howes of this, may give the insurgeat ‘Sas effectual aid as that once readered to America and Greece: and the pub- ic opinion of an enlightened world will rank them among its heroes of noblest mark. If l remember right, some of your fathers were io the battle of Lexington, and that of Banker Hill. 1 believe, in the course of the war which foliowed, every able bo- cied man in your town was in actual service. Now.a- days their descendants are proud of the fact. One it will be thought not less heroic for a negro to fight for pereonal liberty than for a white man to fight for political independence and against a tax of three pence a pound on tea, Wait a little, and things will come round. RAPID he we OF THE SLAVES. TI. The all our demo- 2 PR NAS SE A LOD AE NT AD es OCC ISAO EEO ENA EEA AD A A A a ER aE AA ERT =e Nae eee ee oe eats np tanens I hear it said, then their “2eond, 1,200,000; then their thir’, 2,400,000, ‘They axe now a the process of doubling the (tren tiae, ake will goon be 4,500,000; thea comes tae fi’th double, 9,000 000; then the sixth, 00,000, Before the year 1400 AW D., there will be Uwenty milion slaves!” Ab Anglo Saxou with common sense dors not like this Afticapization of America; he wishes the superior roe to euluply rather than the Besider, it ig plain oa man that lay m irrecon' {apt that Pe oy ive develo; cm dvmueracy ist, it must be sd 10 Bprowt, to da} and’ecciesinstital ower; aut al! th slavcholdera ts juklysy much tak Look at thie—there are twenty Southern Representa tives WLO repreeeLt Rothing but property in maa, and yet their vote concts as much in Congress as the dften Rortherners who stuud for the will of 1,400,009 freemen Slavery gives the South the same advantage in the choiee of Prosiscnt: consequently the slavebolding South bas loug coptrotled the feceral power of the pation, Look at the receut acts of the slave power! The Pugi tive Slave bill, the Kansas Nebraska bill, the Dred Scott Ceciswp, the fitibustering against Cubs (etill found too strong), and Low against Mexico and other feeble neigh. bors, aud, to c/own ail, the actual reopening of the Atri- can slave Wade! Then consider the contempt which Southern men exprces for labor. The South bas kidnapped men in Boston, and made the Judges of Massachusetts go uueer her symbolic cobain to exter the court of justice, She has burned houses and butchered innocent ‘men in Kansas, aud the rpetrators of that wickeduess were rewardea by the Rrotral government with high office and great pay. Tuose things are notorious; they have stirred up some Littie indignation at the North, and freemen begin to think of defending their liberty; thence comes the free voil party, thence the repabiican party—it con templates no direct benefit to the slave, only the defence of the white man in his national rights, or his coaven- tioual privileges. It will grow stronger every year, aud also er. It must lay down principle as a platform to work its meagureé ov; the principles will be found to re- Quire much more than what was at first proposed, and even trom this platform republicans will promptly ses that cy canuct defend the petural mghts of freemen without ying that slavery which takes away the natural ights of @ negro. So, Bret, phe wis) and jist men of the party will sympathize’ with'Soch as seck to liberate tho Slaves, either peacefully or by violence; next, they will ceciare their opinions in public; and, taaljy, the ‘whole body of the party will come to the same sympathy and the fome opinion en, Of course, they will encourage men ike Captat Brown, give bim money and all manner of help, aud aixo eucourage the elaves Whenever they sluil rise to take their hberty, at all hezards) When called to help put down an insurrection of the slaves, they will go reavily enongb and do the work by removing the cause of ineurrection—t. ¢ , by destroying slavery itself. THE ABOLITIONISTS SOON TO CONTROL THE FRDERAL GOVERNMENT. An anti slavery party, uuder oue vame or another, with vetore long control the federal governinect, and will ex ercise fis constitutional rights and perform its constitu- oral duty, and “guarantee a republicay form of govern: ment to every State im the Union.” ‘Toatis a work of time and peaceful jeg siati ut the short work of vio tenee Wil be olten tried, aod each aitempt will grin some- thing for the canse of humax ity, oven by its dreadful pro. cers of blood. 1V. But there ig yet another agency that will act against slavery. There are many mischievous persans who aro ready for any wicked work of vivieuee. They abound in the city of New York (asort of sink where the villainy of both bemispheres settles down, and genders that moral pestilence which steams up along the coluinns of the New York HERALy and the New York Obeereer, she great escape Wipes of secular and ecclesiastical wivkedneas)—they commit the great crimes of violence and rodbery at b ne plunder emigrants, enguge in the slaye trad or venture on tikibostermg expeditions? class of persons is common in all the Sonu One of the legitimate products of her “peculiar institu. Won,” they are familiar with violence aud ready and able %© murder. Public opinion sustams such men. Bully Brooks was but one of their representatives in Congress, Now-a-cays they are fond of slavery, defend it, and seek to spread it. But the time must come one day—it may come avy time—when the Jovers of mischief will do @ Jitle Lubustering at home, and rouse up the slaves to rob, burn and kill. Prudent carpenters sweep up all the shavings in their shops at night, und remoye this fuod of confisgration to a safe piace, lest a spark of a caucle, the end of asegar, or & friction match should swiftly ead ibe weaith slowly gathered together. The South takes pains tostcew ber carpenter’s shop with sbaviogs, aud ftil it full thereof. She encourages men to walk abroad with naked candles in their hands and lighted segars in their mouths; then they scatter friction matches on the floor, and dance a Glbustering jg thereon, She cries, “Well done! Hurrah for Walker!’ “Harrah for Brooks!” *Hurrah for the bark Wanderer aod its bowie knife! Down outh mast reap as she sows; he ecatters ihe wind the whiriwind will come up. It will be a pretty crop for herto reap. Within a few years the South has burned alive eight or ten negrovs. Other biack men locked on and learned how to the chain, how to pile the green wood, how to set this he! fire of slavery egoing. Tue apprentice may Be slow to learn, but he bas nad teaching erough by this time to © kvow (heart and mystery of torture; and, depend upon it, the negro will one day apply it to his old tormeutors. ‘The fire of vengeance may be waked up even in an Af- rican’s heart, especially when i: is fanned by the wicked- ness of a whiteman—then it rons from man to man, from — What shail put it out? The white man’s b WELCOME THE VIILENT END. Now, slavery 18 a wickedness so vast and so old, 80 rich and 80 respectable, supported by the State, the press, the market and the church, that all those agen: cies are needed to oppose it with—thos» and many more which Tcannot speak of now. You and I prefer the 1 method; but I, at least, shail. welcome the if no other accomplish the end. So will ee aes Soe and good men at the North; else why do we honor the heroes of the revolu- tion and build them monuments all over our blessed New England? I think you gaye money for that of Buvker Hill. I once thought it @ folly; now I 5 nize it as a great sermon in stone, which is worth not only allthe money it cost to build it, but allthe blood it to lay its corner stones. Me, its lesson will not be im vain—at the North, 1 mean, for the logic of slavery will keop the South on its lower course and drive it on more swiftly than before. Capt. Brown's expedition was 4 IT am not quite sure of that , it kills fifteen men by sword and ehot, and four or five men by the gallows. it it shows the weakness of the greatest slave State in America, the worthlessness of ber eoldiery, and the uiter which slavery genders ip bosoms of the masters. ik of the condition of the City of Washington while Brown was at work. Brown wiildic,I think, like a martyr, and also like a taint. His noble demeanor, his bravery, his gentleness, his calm, religious trust in God, and his words of truth and soberness, cannot to make a profound impression on the hearts of Northorn mon; yes, and on Southern men. “For every human heart is human,” &. 1 do not think the money wasted, nor the lives thrown away. Many acorns must be sown to bave one come up; even then the plant grows slow, but it isan oak at last, None of the Christian martyrs died in Vain; and fiom Stephen, who was stoned at Jerusalem, to Mary Dyer, whom our fathers hanged on a bough of “ihe great tree” on Boston Common, I think there have been few spirits more pore and dvvoted than John Brown's, and none that gave up their breath in anobler cause. Let the Americau State hang his body, the American Church axon bis sou) with its nasty breath of cursing, still the bieseing of such as are ready to perish will fallon bim, aud the universal justice of the. infinitely perfect God will take bim welcome home. The road to heaves is as short from the gallows as from a throne; perhaps, also, as easy. Lsuppose you would like to know something about me. Rome has treated me to bad weather, which tolla its story in my bealth, and certainly does not mend me. But T look for brighiter days and happier nights. The sad tidiugs from America—my friends in peril, th exile, in juil, kilied, or to be hung—baye Mijed mo with grief, and s0 I fall bank a liltic, but Lops to get forward agam. God bless you abd yours, and comfort you Yours,alfectionately i THEODORE PARKER, THE JOHN BROWN DREAMERS IN EUROPE. Letter from Gen. Henningsen to Victor Rugo New Haves, Jan. 2, 1860, Sim—The name of Victor Hugo euggests vagucly to all co-called Anglo-Saxons a distinguished poet, dramatist and philanthropist. To the few amongst them who have enjoyet carly familiarity with bis own language, that name conjures up something more. They recognise in him— whata more intimate knowledge of the tongue in which he wrote and of bis writings will one day enable their countrymen to appreciate and acknowledge—not only one of the greatest of dramatists and posts, but the greatest who has yet illustrated the literature of France. Trana)ators you have none worthy of the name. Even @ Voltaire c ould not understand a Shakspere, It re- quired a Victor Hugo to appreciate him, and—differiog as the bent of your genius does from that of the bard of Avon—of all bis copyists, great or small, most successfully to bave imitated him where, perhaps unconsciously, you tried ft. We, sir, have no Anglo-Saxon Victor Hugo to travelate you. Your public career is familiar to us all. Your championship of liberty, of equal rights, of mercy, of universal brotherhood and pacification—your undeviating course of seif sacrificing rectitade, your uncompromising ‘war on all oppression—the lofty aspirations of the Chris- tan and philosopher—have needed no interpreter to ena- ble us to venerate and admire your character. In the prosecution of your eelf-imposed duties, your yoice has recently been heard on this side of the Atlantic Appealing to the American people, you plead at once for remiesion of the death penalty upon Jobn Brown. and for the deliverance of the negro out of bondage. When Victor Hugo speaks two continents listen. As one of the people of that republic which you call “The Queen of an entire world’’—as one of the atoms of which it is an ag- gregation—you have therefore given me the right to an swer you. You ‘will, however, feel, I trust, that no dis- but, on the ee the of xpected, recognise the great. TL aaty of tho hitch Foca ”’ some- « Burope by the sublime audacity a tee pede 2 3 i 8 Vik and friyoloua, yet it embraces a whole theory on which lens of ousands pot ouly conscientiously justify the course which you pursue and you hold ow, but themselves m duty bound to follow it. 16 is simply thie: “That Spartacus struggled to free whits mep, pot negioes.’” Ib tho early days of this republic slavery wns univer- rally recopn'zed as an-eyil, whereof, indeed, the sudden vbolition tight prove & remedy, worse than the disease, bot ot which the gradual extinguishment waa desired and conte is view Was more ardently adopted perhaps by eminent Southern men, as more deeply inte- nthe question, than by ‘Northern men. They justfy doubt the expediency or even safety of liber- Attg st ovce and without preparation @ slave population coucentrald in a fow States and amounting to about one- fith of the population of the Union, But if they did not think the negroes Ot in mass for bers! wey they did ret doubt the negro’s capacity of being for the ra- tional exjoyment of freedom. — Hus improvidence and idle- ees Wese Bupposed to be the natural result of servitude, and it was believed that, like cther races whom oppros- sion bad debused, be would with its removal assert bis manhood avd learn to walk aloue. But protracted discussion of this subject, by the light of increased iny stigation and by the experience of sub- fequept events, bas entirely alterea these convic- tious and substituted for thom others at which it maj reem sad that men should have arrived, but yet not tionally to be avoried. These convictions, to which the most eminevt Southern men who formerly advocated emancipation, became reluctant converts, now universal- ly entertained in the South and shared by largo numbers of inte nt mex im the free States, are, that the negro race basa diflerent and in some respects inferior menta orgnvization certainly to the Caucasian race, and probabiy we every other, and that be is wanting in natural capacity for freedom. To these conclusiovs they have been led by investiga- tion of the condition of the pegro ia Africa, by his history ip St, Domingy, ia the British West Yslands, and in the Northern free States of this Unions In Africa, the negro, according to Egyptian paintings at least four or five thousand years old (and to which double that age has re- cently been assigned), has been for et least the former period in contact with civilization, He is still unchanged th type and iu condition. , Of the Persian, of the ‘The cuitivation of the Egyptian, Greck, of the Carthagenian, of the Roman, and of the Arab, have left bim what they found him, a barbarian, & savage oF a slave. Smce the Declaration of American Ladependence, teft to biunseif to Hayti, with the advantage of a large anmber of bighly educated half breeds to direct him, you know tbe savagery into wbich be has relapsed. Hardly has the grotesque ocepotism and virtual servitude which Sou- Jouque imposed been superseded by the Presideucy of Geffrerd (said to be a bright exception to kis race), when you bave u hideous sampie of Haytien civilization in the unprecedented murder of his nuotiendwg daughter. dn the West lucta Islands, the free negro has rich lands, a copgenia’ climate snd protection against self imposed ovem or siavery. In Cavada and in the free States of the North be is surrounded by highly civilized majorities, wbo extend to hin coonsenance, sympathy and aid. Yet what is everywhere the result? Left wo himself, be falls into barbarism, Cespotiei and virtual servitude. Free, surreundes Uy white civilization, he undergoes moral and physical deterioration, aod sinks iato idleness, pauperiem and crime. Hience it bas been assumed that ho is wanting in the capacity both for self-government and fur the enjoyment Of treecom in @ manner beueilcial even to himself, be- cause unwilling, except under coercion, to labor, aud de- ficient m providence end forethought neceasary to sustain independent existence north of the ovics, or ‘to prevent relapse into abject barbarism within thera. ‘The conviction is entertained and acted on by that white population of the South who acknowledge the ca- pacity (if not the fitness) for self government ia every Tuan of the so-called Cuucasien race, whether Teutonic, Celtic, Latin, Sclavonic, Greek, Tartar, or 83 Henee they extend to him the hand of fellowship, and, hoidamg themscivee to be an aggregation of sovereigns, after Alew years residence proffer to bimequal rights. To these privileges, ix fact, until the recent Chinese immigration ato California, the right of po creed, rage or color, ex- copting one, bas ever been disputed or denied. That one race is the negro, xot the African, nor yet the black— not the Copt, nor yet the dark skinned Hindoo, with traight hair and Caucasian profile. Exclusion from the white man s privileges extencs only to the negro, and he only cau be, or has ever been, within the Union ‘lawfully heid in bondage. He is physically distinguished by fea- ture, by thickness of the sku!!, by its covering of wool in- stead of hair, by a peculiar ‘odor,and by a distinctive Ustue of the brain wien microscopically examined. In bondage he was found by the present generation of Southern white men, hving been originally imported by Spain, under the auspices of the benevolent 1.8 Casas, by France apd by England, into their then colonies, or pone by the Northern mans to atom exee former republics, finding slavery unprofitab! North, aboliehedtervitude by jew, and got rid of the negro without sscr fice, by allowing their citizens to sell him to the Southern planters. Always. ed with bim to differ a8 much in pay: and as in physical characteristics from the white and otber races, the belief has Lecome provalent South, and ia ra- pidly spreading in the North, that these characteristics precinde his emancipation beneficially to himself from at jeast some kind of tutelage. Adi uished Northern juriat—Mr. Charles O’Conor— has recently, on a public occasion in New York city, ex- pressed the opinion that the negro requires for his own govd the same restraints that the law perrtep cians and authorizes over miuors up to the of ty-one; or be might have added, a'lows and enforces throughout Se for their 01 over people of deficient intel- te ~ Whilet European serfdom in its varying phases, from upmitigated slavery to the enforcement ore eee the serfs’ labor, bas shown that the white race will never work ag. tliclently under coercion as with free labor, tho experience of the last eixty years proves that the negro cannot be allured by the fraitfulness of a Southern, nor driven by the ofa Northern Without coercion, Yet nature has not only endowed him with aptitude for. saree) exertion, but he thrives better under it than in idlencss. Too far removed above the animal creation to be endowed with the lent in- Stinct of the ant, the beaver or the bee, he is asserted to be too jow in the human family to have power enough for protracted or provident exertion. Hunger, like @ master or an overscer, may oblige him to work to- fay and induce him to look a week or a month ahead, but it is said to be as rare to flada who could look and work ahead for ® seagon as to 8 cultivator of another race who would fail to do.so, Hence, Somraas eg etter ear a sun 3 ‘8 perpetual crop of plaptaing, yams or breadfrult, h: must lean, at dest, without a master, upon white ‘civilization. In'the few. instances where he emerges from the pauperism which, without the white man, woul ‘starvation, he be- comes & barber, domestic servant, r seller, cook, or perhaps whitewasher—occupations which, without the white man’s industry and forethought, would have no existence. It is univereally asserted and believed in the South that the average lot of tho negro gtave on a Southorn planta- tion is happier than that of the negro in any other place or condition, and frequently his lot is exultingly con- trasted with Bhat of the poor white operative or Inborer. J, sir, for my own part, am satisfied that the negro on a Southern plantation is at least less unhappy than the negro left to himself in Hayti or in Africa,or than the free negro in Canada, in the Northern States of the Union or in Jamaica. Neither can J deny that he ts better fed, beticr clothed, better cared for and merrier than nine- tenths of the operatives of Europe. 1 will not affirm that he is happier, but that he looks happicr, because I know that no human being, unless utterly degraded, should, however miserable his condition, be willing to exchange laces with the pampered while olephant of Siam, and ecause I believe that faw starving white operatives or white tenants of a prison would voluntarily become slook, weil satisfled negro slaves, Bat though we feol that the higher the organization the greater the sensitivencss to pleasure or to pain, from the iowest animal organism up to the lowest hnman intelligence—from the cholifsh to the Bushman, or from the Bushman up to tho most exalted t of Cancasian genius, how do we know but what the stolid contentment of the Jower order may not compensate the rapture or acute suffering of the higher? We are sure, at least, that taking each according to its kind, what would bat enjoyment to the one would be no enjoyment to the other. It is of course not worth while for practical purposes, ethnological, to discuss a question in all probability eternally insoluble—that is to say, whethor the white man and the negro sprang aboriginaily from the same or eepa- rate etocks—whether the white man is a negro progres- sively improved, or whether the negro is a white man rolrogressively degraded. Even though it were probable that Ume and cultivation might raise the negro Into the is enough for us to know that ty centuries perceptible difference in the characteristics or the type of either. Neither does it appear that of blood can elect this approximation. As there are a per centage of white men whose weakness or obliquity mind, or do. pravity of heart, sink them not only bélow th: average of the negro, but to the level of the animal, co there tage of negroes oy in most respects to the next tocxterminate him. do wherever he is the master, which his superior physi- cal vigor soon makes as soon as the mulatto cau no longer recruit from the white stock. ¢ necro has, it is true, certain ities which the white man may and does emulate, and which shoald and do endcar btm to the latter, but they are not of a mature to cnable him to walk unprotected and alone. He has un- ‘dounded hospitality. Ibave met on the Spanish Main industrious free negro. emigrants from Jamaica, who told me that they could earn ‘in the negro. re- cently introduced into the United States from one on the ¢] and pent back te that Continent, the other from the Wanderer, and distributed through the South—seem to have been utterly divested of natoryal affection for each other; messmates, kindred; evep brothcrs, would steal Fae g thread 7d on each other’s sickness, tal fering or death with ar.deven with an idiotic ‘Yet eeveral of the sitsobed \Seun, —— ll | te selves at once, with dog-tike and disintorceted Adolity,, { inoreaae@ kandpers was in vain tried to alienate their affection. ‘The reprobation with which this attumpt to reoyen ae Hlicit trafic would bave beew met by & largo portion. ef the Southern white population was siogulariy modiled by these cousideradons:—Firsily, that it Was go0u wlbor ws certained that the remainder of tho gang {rom whous these negroes were selected was Sacrifice i at a varbure funeral, as they would have beoa if not broaght to we United States; that for half the value of a nogro in the South the african chicts offsred to sali their own kiudeods that in Africa slavery prevails, as it bas prevatiod from remote agea, to an extent which the exportation of slaves has been & comparauvely intiguificaut cause in detera@im ing, even when that exvortation wus tenfold groater thaw ‘of late years. Last'y, bocuue the traie, uader anouher ame, but really more objectiouable form, is carried om of the white Southern population there mount of attachment to the negro, mani- affectionate famuliariig. to epugnance invincible eared with or long acquainted with him. He Jy sensitive to tho one as to the other, and it ie in the Northern free States to see the bear: of the warm towards a Southern slaveholder, it remains cold towards the sincere abviitiontat, ho has made sacrifices on behalf—who calis hie pony peoeeptegh yer 4 m his instinctive perception the rey nance which that touch inspires. a Placed in authority over his own raco, the kindlicst me- becomes notoriously the most bars! of mastors; next him the Northernor or F: 2 ” a usa- ly the Northern abolitionist with bis hired servants ‘begins by treating them like white people; he appeals to their reason and interest. Bat ignoring alike the characteristic {0 sod good qualities of the Alri- }, be 18 wanting in indulgence for the one and preciation of the othe: le becomes disappoint soured and persecutive, like a driver | be. cause he does not find ina mule the qualitics distinctive of the horse. With such facts within their knowlotge, with such within their reach, aud with such ‘untversally spread in the South, ‘it is plain that ‘be Southern whites can have no iutention of emea- cipating their negroes, The belief that sudten oman- cipation would be. ruin, Dioodshed. ‘would of itself deter a sep. A minority, perhaps even gradually a majority, at the risk of or at the sacrifice of their own iutorest, might have favored gradual enfranchisement. Tho coaviction now universaliy entertained (the growth of recent years), whilst the white man Would be ruined the ‘would be worse off than before, because incapable of being fitted tor a state of unlimited freedom, bars even the prospect of progressive emancipation. Yet toa measure which the South conceives suicidal, Northern and foreign abolitioniam attempt to urge it by three methods, Firstly, turough the voluntary action of the white Southern population by means of discussion. Secondly, by obtaining through political agitation control of the three branches of the federal legislature and of the federal executive, with the view of eventually cuforcing Thiraly, by direct foray and by negross insurrection, according to the programme of jobn Brown. ‘The drst method, obviously ineffective, because it result- ed in strengthening, a8 we have seep, pro-siavery opin. jons in the South, has been st by ‘the virtaal pression there of discussion, which could only disturb negro population. The second and the third, which in- evitabiy lead to war, to dissolntion of the Union, and to = slave insurrection, the Southern States are determined te resist, conceive it {s their right to resist, and are compelled to resist by the necessity of aelf-preservation. That their determination is reality ao reasonable man can doubt. ‘Their might is derived from tho fact that the thirty four Stares of this Union are thirty four independent republics, valice by @ federal compact-by which for their tutu: benefit they have stipulated only the surreader of certam sovereign rights, reserving all others, and most jealously that of self-government and of the regulation of their owm institutions. They are compelled to resist because a ne- groinsorrection , whether as the means or the consequences: of abolition, signifies not only utter rain, desolation and death, but death ana worse than death, to wives, sistcrs and children. ‘Tuis is what they conceive that abolitionism either &t- rectly or indirectly proposes to force upon them. This is what John Brows v wae 1 ech nirmgreee The Proposed benefactor of the negro, they say, is not only the malefactor of the white, but the negro’s worst enemy, It iscertain that up to this’ time he hes proved so. It not true that the Southern whites have any apprehension of the negro if left to himself. It is the prospective aid and presentincitation of the white abolitionist which con- stitute for them a danger against which they provide by > 2 oe which vigtlan devise. For jw ? &, range a . a5 TT that, if left to themselves, the tet esis eb injne ners enraged mitigate \dage negro ag ually to re- duce ft to astate of tutelage nad sagied oteccioe which, until bis nature changes, must for hia own benefit be per- petually exercised over him—a coercion which, as a Se- nator from Georgia (Mr. Toombs) has observed, the laws of civilized aations impose temporarily on one of the boldest, hardiest and most useful classes of all free com- munities—the merchant seamen. We know the ehare of sea the commerce of the world; we know that commerce in where otherwise only barba- rism would be it renders possible; we know its fostering influence on civilization, and how it renders regions which without it must be wastes, Yet what maritime commerce could exist, what ship would be o aber for the whole voyage, aad authori dasiag. hs ° for the wl age, whole continuance the tnforvement of that labor? ‘The Southern States, when extraveous fo threaten them—but I fear i el 84 depend g these facts by large masses of men. The extent character of their convictions, inquiry will show you that L have not over stated, You say, and sorrow, but with a full appreciation of the nature of these calamities, Tuat calum, if it were a ques- tion of the perpetual or long enslavement of a race fitted, or with the capacity of being fitted to be (ree. But consider, sir, the immense importance of that ¢f, allow me, respectfully, to remind you how your noble rations have already led you ausay. good eminent men, you were in favor of universal suffrage. The veteran Dupont 1848, like many other de Eure, I beliove, alone of the Provisional government, ~ mistrusted its expediency, alt the fact that the Gasdte de France, the organ of absolutism, of the right divine of kings, and of the ultramontane party, had long the measure, was enough to invest it . With organized and accurate means of £ archy potism. The parizh priest, the mayor, the rich man of tue village, in- fluenced there rural communities, not only to oblige the French republic to turn its fratricidal. bayonets against. that of Rome, but to placd'In this century, in France, am outcast upon the throne, in spite of more knowledge, more talent and more public virtue than ever were concen- trated in Athens or in Rome. The Emperor of the French is, no doubt, restrained,'as, whilst sane, every despot always is, and has been, by public opinion; but can we disguise the fact that he, placed as he is above all law, ~ could with legal impunity hang up the most illustrious Frenchman—you, sir, for instance, if he it you—by the heels till you’ were dead, whilst a Southern planter ing On O negro a like offence, would swing in- by the neck. Hhould_—the capacity of the European ‘masons for many should—the capacity self government on tho basis of that universal. suffrage, Jet them turn to this country. Thore is Bote rape. pet s nationality, unrepresented in this Union. Yet in edvea- tion the vast immigration of the United States is below average of the countries whence it emigrated. Test ot the white race who have crossed the people this continent, it has been above the ave oid iy a adventurous spirit, whilst leat re amon improvidence or criminality w! ilicted on the new republic the chief of its and crime. Hence every clement of turbulei 4 bene in a higher di these a vast of thos home, anata tive were without political righise ab i li had preceded th mm ne 1 ¢ right of univeraal 5: in districts, you, sir, would not Cg por the nephew of his uncle upon }, xommon with the political believed in and ad Sane nt apa aka Peace—a state wi jumanity is no doubt progressively still obviously very far remote. But could past were present, Frenchman as which 60 much honors you, advise @ pdiggardly bh , whieh nor, 10 deerme, an pour Fenoe’ even cease the a armamcat ugmeniation are a iti | Q! i