The New York Herald Newspaper, July 19, 1859, Page 2

of Votena and Parma were united by private conventions, | of voligeurs, occupied tho apace between the first two, Which with adisregard of general treaties gave up tho territory ef their States to tue Ansirian armies, and from the cnicct estabiighed between Austria and the Dushies | and paceing over some fies and gardens, fell in with Compwisory relations that were inovmpatiole with the du- | ties of a genuine neutrality. These conventions are known, The troaties of Decom- de 24, 1847, and of February 4, 1838, expressly declare thu: the Staves of his Royal Highness tbe Duke of Modena, ay. nie Royal Highness the Duke o( Parima, enter wishin the delern'vo nes of the Austrian Bunperor’s Italian pro vinces, snd that coneequently tbis latter haa the right ot sendiog .roops into the territorice of Modeay and of cavetng them to occupy the fortreesos there who ever bis inverceas nay require it. By «regulation in th Bur treatice, which serves to BbOw the foresight of th Austrinn government, the sovereigns of Moteur and ma uncertook to conclude no military convention W ever with aay other Power without !he previous consen of the imperial government of Vienna. These s'.pulations, go clear and precise, did not permit od Paro, the Duchies to preserve neutrality. The Dukes of Parma | and Mocena sbould have denounced them before hostiiities, as to replace their States in tho conditions required for Claiming spd obtaining the immuuitics of neutrals. Now, nothing of the kind took place; on the contrery, the duchies were throwmopen to the !mperial troops who were Collectivg on the Picdmontese frontier, abd they thus be- came ore of the enemy's bates Of Operusjoos — ostilities begax, Piedmont was invaded across tne frontier of one of those two States, without any sudsequeo® protest on the part of the princes, who, ia fact, aswated (he attack, Pro pricty, as Well as ioterbational dues, ehouid at least have caured some communication to be mai 1 Sardinia, in order 10 give expianations as to the intentions aud conduct Of those goverument® under such extuordinary circum- stazces. No communication tm this sense bus heoa made tous, Sarvinta consequently found herself d+ jure ot de Jaco D w state of war with States tbat had beconie integral parts of Austria's military eyatem. The governments of Modena and Parma could not even fade pretext in the ixnorauce of Sardinia’s intentions; for, sipce 1848, we have incessantly protested agarnat Stipulations constitaticg # flagrant Vioiason of European treaties, and a permanent cauger against the security of our frontiers. ‘the Austrian ipvaston, which baz been ef- fected by burrowing the territory of Pixcenz., nag only too Welk proved the correctnees of our anticipations. Toe Doke of Modena, as Archduke of Austria, shared in the apupathy of bis family to ie*mont; his nike his crown, was abroud; be ought to foliow the desuuy of the Power to #pich he had rendered his State a vassal, Her royal Higbness the Ducnees of Parma was vot in the same category; her birth, the personal qualities that honor her, inspired a most Sincere interest; Her govern ment should have followed a worthier live of coaduct More in conformity with its international duties. Tae Cabinet of Varma was unfortunately dragged to the de- Qcent where it sipped abd feli; it dud not cesire to quit the position it had yoluatary Austria, It was on the territory sion of Pieomont was prepared; the imperial trooy 2 ‘ount Gyulai’s off European treaty had conferred keeping & gar:ison in that town. We do not dispuce the fact; out this miliary servitude had only a defensive obj as is stated expressly in the treaty to whish alivsion 6. wad the sign- ing Powers toox care to diclere that all the legal rights of the territorial sovereign were reserved. Now it was by o gpeciai and voluotary tria and Parma chet the latter abdic the rights most essential to sovereignty, by allowing the former entire freedom to extend her foruified works in Piacenza and to coustruct new ones, by promising full aid ce to tbe Austrian engineers, agsigaing to them workmen snd supplying them with ‘the uecossacy materials (7th art of the treaty of March 14, 1822.) Last- ly, it waa by a private treaty freely stipulated that the Sovereigus of Parms gave Ausiria the right of entering the territory of their States whenever ebe thougat prover. Sardinia provested against the extension of the fortitica- tions at Piacenza, which changed the nature and object of the occupation; she protested against the treaty of Feb- ruary, 1843. Has the government of Parma declared that it was sub- jected to the law of the stronger? Has itat all events Shown fome regrret at what was paseicg before its eyes? Everything was arra ged at Piscenza for the ia the King’s dominions; the ultimatum of Vienn: at Turin; the corps of the Austrian army were set in mo- tion; they entered Piedmont. Voghera, Tortona, were Occupied; Alessandria was Weated; our commu- ications with Genoa were compromired; and the Cabinet of Parma remained silent; it cared no- thing bout the fate of a neighboring Stata with which it had been on friendly terms. It was only when the enemy's plas miscarried, and when, the allied armies of Pieamont and France having taken ‘the offensive im their turn, the Avstriacs were onthe eve of evacuating the Dochies of Parma and Piacenza, it was only then that they talkedof neutrality and the wish to take m) \tary measures in concert with Sardinia respecting tbe districts of Parma and Piacenza. It was too late. The Cabinet of Parma for the reat had no right to make proso- sais of this nature. By the 4th article of the treaty of 1848, it wos formally contracted to conclude no military arrange- ments whatever without Austria’s consent. ‘These facis and these rearons, which it is necessary to cause to be thoroughly known and understood, explain the conduct of the king's government. Whatever interest might be felt for the person of the Duchess of Parma, it could make bo distipetion between Parma and Modena. The neutrality of those duchies was impossible de jure elle Facto; they could but share the fate of the power to which ‘they bad spontaneously confided their destinies. Bis Mojeaty’s lega ion wiliconform its language to the Preceding considerations. I embrace this opportanity of renewing to you the assu- Frances of my most cistinguished consideration. BONY Mus TEE INHABITANTS OF THE KINGDOM 70 KING FRAN- cis 11 STO CIRCULATING Sre— 1 this solemn moment, wher the hearts of twenty-one millions of pcople beat with hope and joy 20 recently awakened throughout the common country, it is to you, young monarch, that the words of Neapolitans are direct: ed. The thrones of the Peninsula are ceasing to be auy- thing more than a memory. Some have fallen, never again to be raised up. Yours trembies beneath your test, It bas, bowever, a sapport—not in the adnorred Cwsar of the North, but in our desires, strovger than thousan is of Croats. The restoration of the coustitution, sworn to at the foot of the altar of the Avenging Deity by your de. ceased father—this is the only plauk remaining in go tem- Pettuous a sea of glorious fraternai blood. Will you seal Your ears to the thunders of the voises of your peop'e? ‘Woe to kings who flcep on their cannon! An idea, whea it is general, when it is overegn, laughs st grape shot, and scorns the bayonetsof despotism, which turn against thoee who wield them. Tous ict us reiate the history of your house. The kuife of the country etruck Henry IV., Louis XVL., the Duc de Berri, Philip of Urieans, the Dake of Parma, aod your fatber. Is the seed of Kavaiiac and of Milano destroyed? Far be from you theee evil omens; but how often do these become history? The conetitutiun restored; @ ministry not of every color, immoral, oppras- sive; u police vigilant but not arbitrary, tyrantcal, dea- potic; ® national army, generous, patriotic. such are the ipfallidie means of estadliehing your dynasy. You are Italian; in your veine runs the nobie blood of Savoy, asd while the beams of tbe most lovely sun in the world shine upon your head. Now is the acceptable time. Happy you if you will seizs it to your advantage; unbap- Py you, ifhesitating you forget wo you are. Remember thst your father lived eleven years of exile, of palpitation and of fear; thet bis dwelling was a rock, his migerabie palladium én evil couneciles policy. What was the end ofit? Youkpow. You will not have forgotten the 22d of May. France is in Italy; her arms are at the gates of the kingdom. The execration of men and the malediction of God hang over the beads of the impenitent. The mar- tyrdom of the innocents for two lustres—bope deluded— genius oppressed—justice sold—the despairing cries of this, the moet ngbie part of the ‘and of beauty, find an echo tn the msagrapimous heart of the conqueror of Sebas- topo! and of Magenta. And the sole recollection that we are Italiacs will avenge the outrages of eur country, and ‘wash its wounds in the blood of its traitors. Consider ! decile! THE PAPAL STATES. ADDRESS OF PIUS THE NINTH TO THE CARDINALS— THE KBVOLUSIONISTS EXCOMMUNICATED. The following is the most important passage in the ad- drees deliverea by the Pope on the 20ih of June to the Secret Consistory — I} is because after having, by means of protestations, sent through our Carcinal of State to ali the Ambassadors and Mipisters of neighboring Powers, expressed our dis- approval and detertation of the late culpable attempts at rebellion, that now, venerable brothers, raising our voice in this copristory, we protest with the whole force of our soul agaipstall that the rebels bave dared to do in various Places, and by virtue of our supreme authority we dis approve, reject und abolish each «nd ali of the acta ocmmitted by Bologna, Raveana, Perugia, and otber places, against our’ legitimate ‘and eacre: authority, and against the principal of the Holy See. By name thy are called, in whatev-r way they are performed, we declare these acts to be wtin, illegiti- mate and sacril-gious. Mors than this, for the benetlt of all we recal to memory the excommunicatious and the other ecclesiastical pains and penalties inflicted ut various times by the sacred canong and the decrees of councii, especially by that of Trent, against atl those who have dared in any way to rebel ‘egainet the vemporal power of tbe Roman Pontiff; and we further deciare that those who in Bologna, Ravenna, Perugia, or any other city, have dared to vislate or treuble the paiernal jurisdic. tion of St. Peter Uy ded or conspiracy, or iu any other way, have already wretchedly fallen under their action. REPORT OF THE PONTIFICIAJ, GENERAL IN PERUGIA. The tollowing is General Schmid’s report on the reauc tion of Perugia :—As I bave alreaty had the honor to report by telegraph the reduction of the city of Feragia to the legitimate government of the Holy See, I now pro Cees to offer a detailed account of the # fair On the 20th of the present month, at two A. M, I left Fulguo with my regiment, accompanied by a section of indigenous artillery, a picquet of about sixty gen¢armes ‘ane thirty of the Financial Guard (Custom House), and Proceedea lowly and with all caution to the bridge of St. Giovanni, which afew hours before had been abandoned by the ineurgente, Icoutinued my route onwards, and, Paseipg the Tiber, approached the Gorgo, which appeared deverted and uninbavited; but scarcely bad the mounted gendarmes, who formed the advanced guard, entered it when shot was fired trom ove of the closed houses. troubling myself with this suburb, I proceeded alf a mile on rosd, whe o Cav Her Lattanz', the Councillor of Stale” wen! ace eae Cavan ward by the superior govern ment th Pert the pacific re-ertablisomont of order and sata aed 10 the legitimate sovereign. Be informed metuat ail he ene Geavors to reduce the factiout to their cuty had beon in yain, aud that hey were obstioaveiy determined to a fend’the city aguismt every attack ” Conscious of the hostile iatentions of the incorgents and aware besices that reinforcements were expected from Tuscany, I decided on ceiayiog the aswauit ionger, notwithstanding the fatigne of the troups equence of their ong march. 1 accordingly directed the mon to deposit their knapsacks, and, forming them in three col urns, advanced towarde the city in the midst of eathusi. astic shouts of military ardor. The first column, under the command of Major Toan- nerat, followed by the artillery, took tho new road: the second, commanied by Major Dupaquier, advanced by the old road; and the third, compored of two companies arty of (raitieure in ambush, @ud opening a fire upon em Boon drove them bepint ir emtrenchments, At tree iv the aftervoon, in epiie of the Broken state of the Toads, the three columpe arrived in front of 3t. Peter's, the poiut agreed upon, and maintained their position in face of a vigorous fire trom the besieged behind their walls and barricades, Tendeavored with a fow canoon peree tbe rebelé, but withoat success, aud Bee pacicoce of the trooper, which I had already had ilicuby ip restraining, I ordered the attac It 's imposetie 10 Me to cescribs the courage and t arcor with wbich my brave anc valorous troops, calling ov the name of the Sovereige Pontiff, rushed to the lofty walls of the city, and to the barricades which impeted their approach t the gate, and as there were but few | ladgore, and the tools of the suppers and miners were ; broken at their Grat attempt io use them, there re mained no other means of surmounting the walls but by the soldiers climoing on exch others’ backs, In a few minutes, however, the flag of the insurgents was toro Sa Ne the Ponificial colors were unfolded in ther The insurgen's, driven back, retreated to the gate of St. Pietro, where tueir secon lines of defence were raised, occupying the houses in t! ireet. Here a very obstinate combat took piace uuder « most destructive fir; the troops, enraged at the vi resistance they m:t with, could no longer be restrained, and having take Poeeeesion Of tre barricade, successively Decamo Masier?, one by one, of the bouses, from the windows and roots of which they bad been fired upon, The euemy tben took panic, and finding forther re. sistance impossible, retreated headlong vowards tne in- terior of the city, vainly endesvoriog @ last defence in various pots. Finally, afver turee bours and a half of severe fighting, the troops gained poasesaton of the piazzs of the fort, 10 the midst of a heavy shower of rain, and there, Wb immense appleuse, raised the banner of tne sovereign, Every street was searched, but no trace of an enemy remained; every one, as if by epchantment, bad dieappeareo, ano’ Perugia was cemoletely occupied by the troops. Toe conduct of the troops, of the ofllcers and subslterns, ibe non-commissioaed oflicerd and of the privates was in general much a8 to do credit to the foreign Tegiment# 1p the service of ths Holy See, and well merits the trust that ie reposed in them. Nor ougta: to be silent oa the equal proofs of courage given by the ind genous troops of every arm who took part in the operatino, I find worthy of notice the act of the gencarm: Paolo Cavalier), who, although under arrest, begged to be allowed to take part in the fight, and was unvortunalely struck by @ ball, wbich broke bis leg and placed his iifein danger. The gendarme Paoletti was also wounded by a ball. I reserve to myself to give @ #e arate report of the goldiers who distipguished themseives the moet. Ovr joss ia sensible—10 killed, including Captain Ab ‘Uberg; 35 wounded, including Captain Britchgy and Lieutenant Croifr, But toe enemy’s loss was much more cousicerable; aud although pot precisely known, cannot be lees than 50 kiliet sod 100 wounded, besides 120 pri- ropers. The Same night the troope were shut in their Appointed barrecks, aud order aad discipline restored calm everywhere. The number of rebel combatants is reckoved at five thousand. They were commanded by a certain Colonel Antonio Ceroui, come expressly from Taecany; by Count Cesari and Guiseppi Dan zotta, of Pervgia Some of these ure sud to be woundeo, The greater part taking flight througn the various city gates, escaped hastily to the Tussan territory, bat msny are gti!! hidden, and are failing every Cay into tbe ower of the military government instituted by me. Now tranquillity and order are re-establisned among the people, and the environs, such as Citta de Cas- tello, 1a Fravie, &c , bave mace their yolunvary submission to the government of the Holy Sea, A column of about fifty Toscan volunteers, who had arrived at Passignano, returned to their own country when they beard of the re sult. The disarping goes on, and & considerable quantity of arms and ammunition is collected. Having tnus given an account cf my mission, I bave only to add that my sole desire and that of my troops 1s to prove our devotion and fidelity to the august sovereign and government whom we have the honor to serve, The Colonel commanding the regiment. A. SCHMID. REVOLUTION IN BOLOGNA. At Bologna the provisional government has published a Proclamation recailing all the young men wao have enlist- ed under the flag of Italian independence for the de'ence of their own tamilies. Bishop of Cortona, in whose diocess the towns people of Perugia have taken refuge, haa issued @ pastoral letter strongly reprobating the advance of the Swiss troops. The official Viedmontese Gazette announces that the Che- valier d’Azeglio has been appointed General and Commis- oe, Exiraordinary, purely military, for the Roman States. ‘Tne Parie correspondent of the London News says that the Roman officers in the Piedmontese army are orgaai- zing & conpa to defend the cities of the Roman States —— are treatened by the mercenaries in the pay of the ‘ope. THE OUTRAGE ON AMERICANS AT PERUGIA—ILLNESS OF MRS. DOANE. [Correspondence of the Newark Advertiser.] FLonence, Toscany, June 25, 1859, An American family in which many of your readers are interested—Mr. and Mrs. Edward Perkins, of Boston, with bis mother, Mrs, Doane, of New Jerrey, and sister and niece, Mra. snd Miss Cleveland—narrowly escaped the dreadful carnage at Perugia on tue 20th instant, but were rubjected to serious alarm end suffering. Having passed the wixter at Rome, they had taken summer apartments atone of the hotels inthe bistoric old mountain city, when the pe opie after the example cf Bologua und other towus io the Roman States, throw off their ailegiance and propourcea tor Sardinia and the war. Instant measures were taken by the provisional government to secure the usual protection from Turin, and in the midst of the gene- ral rejoicings over a favorable telegraphic promise, it was aprounced that a detachment of some two thousand Papal troops was approaching by forced marches to ro- duce thee Alter @ desperate struggle outside the walls the insur- gentz were routed of course, and the disciplined merce- baries entered the city with the aid of the army of priests and monks domiciliated at Perugia, but encountered con. tinued opposition in the streets, including missiles from the windows and roofs. Inthe midst of the universal consternation the proprietors of the hotels assured their guests of the gafety of these asylums, but the infuriated troops appeared to have repudiated all law, and rushed at will into all houses, committing shocking murders and other barbarities upon the defenceless inmates—men, women and children. The ladies of Mr. Perkins’ family sought refuge in a ‘mail closet in one of their apartments, whilst he kept watch and ward. Butali human eiforts to protect the bote! proved unavailing. A squad of the raging ruffians rushed through the apartments, crying vengeance, and in their couree committed three or four murders with the bayonet, including & mother with a child in her arms, and 1 believe one of the proprietors. The retreat of our friends, in spite of every possible precaution, was disco vered; but tr Perkins’ }dress succeeded, with the aid of gold, in conciliating one of the ruffians, a subordinate of- ficer, who appeared to be a Swiss, speaking French fla- ently, and he warded off the violence of his comrades, arsuring them that the party were Americans and must be respected, and go the bouse was relieved. This was about five o’clock in the afternoon. Soon after six o’clock the hotel was re-entered by ano- ther equad, evidently drunk with wine, from whose coa- vereation it appeared that the troops had been dismissed for two hours, with leave to sack the city. The trun of our friends were violently broken open, in com- mon with everything else in the heuse, and they were ruthlessly robbed of clothing, jewelry, and whatever else the ruffions deemed of any value—the penalty of protest or ree:etance being instant death. Mr. Perkins, of course, made instant arrangements to get out of the place at the first practicable moment, and reached this city the day before yesterday with the family and servants and what little baggage remained to them. The ladies bore tne dreacful trial with remerkable fortitude, though Mrs. Doane, who had been go recently shocked by iptelligence of the Bishop’s death, is not yet, I regret to hear, suffi- ciently recovered to see ber friends. Toeir condition during these bloody scenes may be more easily imagined than deacribed. Mr. Perkins has formally presented the case to the American Minister at Rome—Mr. Stockton, of New Jerscy—who has, I am told, made a demand on the Papal goverpment of two thousand do.Jars for the actual damages eustained. The brutality of the troops, espe- cially towards unoffeoding strangers, whose persoas and property sbould bave been sacred, admits of no apology, and we may reasonably presume that the government will at least promptly remunerate them for the losses they have sustained. A great part of the population abandoned the city, and some eight or nine hundred of aon women and childreu—bave found refuge in city. THE POSITION OF ENGLAND. | Important Motion and Debate in the House | of Lords. In the English House of Lords, on the Sth of July, the proceedings were very important. They were conducted in the following order after the House met:— THE AFFAIRS OF ITALY. Lord SrratroR pe Repciirye gave notice tbat the fol- lowing would be the terms of the motion which he ahouid submit to the House on Friday evening :— That » bumble address be presented to her Msjenty ex- preswing the tinks of this House to her Majesty for her Maj ty’s gracious communication of the deeply important corres- DorGence om Italian aifaira presented recently to both houses of Parliament by ber Majesty's command, fully we- knowledging the unquestionable evidence which that corres- Ceavors the calamiues of Th Ors to avert the calamives of war. That her Majesiy mu, be sasured of the Loyal confidence with waist this House re. lies on ber Majesty's determination to maintain inviolate the Deutraiity ae inerem declared of her Majesty's dorainisns 7 ‘hat, y, it be represented to her majesty, Uy, tbe re Jesty. ag the opinion of tous ae under her Msjesty’s authority for the completion of our defences on sea and innd, the operations of tne belligerent Powers should be caretuliy observed, with a view in pardcular arson wat Sus ees ean oct a ast On Jurt and comprehensive terme.” 8" Comsiuslon OF p The noble lord said that as he had extended the original idea of hia motion, he ghouid not object w defer it until a day ister then that for which it was at present fixed. The Earl of Denuy said that onthe part of his friends end bimeeif there was no desire to postpone the digcuesion upon this important subject. THE NATIONAL DEFENCES OF GREAT BRITAIN. Lord Lyxpuvurst, who baa given notice of his invention to draw their lordebipa’ attention to the military aud naval defences of the cuuntry, then rose and said :-— My lorda, it was suggested to me that after the discus. sion which took place the other night on the question of my noble and iearned friend, and especially after the statement of my noble friend opposite ant the speechce of my noble friends the two noble earis on these beaches, I sbould withdraw tbe notice which I bad laid on your Jorcebips’ table. At firet I was inclined to do 80, bul tno eubjeet isone of such great importance that it ought to be repeatedly discuesed, in order to satiefy the people of this country of the necessity of suomitting to those Charges and those expenses which our pregent situation requires. I was the more disposed to proceed whh this question because there is a party in this country of whom 1 wish to speak with the greatest respect, a party likely very #000 \o inerease in power and influence, Who are not disposed to believe that we ought to expend our Tesources at proeent io any extenaion of our military and Daya! power, and that eo far from doing #0 we le every aultable and vigorous eifort may pe | | lustre than betore, NEW YORK HERALD, TUESDAY, JULY 19, 1859. abstain from an; sximnaion cf thek, power, hecnase by my acu! beg lave in We Gat pico o ay that aay 00! my lords, ve ®ervation which | sball make will be mass aot wits tho view SF areretien but of defence. “ener ap) BS fey nothing whatever in ap; can Se keg enerer ear win” (hs Pivestion, @ ) I sbali endeavor as simply as I can to point out pces and those whieh I taink are 1m) ortant for the copsideration of your lordsbips, leaving iv 10 others wbo are more acquainted with military and | naval details tbau I can pretend to be to fil! up and sup- ply the defects ip the statement which I shall make to your lorcehips. Tho first circumstance tha} strikes one ip copsicering this sudject is the great diflerence between our present end former position, (Hear, hear.) That as @ distinction which ht ever to be lost sight of, We have hitherto the confidence in our situation and in our domestic safety. We owe that conficence to our naval superiority—to pupe- ricr bumber of our vessels and the skill and galiantry of our seamen. We have been sqcustomed always to to ‘what we call our wooden walls as our best , and experience justifies us in that opinion. We have some- times, indeed, received obecks and affronts, The Dutch ‘ft ope time sailed up the Thames, burnt our ships in the Meoway spa in the river. At @ much later period the combined sbips of France and Spain chased our fleets into the wasers of Plymouth under the heights of Mount Eige- cumbe. But thove clouds soon passed away. They were amply avenged, and we ebone out with more distinguished My loras, there was another source of our covfidence an@ safety, and not an immaterial one— pamely, the difficulty tansportiog any body of troops from the ite coasig to our Own shores. It was impotsible to collect any number of troops ob abd Opposite Coast without being observed by us, abo without giving us Dotice and allowing us time to prepare curecives against them. Besides, an expedi- tion of that kind was necetewily liable to many casual- ties. Any joint operation, tberef.re, from different points Wa8 impossible, or nearly 20. A few thousand troops might, perbaps, ocoasicnally be landed on our coasts, suf. ficient, inoced, wo give trouble, but not sufficient to exoite oby fear ot danger. ‘The grewtert force that ever was Janded bere was tbat of the Pri: ce of Orange; amounting, I towwk, to about 14,600 or 16,000 men. But that force was invited to thix couniry by some of the most emisent mea in Epgland. 1) was received with enthusiasm by the people. It led to no catastrophe, and James IL. retired, the victim of bis own bigo'ry, folly and tyranny. But that expedition was very nearly defeated by an accident. Tt eailed down the Channel with a fair wind. When it arrived opposite Tor-bay @ devse fog arose. It paseed therefore the place where it was intended to disem- bark. It was followed by the English fleet. I¢ was there- fore in the greatest peril; but on » sudden the fog dis- persed. The wind veered round, drove the Dutch fleet ia- to Torbay, and checked the progress of the Engiwh fleet. ‘Toe English fleet ebortly afterwards was dispersed in a storm I mention this to show the accidents to which, under our old system enterprises of this kind were aub: Ject. ‘This was Our past situation—a situauon of perfect security. Whut is iknow? A great change has occurred. That change arises from the ayplication of stearh power to commercial narigatum and to naval warfare. What do we knw of the effet of that power upon naval warfare? We bave bad bo ‘xperisnce ol it, No person can venture to Predict what will be ite effect. I bave consulted many of. ficers, both of the army and of the navy, upon the eudject, aud I bave never been able to persuade myself that any one can with any degree of coniidence say what will be the reeult of thisgrea\ change. 1 bave read i tbe admirabic work ot Sir Howard Dougias that military ojicers in France believe that this change has a great effect upon our naval power, and will redtice is to comparative unimportance. There is ove advaniage which we hitherto have had in naval cem- bat over our adversaries under the old aystem—the skill and experience of our seamen, aud tier knowledge of everything connected with the ‘management of a veusel. (Hear.) Unfortunately, though we bave not entirely lost Ubat advantage, it bas greatly leseened under ihe new sye- ter There is achange in the armaments, in the mate- , ip the consiruction, and in the form of war ves- A great facility of boarding arises out of the new sysicm, and pumbers, therefore, would bave a great advantage. Above all, the new system of manwuvring which must follow this pew system is such that it ig doubtful what would be the issue of » naval con- test. (Hear, bear) I have stated these points for your consideration, because you will be eatiafled when you bave considered them that we cannot, as heretofore, rely with pertect confidence upon our paval defences. (Hear, bear.) Still, however, and perhaps more so in Conaequence of what I bave stated, it becomes necessary that we sbould carry our naval machinery and everythi connected with it to the highest point of etliciensy, an that we should refuse no sums for that purpose. (Cheers) Let me now, my lords, call attention to what ig the actual state of our pavy. I will begin by reterring to last year. Tepeak of the spring of last year, and of steamers, which are the oaly v which it is material to copsider. (Hear, hear.) Last year we were in this porition: France exceeded us in line of-battle sbing in a ‘mall proportion, but she exceeded us in an enormous pro portion in steam frigates. At present we surpars ber in line-of-battie ships considerably, but we are stili greatly interior in those important ‘yeeee's, steam frigates. We shall, in the spring of next year, surpass her stl more in line-of battle ships, but we shall still be ‘inferior to her in steam frigate. This is a point for tbe consideration of your lordships, and for the copsiferation of the country. (Hear, hear.) Givo.me leave, my lords, to mention one circumstance which I wink mest material for our consideration when we are consid. ering the subject of naval wartare. You will make a great mistake sf you suppose for a moment that the rela- tive power depends entirely on the number or size or force of the vessel. A more—I will not say a much more important, but a very important power consists in trained crews of veeeeis. (Hear, hear.) The Freach for several years have bad a system of training of a most perfect hinc—tra'ping in the conduct of the vessel, and training not only in the conduct of the veszel, bution gunnery. the moment @ French ship ts afloat that moment they have trained men ready to go on the vessel. lam forry 10 eay, from ali | hear and all I observe, we fave bot such a syetem as that to which I have referrod— system of the utmost importance, but which in this country hitherto has been almost entirely neglected Hear, hear.) Now, with respect to force. What is re- «uired, first, in the Channel? We require not only a orce for warfare equal to France, but we require some. ‘bing more. We require a powerful reserve. (Hear, hear) France requires no reserve. The reason is this, and I beg your lordships to mark it. If in a combat gy the two fleets the English fleet should be victorious, we have nogpower of landing with any effect upen the French coast; whereas, tf we have no reserve and our fleet is destroyed in a comtes' with the French fleet, we are entirely at the mercy of the enemy. We have seen lately what France can ellect. Suppose the English fleet defeated and driven from the Chenpel, the events which have passed almest under our eyes within the last few weeks show the great peril to Which we should be exposed from the extraordinary facili. ty with which a military force to an immense amount might at once be landed on our shores. But it is not sufli- cient for us to have a Channel fleet capable of coping with the country directly opposite to us, Our Channel fleet most certainly and necessarily be of an amount guflicient to cope against any two Powers which may be united against us. (Hear, bear.) We know full well that at this moment the Russians havewseven or eight line steamers fitted for sea. If by any accident or by any event, which might easily occur, we should be evgaged in a dispute with France and with Ruseia, we should be in a very unfortunate situation if we had not a naval force sufficient to combat both those Powers. (Hear, heat.) Our naval power ig '¢seentiaily defensive. It is absolutely casential to our security. ‘The naval power of France is not defen- sive—not necessarily 80. Jt is aggresstve in its character. (Hear.) ‘The, I say, with reapect to the amount of the Channel fieet, if we with to be in astate of security, if we wish to maintain our great interests, if we wish to maiotain our bopor, it 18 necessary that we should have a power measured by that of any two possible adversaries. (Cheers.) It is not very cay to say beforchand what that power should be, but we must watch events and extend our payal power according to the necessity of the case, and whatever necessity requires, whatever the expense, we must submit to incur that expense. (Cheers.) The Channel! flect is only one part of the force necessary. We must have a fleet suili- ciept to command the Mediterranean. /} have not a Sleet sufficient to command the Mediterr , every one of our strongholds will inevitably fall into tne possession of France. Net only,would that be the case, but the desire and the wish of the firs Er ‘or to comvert the Mediterranean into a French lake would at once beealized. (Hear, hear ) Do your lordehips suppose that that ideais abandoned? Far from it. recollect very well that when the present Emperor—of whom I wish to speak in terms of respect— made his couthern tour, and when he, arrived at Bor- | deanx, ceciar ed that “the ‘empire is peace”’—I recol- lect in that progress, when at Marseilles and about to proceed from Marseilles to Toulon ina fleet of war ships, reference was made to this desire of Bonaparte. Was it Tepuciates! Jt was adopted by the present Emperor amia the enthusiastic cheers of the audsence assembled on that occa- sim, (Hear, hear.) But allow me to say, with respect to a fleet neceseary for commanding the Mediterranean, if France has the command of the Mediterranean, what is the inevitable consequence? She will be able to leave and return to the Mediterranean at ber pleasure. She will be able to take our Channel fleet in flank at any moment. She will be able to unite her Mediterranean anc Channel fleets. She will be able to cross the ocean, end one by ouc to take possession of our colonies, and | she will be able to eweep the ocean of our ships and de- | then, not only to nave such fords oi ber Majesty's earnest and impartial ea- | ought to | calied your atiention, stroy our whole property. (Hear, hear.) It is necessary, Channel fleet as I have stated, but such a fleet as willenable us completely to command the Mediterranean, (Cheers.) Something fur. ther 1s still peceseary.. We must have a fleet for the West India Islands. Iadmit, not a strong fleet, por dol pretend to say where that jleet sboula be stationed. I Tmuat leave that to military and paval persons to deter- mine. There is another point with respect to the Medi. terranean. Uniess we have the command of the Medi- terranean—if we are driven out of the Mediterranean, what is our eituation with respect to India? We cannot communicate with India, except round the Cape of Good Hee, while France will be able to communicate by a direct Gnd easy course ly means of Egypt and the Red Sea. What Would be the resuit of that state of things I jeave your Jordebips to imagine. (Hear, hear ) I have thus shortly directed attention to what I conceive to be necessary in reference to @ Channei fleet, a fleet in the Mediterranean, ’nd @ force for the protection of our colonies. There are one or two points more to which I beg Jeavetorefer. [find by reading the report of the commissioners for manning tbe navy they recommended a reserve of seamen. That reserve, I consider, should be made immediately without the least porsible delay. (Hear, hear,) It should be so coneiderable and to well trained as at any moment when Decessary to furnish able gunners to ships in commis- sion, (Hear, hear.) ‘There is another point, my Joros, to which I leave aleo to refer, It re- Jntes to @ matter of great importance—the eflisiency of our arsenals. I: is of the utmost consequence that they ehould be as effective as porsible, and tha; the docks and slips should be of such dimensions as to be adapted to the present size of our vessels. Ja that re SBpect they are, as yet, greatly defective. There ougnt to be, alko, such a system of machinery ag to enable us, at 4 moment’s notice, and with the greatest rapidity, to fit cut armaments for our ships of war, (Hear) Tuese, my lorda, are the observations which I have to offer on this occasion with regard to the naval part of the case. I trust that what I have stated in that respect will mect with your lordships’ concurrence. (Cheers.) Of this I am persuaded, that the more you examine the different parts of the subject and investigate the whole the more strongly will you be impressed with the necegtity of in- curring whatever expenditure may be requifite for the porpose of accomplishing the objecta to which 1 baye (Hear, hear.) But, my Lords, that © which I have been alluding constitutes only one this important Hitherto, as I served, you Were, notwithstanding the fleet, comparatively in a state of domestic safety reatons which I have mentioned. But what is your posi- tion now? In what state would you be if your Channel fleet were dispersed or absent, or from apy cause re- moved for a sbort time from its proper station? The noble lord the leader of the other House of Parliament hus told you in very emphatic words that steam has converted the Channel renibe 4 Bromns bridge pron 8, Theee sre truly em) we ut they hardly e: the reality. They are scarcely dehy 7 Algpate ds, the state of things which has been more than once Jed. We know from recent experience that the mate- rials of war may without exciting avy observation be laced on board sip ce the opposite side of the Channel, We teow that ine jw hours a large army may, by means of the ratiway, amd without any notice whatsoever, be brought down to the coast to different points of em! ‘The jacility of embarkation is quite extraordinary in conse- quence of the new pro made tor that purpose by France. We know that such a force as that to which I refer may within a few hours—in the course of a enh be landed on any part of cur shores, (Hear, hear.) With £0 much certainty, indeed, can the movements of such a body be regulated that from diflorent quarters its oompo- nept parts it arrive at the point of disembarkation without apy difference in of time. (Hear, hear.) That is the state of things, my lords, with which we have todeal. You will very naturally ask what ba- ble force coula be brought together in the manner I have vescribed. It is not m) preriace to give an opivion vpon such 8 question. Military and naval are the proper to form a judgment with respect to it 1 may, bO@wever, be permitted to state one or two circumstances which which may serve to guide you in vrivipg at a just conclusion on the point, I know that in 1849 when France sent troops to Uivits Veocbia, one frigate carried « distance of 300 miles 2,000 soldiers with all the munitions of war. [am further aware that a much larger force than thet can be embarked for # abort period of time on board a frigate, ‘and force still greater on board @ ship of the line. Ikuow from information which I bave received, and the accuracy of which Ido pot coubt, that the Prench are at the present moment building st-amers for the purpose of transporting toveps. each of which is being constructed to 2,500 men with all the mecessary stores. (Hear, hear.) ‘This, there tore, is the description of force which you must prepare yourselves to meet, Ido not mean for a moment to say thet there ip no risk in such an adventure ag that against which I would esl) upon you to be on your guard. No great military enterprise can ever be undertaken without rome risk; but I believe from all I bave read apd heard, and trom all the consideration which J have been able to give to the subject, that the risk in the case to which Iam averting is much less than it has ben in many instances in which the result has been attended with success, (Hear, hear.) What then, my fords, doee it become our duty t0 co? What precautions does it beboove us to take? What force ought we to maintain ip order to be prepared for uuy emergency which muy arise? My answer 18 a force of regular troope—unot volunteers—not undisciplined men; but, I repeat, a force of regular troops, capable of oppesipg apy’ military force which im all probability cap be landed on our shores. (Hear, hear.) I; 18 ab solutely imperative upon vs to maiptain such a force Iv is a duty which we owe to ourselves. It ig. a duty which we owe to the cbaracter of onr country. (Cheers.) But, wy lords, independently ot all this we must provide for our garrisope, and aleo for that which is of greater import- ance eiiil—our areena's (Hear, bear.) chey are—I re- gret (o say it—at preeent in a very imperfect state of de- fence, Much exertion, much expenditure, aud much en- gineering talevt will be necessary for the purpose of plas- ing them in such & fosition a8 to prevent their being £:iz- ed upon ag the resuit of arudden attack. If I am asked whst is the force which the safety of the country demands that we should keep up, wy answer is, that after consul- tation with many persons competent to form an opinion on the point, I put down that force at at least 100,000 reguiar troops, ana when I say regular troop, I include the em- bodied and trained militie, while I thipk there should be ap equal ferce of disembodied and trained militia. (Hear, hear.) Every cbservation, my words, which Ihave made on this subject applies as well to Ireland as to this country. (Bear, hear.) Perhaps the precautions which 1 have in- dicated may be even more necessary in the case of the former than the latter. Irland may possibly be upcn on the other side of the Channel as one of the oppressed nationalities (@ laugh); as a country trampled upon ly a nation differing from her in customs, in language and religum. We cannot tell what misrepresen- tations may be made. We moet, at all events, my lords, provide equally for the safety of Ireland as for our own. In the years 1804 aud 1805, the only periods, I believe, in which we were threatened seriously invasion by France, the force which we maintained was much greater than tbat which I have juet mentioned But thet was merely a temporary force; while tbat which I have just indicated as necessary to meet the existing state of things ovgbt, 1p my opinion, to form part of the permanent force of the country. If we wish to live in security, to main- tain our interests abroad, to uphold the hovor of the na- tion, we must be willing to make every exertion necessary for the accomplishment of an object nn. hike that which Ibave pointed out. (Hear, hear) I have expe- rienced, my lords, something like a sentiment of humilia- ‘ion in going throogh these de‘ails. J recollect the day when every part of the opposite eaast was blockaded. by an English fleet.” (Hear, hear.) I remember the victory of Camper- ‘down and that of St- Vincent, won by Sir J. Jervis. I do not forge. the great victory of the Nile, nor, last of all, that triumphant Sight at Trafalgar, which almost annihilated the navies of France and in. I contrast the porition which we occupied at that period with that which we now hold. J recollect the exqulsion of the French from Eoupt; the achievement of victory after victory in Spain; the British army established in the South of France, and then that greotbatitle ty which that war was terminated. I cannot glance back over that sertes of events without feeling some de- gree of humiliation uhen lam calf upm to state in this Heuse the measures which I deem it to be necessary to take in in order to provide for the safety of the country. But I may ‘be asked, ti do you think such measures requisite? Are we not in alliance with France? Are we not on terms of frienéebip with Russia? What other Power can molest ut?” To there questions, my lords, my answer shall be a short end a simple one. J will not comsent to live in de- pendence om the friendship or the foi Learance of any cmntry. (Loud cheers ) J rely solely on my own vigor, my own ex. ertim, and ‘my oun intelligence. (Cheers.) Does apy noble lord in this House dissent from the principle which I have laid down? (A pause.) I rejoice, my lords, to find that sueh is net the case But while this is 2 matter for congratulation, I regret to be obliges to eay that we do not stand well upon the continent of Europe. I do not think late events bave improved our position in that respect. But I go further, my lords, and express wy belief, as the reeult of my own careful obser- vation, that if any plausible ground of difference should arise between this courftry and France, and that difference should lead to hostilities, the declaration of war with England on ee of the goverwment of that cou would be hatled with the utmost enthusiasm, not only by the army of France, but by the great mass of the French people. (Hear, bear.) If Iam aeked, “Will you not rely ‘upon the areurances avd the courtesy of the Emperor Napo- leon?” Treply that I have great respect for that high per- son, and tbat I will not enter into any explanation on this subject, but will leave every noble lord to draw his own conclusions and to form his own opinions. This, how- ever, I will say—and I can say it without impropriety—if Tam asked whether I cannot place reliance in the Emperor Napoleon, I reply with comfidence that I cannit Place reliance in him because he is in a situation in which he cannot oe reliance on himself, (Hear bear’ and a laugh.) He is ina situation in which he must be govern- ed ty circumstances; and 1 will mot consent that the sofety cf this country should depend on such con- tingencies. (Renr, hear.) My loros, seif-reliance is the dest road to distinction in private life. It is equally ca- feptial tothe character and tothe grandeur of a pation. (Hear,jbear.) It will be necessary for our defence,as [have already atated, that we should have a military force suffl- cient to cope with any Power or combination of Powers that may be brovgbt against us, I know there will be great opposition to the expense. I feel and observe this. But lock at the opposite coast. An army of 600,000 men, admirably disciplined, admirably organized, superior to apy other force of tho same kind in Europe, lies within a few hours’ sail of our own shores. That army is com pored of brave troops, skilful, well commanded, eager for conflict, enthusiastic, fond of adventure, thirsting for glory,and above all,1amiliar with glory. Zhat is the Power arrayed against you. I do not ask you to combat that Power aggresswely, but only to put yourselves in a state of suficient defence to resist it. What have we geen within the laet few weeks? France, with a peace eatab- lishment. with no preparation for war (a laugh), no de- for war, @ nation that could not reduce its establish- ment because it had never advanced it (a Isugh)—Bo the Emperor told us, and I am bound to put faith in that state- ment—was yet able in the short period of five or six werks to transport an army of 170,000 men to the banks of the Mincio, with 200 pieces of cannom and a siege train, gaining two great battles in us progress, besides other lessser fight, while she has a fleet of fifty war steamers inthe Adriati: at this mo- ment, with, 1 believe, an army of 40,000 men. (Hear, hear.) Crots to the opposite coast, then, and you find the power of action, of motion, of hostility, of injury. Are we to sit supine on our own shores and not to the means necessary in case of war to resist tbat Power? 1 don’t with to tay that we should do thie for any sggreasive pur- pose. What J insist upon is that we are bound 10 make every effort neceesary for our own shelter and protec ion. (Hear, hear.) Besides this, the question of expense and of money einks into insignificance. (Hear, hour.) It is the price we must pay for our insurance, and itis buta moderate price for 80 important an insurance. -I know there are persoos who will gay, “let us ron tho risk’? Bo it eo. But, my lords, if the calamity shoukl come, if tbe’ conflagration should take place, what words can describe the extent of the calamity, or what imagination cen paint the over- wheiming ruin that wouid fall upon us. (Hear, hear.) I shall be told, perhaps, that these are the timid counsels of old age. My lorcs, for myself, I should ran no risk. Personally, I bave nothing to fear. “But to point out pos- sible peril snd how to guard effectively against it, that is surely to be coneidered not as timidity but ax the dictates of wiedom and prudence, (Hear, bear ) I have confined Toyrelf to facts tbat cannot be disputed. Ithink {have confined myeelf also to inferences which no man can ceetful'y contravene. I hope what Ihave said has been n accordance with your feelings and opinions. (Hear, bear.) 1 shall terminate what [ have to say in two em: phatic words— Va Victis!—words of solemn and most significant import, (Loud cheers.) SPERCH OF LORD STRATFORD D® REDCLIFFE. Lord Strat¥oRD pg Repcuirr® (vo whom Earl Granville, ‘who rose wih him, gave place) said he was not entitied by apy long standing in this House to interpose be- tween ‘their lordships and tho noble earl who had just risen. Indeed, even without reference to that nobie enrl, be bad ‘po claim to andi the House on neubject of thiskind, But he believed he shonld refleat the general feeling of the House when he expressed his gratitude to the noble and learned lord for calling atten. Vion to this most important and solemn gubject, at #0 apxiour a time as the present. (Hear, hear.) That speech afforded » strong proof of the feeling prevailing ‘hrovgbout tbe country on thissubject. Wheu he remem- dered that though the supplies necessary to take the pre- cautions suggested could not originate in this House, and yet that the subject had first been brought under conside- ration bere—whien be remembered that the noble lord did not belong to the naval or military profession, but that his bonorabie, his glorious career had been passed in totally Oiflerent pursuite—and when he saw him rise ata very advanted age and overcome the jufimities of that portod of Ife in order to perform a solemn duty towards the country, he could not but feel all the importance of thie subject, and that it had not been brought under their etteution without edequate reason = (Hear.) - with the government of the country. In afl countrics free institutions at all times there bad been an unwillingnees to projare for defence in apticipaven of war, The fooling brought out by those in- mututions wes a very natural feeling of ec.f confidence aod of unwillignees to endure sacrifices befure a atrovg con- viction of Canger had arisen. He «+i, iherefore, that it was with good reason tbat the noble and (earned lord bad called attention wo this subject, It was wel known that preparations had been made in this country, and that we hed sasurances from both the iate gad the present govern- ments that the national defences would not bo neglected, He copfeesed that be had heard with saticfacuion come short time ago the just tribute paid to the lie First Lord of the Admiralty by the present Foreign Secretary, for the successful exertions made Oy the right bonorable gen- eman in his department le quiie agreed with his noble end Jearned friend (Jord Lyndburst) that it was not a question of the degree of confidence put Ly this country in forcign Powers or in the Empzror Napoleom, but it was a shame and a humiliation that a great nation luke ours should exist for one hour under sujferance. (Cheers.) Not only must such an existence inspire a senso of ehame which we ought indigvantly to repel; but we thereby deprived ourselves of the opportunity of perform. ing those duties which we owed to the world and to the Providence which bad placed us in a position of doing good without limit. The noble and learned lord, he be- Hoved, had indulged in no exaggeration in his ropresenta- tion of the means of our neighbors. When we iooked to those meaps, and to the position which we occupied in relation to other countries, there was much reason for apxiety, and still “greater anxiety muat be occasioned by the Shangrs, which had taken place in naval tactica, When he lookea at tho growing demands upor our naval and military services for the protection of our dintant rettlements, and at the extent of our daily increaving commerce with all parts of the world, he saw an addi. | tional demand for augmented means of dofence, an acditional danger procecding from abroad, and every | reszon for making thore sacritices which were ne: ceesary in order to secure the safety of our shore and add to our influence in negotiation with oiber f States, He tor one put the question of invasion very much arive. Whatever rezson we might have to appro- hend @ bostile attack upon our shores, he was atili willing to believe thot with a prudent and at tho same time frm | policy on our part, and with some feeling of regard for right on the part of others, we wore not likely to be ex- pesed to that iromediate ‘danger. But thero wore other | coveiderations which: made ‘it an imperative duty t lose no time in completing our defences, and placing ourselves ip that position of security which our hovor and interesis both demanded, When he looked at the bigh pitch of proeperity to which we bad attamed, at the united gen I- ment that existed to an almost unparalleled extent among us, end at the fact that we possessed means of dofeace pee! unlimited ip amount, be fouad it tmpossible to en- tert ‘any apprebevsion for the fate of England. Our Oapger arose from too much self-confidence, from too great a reliance upon past successes, and from an upwil- Iipgnees to sdmit thore changes which bad actually taken place; but he wi tisfied that #1 the warning were ao- cepted—if we looked the danger in the face, and employed the menns at our dispora!—so far from having any reason to dread aconflictwith Franc’, or any other foi cign Power, the day on which we should be called upon to defend our honor and int-rests would prove the mot glorims day that ever shone upen the destinics of England. “(Cheers.) SPRRCH OF BARL GRANVILLE. Esrl Granvittx—I fully concur in the feeling of admira- tion which bag bien expresecd by the noble lord woo has juet spoken with respect to the epeech of the noble and learned lord opposite I fuily admit that in this remark- able inteliectual effort the noble and learned lord has put bis views clearly before your lordehips, and that those viewg, £0 lucidly stated, contain much of truth and much of patriotism. At the same time I cannot refrain from asking myerelf whether any great practical good is Mikey to result from what bas fallen from the ncble asa Jearped lord, (Hear, bear.) Jem not sure whether the object of bis_observations is to stimulate the country or to stimvlate thé government; but 1 have no hesitation in say- ing tbat, as regards other countries, I cannot foresee aay edvepiage in the course which has been taken. (Heer, hear.) There is nothing which gives such ration and discussion of questions of the most delicate cha- Facter, (Cheert.) FPENCH OF THE BARL OF HARDWICKE, of HaRpWICke bed Lievened with great pleasure to the Bprceh ss bis noble aid learned friend, wack be copeurred with the aobie Jord opposite (Lord Straiford de Redelife) mn th vkwg both panioric and useful. Is offered to the pubsic a calm and temperate statement of the condition in which this country might be plkced under circomsacces which we hud # rigat hot, be trusie’, to anticipate us rapidly approach- ipg but wt wast, to coulemplate as poseibie, We eshovld thereby etrengthen our alliances—(hesr, bear)—and empower our Foreign Secretary to speak in @ tone euch ae 6 Could Dot at present use when addressing Foreign Powers. (Idear, bear) We shoud there'y render our commerce seoure woerever the Brite fg floated. He wes Ormly convinced that the mao ruled the Frened vation would rejoice at & cops doranie augmeniauod of our Daval strength, because it would f nish him with & poweriul argument agaipes such of o's Subjects as desired ao invasion of this country by Fran. He beticved that tbat ruler would much rather quict (ism stimulate that destre of invesion, and would be glad te Bee tbe mi Serable pitch, that the question might not be preesed upov bim as to whether he ebould make war upon Eagland er not, (Hear, besr.) SPARCH OF LORD BROUGHAM. Lord BrovcnaM said they were agreed on all mdes of the House, without soy one exception, on the expodicnov, may, be would ssy the necessity of defensive preparations— (bear, hear)—and that without any invidiousuexe ww arta either foreiga Datiop® or their rulers, but simply ov 43 count of the posure of affsire in prope, which was warming with greatarmies under the cou!rol of « vorg Ww individuals of «heoiote and unfimited power, Wo were bound to prepare for our own defence, bappov what rorght, without exvectiog anything to bipoea, winont dreedipg that woytbing would bappen. He deep'y timont. | ed what hac been spoken that migntas to the feelings of the French people with regard to an invasion ot Eug land. He poritively denied that that feoling wag such as bad been represented. (Theers.) There was no desre on the part of the French people for a war with Enytaw ‘There War uD almost voiversal desire on thoir part to nai tain peuce. He would soy woh respect w the Russian, the Austrian and the French rulers, that U war nt safeto allow @ man in great power to encroach ever so tittle heya d their own territories, There was an old maxim that if you allowed peopie to go but a very little beyond the Vine that seperated right from wreng, they were very apt to goe great deal forther without yoar leave. He Was Dot bound to express either confidence or Cistrust im foreign rulers, but we ought certainly to trust ourselves, (Hear.) We ought to rely upon ourselver for our own Gefence, huppen what might. There was but ove opinion as to the positive neceerity of our being wel! prepared inthe present state of Europe. We badno distrust of foreign nations, and they bad no rigbt to complsio of our being prepared when they were prepared. (éenr, hear.) SPRECH OF LORD ELLENBOROUGH. ‘The Farl of Ex.annoroven sai¢:--1 have only a very fow words to offer, but Tcanroy cave the Sousa wih mute faction to myself without taking the opp rtunity 1 ex preeeing to my noble and learned friend my most pre ful thanks for the great service which, in my opimov, ba bas performed. (Hear, bear.) My noblé and Inarned trond hag put an end lo that fatal course of self deception ix which this country bns for to many years been indulging r, hear.) He has cistinctly placed before the H the public the picture of what we were and what are—of what we are under circumstances the moz’ porit ow that haye occurred for the last half ceutury I foot convinced tbat, upon the roost mature after reflection, my noble and learned friend wil not flod one word in whe great speech which he bas delivered to-night whico he wovld derire to alter. (Oheers.) My lords, toe peopie of th's country have, by almost all who have been in the habit of addressing them at public meeting: been led to think much more of the part than of the on tent, and not at all of the futare. They have ben rev om the memory of pas! glories, asad they have been im igin= ing they were only on the morrow of Waterloo and Tro fal- yar. That is not my feelipg, end %t is now tweive years Weight to this House as the debates which take lace in it upon all the importunt subjects re- ing to our connection with foreign bates; but at the same time it cannot be denied that upon each indi- vidual member re grave reeponsibifity in regard to what may escape tis lips. (Heer, hear.) During the firet three months of the present Parliamentary seesion I think we bad only ‘bree debates upon the delicate subject of our foreign relations. Those debates were not devoid of spirit or of frankness, but they were crnducted with a prudence and discretion which were not only highly ap proved by the public at large, but produced & good effect on the Continent, and even in some countries where our free institutions are littieloved. (Hear,besr.) Since the accereion of the present government this House has sat only four pights,and during three of them sbarp <is- cussions bave taken place upon some delicate matters connnected with our foreign relatious. And now, my lords, we bave this evening been addressed upon the same subject with greater weight, greater mode- ration and greater temper. But I am not sure that the noble end learned lord opposite has been judicious in all be bas eaid. If a feeling of hostility does exist, as he says it does— rot on the ook cd the Emperor Napoleon, but on the part of the French pepi—I am not certain that his speech will tnd to alloy . When he jpoints out in the most marked way the defenceles+ character of our shores— when at the same time he boasts of our former victories, and when he makes something like insinuating and sneer: ing allusions both to the government and the peopie of France—I am afraid that, coming from such lips as his, such language is uot well calculated to maintain a friendly feeling Detween the two countries. (Hear.) When you consider bow much irritated a majority of the public and of Parliament were last vear by the fooliah ex- pressions of a few fooligh French colonels, isolated in their garrison towns, und smarting under an uitempted assnasi- nation of their Emperor aud commander, you will be able to estimate the effect which such lapguage as wo have heard to-night is likely to produce upon « people so sensi- tive as the French. (Hear, hear.) Again, my lords, I bave to ark myself whether such speeches are neceesury to atitmulate oar countrymen at bome. I believe they are not. It is imposible to read the language of the public prees, or the speeches made at public meetings, or to see te points upon which even theologians think the elec:ion of a member for Oxford University ought to turn (u laugh), without being aware of the readiness with which the people arepreparea to make pecuniary sacri order to preserve the inviolabilsty of our shores and maintain the natumal honer, (Bear, hear.) A proper feeling in tuat respect already exie\s, and the only fear is that 11 may be excited beyond ita legitimate work. Tbe nobie and learned lord has talked of invasion, but that I believe is at the present moment out of the question. While we are on the best pos- sible terms with the United States, while Russia ig notoriously not prepared for war,and white France ig engaged in a bloody and cost'y contest in Lialy, we are certainly not ia danger of an invasion. But what we all feel is, that it Would be absolute folly for s great and rich country like England not to take those permanent precautions which at all times will relieve us, not only from invasion itseif, but from the very alarm’ of invasion, 80 injurious as it might be to our commerce. (Hear, hear.) Poittival experience teaches ua that if we excite a feeling to an uppatural degree it will be followed by a reaction, and the probability is that if the peopie are too much agitated now they may at some future time be seized with a fit of economy which will prevent the government of tbe day from continuing those permanent, means of de fence which are absolutely necesary for the protection of the country. (Hesr.) I now come to the conduct of her Majeety’s government, and to the question whether it is Receeeary to stimulate them with regara to this most im- portant subject. My noble friend (the Duke ot Somerset), bas bad occasion to make in this Houte explicit deciara tuops upon this point, and I am giad to have the opportuni. ty of repeating that tooee declarations are vot mere ex- pressions of individual opinions, but the authorized stats ment of the views of the whole of the Cabinet entrusted T know nothing 10 the cbaracter of Lord Palmerston, ube head of the govern- ment, which should excite alarm imtbis respect. I be- lieve the ail who have seen anything of that noble Jord know tbat for years there has been no man, ex- cept perhaps the date Duke of Welliogion, who, both in private and in public, has more apxiously’ pressei the importance of maiotaining our national de‘ences in a proper state of preparation than he has done, (Hear, bear.) Some doubt may bave been ed by what feli from the nobie and learned lord with Tegerd to the state of the navy at the beginning of Jast yeur, which was cheered by the nobie cari opposite (the Ear! of Hardwicke), and which must have been founded upon a statement made by the noble ear! himeelf the other day, that at that time the pavy was in a state of “weak: pees, impovence and decrepitude.” (Hear, hear,” trom lord Hardwicke.) The nobte lord cheers. but T really venture to ak bim how he reconciles that cheer with the statement made by the head of the department concerned lvet year? (Hear, hear.) I do not wish to trespass upon your lordships’ attention, but perhaps [ may be ailowed to give you a very short sketch of what baa oscurred with regard to the navy. (Hear, bear.) Tbe noole and learned Jord referred to the great difference in the comparison be tween the forces of France. and England which resuited fiom the application of steam to navigation. Nogane per fon can doubt that whereas it formerly been impos- sible for the French nation to equal us in Bailing vessels, 8 t00n ag steam was introduced the terms became equal and the race equat to both countries. In the year 1852, however, we were superior to the French in steam vessola by, I tink, fifty-two ships. During the war we main- tained our superiority bo:h in the Baltic and in tne Biack Sem. At that time think 284 ships, besides 107 mortar vesrels, were adaed to the pavy. In 1868 we bad sixteen ships in excess of the number poegeseed by the French, and although it might be trac that we were deficient in frigates, we had 224 small steam vergels more than they bad. At the cessation of the war the country required, and to a certain extent reasonably required, & reduction of our forces. Tne government did not entirely comply with thoze requisitions, They reduced the navy, but inatead of returning to its condition pre- vious to the war, they went back to the stardard of the first year of preparations for war, which exceeded the cry aroro in the country, woich was most eloquently enforced by Mr. Mneraeli in Parliament, that not only our civii but alzo our military and naval expenditure must bo recuced in proportion to the reduction of oar taxation. The charges which were made against the then head of the Admiralty (Sir C, Wood) were, that he was spending too much money and building too large ships. Her Ma- Jesty’s Inte government acceded to power, and ten afterwards Sir Jobp Pakington went down to the House of Commove and said that the navy eetimates of tho pre- ceding Government were £0 large that the Ministry could not take the responsibility of proposing them to Parlia. ment without due and mature deliberation. (Hoar, bear. T beg to state explicitly that no person in this House is more convinced of the necessity of putting our national atjences (n proper order than Is every member of her Majeuty’s government. There is desire on our part to conceal vur preparations from foreign nations, We» have no reason to be reluctant to explain to them that, however jmuch we moy deplore that all Europe should be armina, yet when all Europe does arm, we canmet be Left entirely behind. hand in the race, and that we require to be placed tn sucha position as shall’ give us the influence which we ought to hove in the evunselsof Hurcpe when the proper opportunity comes for restoring peace, and shall enable us to insure the condition# moet favorable to the happiness and in. tercats of all concerned. But while we are en- goged in this dificult, this responsible aud this wil important task—while you allow us to retain our seats on this bench, I think we may with confidence ark your loréshyns to give us your support vend your assistance, and not in any way to embarrase ur—A result wbich cannot be recnred if ou every occasion of our mecting we all rush tumultuously into the consido- rince Ttook the opportunity of calitog attection to che great changer which had tuken place in the circumstances of Europe since tbe year 1815, and urging upon the Houss the adoption of some other mpusures thaa the embodiment of the militia, if that shodid not give the requisite tecurity. (Hear, hear.) I bave since, upon several occ siony, preesed the same considerations upon the publ Of ail the natims of Europe we are the most vulnerable at fed, because we have in addition to our trritory cur colomies and our great commerce to defend; avd if we were less vulnerable at ea we are more vu nerable than ail otber pations on land, because we bave a much larger exposed frontier. On all sides we are ex- pened to attuck if we have not a naval superiority to pro- tect us. We bave been desired -to night to change tha guage which those are disposed to use who advocate armaments and counsels cf prudence, and to adopt a couree of condvet very inconsistent with our duty as members of the Legislature. In what part of the world will hberty of speech tske retuge if it is not to be per mitted to take refuge in this house? (Cheers.) What are the circumstances of the war, and how has that war heen degoribed op both sides of the House, I believe, since we met after the diesoluiion? I have heard the word in:qui: tous applied to it. Ztts certainly a war without justifica- tion. (Cheere.) Even if the object be a good one, it is rot juetiflable by wrong and bud means to accomplish it (Bear, hear) “But I do not believe, nor do I think any ome believes that the pretended object of the war ts the real cme. (Sheere.) We hear tho war declared to be for the parpase of changing the existing dietribution of power in Europe, which has Iseted untouched from the treaty of Vieona to the prosent time. We see it conducted by such an extraordinary force as naturally to produce alarm in the mina of any one in this country. (Hear, hear.) France in this war ap moet as a bew Power in Europa. If it be trae— opt the declaration of the Emperor that he made atione—it is on that account I entertain the greatest alarm. If, without any psevious preparation, the Emperor of France can in six or eight weeks place 200,000 men perfectly equipped for military operations in the Gun. tre of Northern Italy—if he can send 80,000 men by sea moet rapidly with most perfect arrangements, with all tha’ ts required of munitions of war and provisions care- fully packed ag if there bad been forethougot, and as if iptenced for transmission by sea—i’, in acdition to that in & small #pace of time he can piace from 30,000 to 49,000 men in @ powerful fleet in the Adriatic, aod there effect a aeecent and & rebeareai of the invasion of this country— when 1 see these things done, when I see the dimtuished force of this country, as detailed by my nobe and learned friend, in comparison with the force of Fraace, 10 feel apprehensive, and I do feel that it is the bovnden duty of government and of Parliament to place this country in a state of wnattackable security. (Cheers.) I am not eatiefled with the expressio cf the noble cari. Lam not gatisied that merely orai- nary means sbould be adopted. What I desire is tbat the country shall be placed to that degree of unattackab!e se. curity, that strength shall be restored to our diplomacy, tbat we may be able really to interfero with effect in put: ting an end to this war and preventing the commencement of any other. (Cheers.) Uniil we do that all our diplo- macy is valueless. I have often heard of moral influence Moral influence varus exactly as the amount of physical force behind it. No one, 1 tunkg unless inspired witna fer- ing hardly English, can speak of the present ruler of France as (ne calculated to excrcise moral ir.fluence in Europe; yt mw man in Eurcpe has more moral injluence, because no man commands greater force. (Aeur, hear.) And noole lords opposite may depend vpon it that, until they place thie country in a degree of security that renders it hopeless for France or any other Power to attempt to attack our ehores, all eflorts to terminate the war by intervention ani negotiation will be entirely witbout avail. (Cheers. ) During last eleven years, tince 1848, ail the Powers of Europe have been endeavoring, prtly from distrust of each other and partly from diatrvst of their own subjects, to in- crease their military force. They have effected that ob- ject; they have effected it by great financial sacrifices. I aread both their fivaocial weakness and their military etrength, because I know that against the burdeos to which they have been submitting their only hope of remedy and rejief is by wcompined war on this country. (Hear, bear.) Itvis not safe for this country to remain upsrmed in tbe micst of armed nations, always rivals, apd often engaged in hostility to exch other. When one vation Getermines to apply all her energies to makiog tmouey, and auother to making preparations for war, it 18 obvious enough with which of tho two nations all the money will ultimately be. I trust the government will adhere precisely to the expreesions which fira: fell from them; but I confees I am not perfectly satisfied with what fell from the noble earl to-night. (Hear, hear.) I feel ‘here im a slight variation from the deciced course which in the first instance they gaid they were fully determined to pursue. I trust they will adhere absolutcly to that course, ns T believe itis by that only they will secare the confidence of Parijament and the safety of the coun- try. (Cheers) ibe Duke of ARGyYLt1 could sssure the noble carl that bia avepicione were entirely unfounded. Tne govern- ment had pot sitered their mind, but night after night noble lores were raising their demands, apd if the speech of the noble and learned lord indicated hie opinion of what was neces. sary for the defence of the country, the goverament would at once have to bring ina war budget and make the pavy equal to the combined navies of tne whole wortd. fhe Duke of Ruttanp eaid he thought their iordships owed @ great debt of gratitude to the noble and learned lord who bad brought the subject under discussion befere ‘the Hovuee, It was, he thought, of the utmost importance tbat the country sbould be placed in such a position of de. fence as that we need not be under the necessity of rely- ing for our security on any man or any nation—(bear, bear)—and he could assure the noble duke who had just spoken that there was no occasion to be alarmed at any reaction on the ecore of are for that purpore taking pince in the minds of the people of Engian~, eo lopg a8 gr armamenis such as at present existed were maintained on the Continent of Europe. (Hear, near.) When the war in Italy came to @ termina’ von, and thoee armaments were decreased, it would be time enough to look for that change of public opinion which the noble duke seemed to appre- bend. He did not mean to contend that this country would be invaded by France, but he knew with how hittle certain- y the moat far-nceing statesmen could predict the roa ourge of eventa, a8 was evinced by the fact that they could ‘© induced to piace nofaith in the anticipations to which be and his friends bad gtven expression during the great {reo trade stroggie as to the possibility, after a peace of thirty yearn, of war again breaking out. A war bad peverthe- jess heen waged in 1854 of the most sanguipary character, ond ft was in the contest which was then carried on that, in hig opinion, the seeds of the present hoatilitien wera town. Who, with those fucts before his eyes, could he so Leld asto say that there was no possilality of England being invaded by France? (Hear.) “For bis own part, be would pot be 80 rash as to arrive at any such conclusion, and he rhonld therefore earnestiy impress upon his noble friend the First Lord of the Admiralty the necessity of rendering as efficient ag posible those ‘ wooden walis” which nis noble and learned friend who opened the discussion had ‘80 justly deeignated as the main defence of the country. Ip order to secure that object, it was expodient, as his noble and learned friend had sugg: sted, that there should ‘be an ample supply of efficient seamen, and he therefore trusted tho exieting rulce in relation to employment in ae Service would be so far modified as to attain that end, The subject then dropped, and their lordahips adjourned at 8 o’clock. The Fourth of July in London. MR. DALLAS’ BPRECH ON NATIONAL INDEPENDENCE. [From the London ‘limes, July 5.) Tho clghty third anniyeraary of the declaration of inde- Poucience of the United Statoz was celebrated last night